Chapter XII: The Defence of Rivas (13)

Placing, then, Waters with the Rangers in front, and Henningsen with the twelve-pound howitzer in the rear, while the wounded and the six-pounders occupied the centre of the column, Walker took the main road from San Jorge to Rivas. As he approached a small rise in the road, near a mile from San Jorge, the general-in-chief found Waters engaged with the enemy, posted some hundred and fifty or two hundred yards in advance, on each side of a deep cut in the road. The Rangers had been engaged for several minutes when the general-in-chief came up; and when Walker saw how the Allies were posted, taking the nearest company, which happened to be that of Captain Clark of the Infantry, he made a detour to the right, and coming suddenly on the enemy’s left flank, drove them across the road, and then from their whole position. Thus sweeping the road as they passed over it, the Americans reached the point known as Cuatro Esquinas, near half a mile from Rivas, without further serious interruption from the Allies. Several times they tried to close on the rear but the resolute and defiant air of Henningsen, kept them at a safe distance.

While Walker was at San Jorge, Swingle remained in command at Rivas; and the enemy had once during the day approached the barricades, thinking they might enter the town with small risk. But Swingle was not a man to be trifled with; and the Allies soon gave up their efforts to get a foothold in the place. Then they occupied a house some six hundred yards from the Plaza of Rivas, and near the road between the town and the Cuatro Esquinas. The enemy had, during the afternoon, strongly barricaded this house, and as the head of the American column approached it, the Allies opened a sharp fire of musketry from the loop-holes they had cut through the walls of the building. The Americans were, to some extent, protected by the shelving ground between the house and the road, and many of them thus passed without much danger from the enemy’s fire; but several were hurt before they got under a steep bank which entirely screened them from the balls of the Allies. Walker himself pushed on to Rivas, and ascertaining that the road to the left from Cuatro Esquinas was clear of the enemy, sent orders to Henningsen to have the wounded brought in by that road. He also sent orders to have the guns brought in the same way; but before these orders reached Henningsen, the guns were already on the narrow road the main body had taken, and could not be withdrawn. After the general-in-chief passed the house the Allies occupied, Dolan, coming up with his Rifles, rode almost on to the muskets of the enemy, calling to his men to follow. His characteristic impetuosity carried him too far; he fell bleeding and apparently nigh dead, from several severe wounds; and he is indebted to a remarkably tough body for his recovery from the effects of that day’s rashness. Soon after dark nearly all the American force had reached the Plaza of Rivas; but it was not before morning of the 17th that the guns and mortars were safely within the barricades.

The loss of the Americans on the 16th of March was thirteen killed and sixty-three wounded, four of the latter mortally. Among the mortally wounded was Lewis, of the Second Rifles. He received a musket-ball through the chest as he rode into the midst of the enemy near San Jorge; and among his last words were, “Tell my mother that I died as I have always wished to die.” Tucker was wounded in the sword hand; but not so seriously as to prevent him from reporting for duty a few days afterward. The Red Star Guard suffered severely, they reporting on the 17th two killed, four mortally wounded, and nearly half their number more or less hurt. The loss of the Allies was, according to the reports of their own officers, five hundred killed and wounded. An Italian, acting as an officer with the Allies, and afterward taken prisoner, put their loss at this figure; and a Costa Rican officer, who arrived at San Jorge on the 17th, and was made prisoner by the Americans on the 11th of April, stated that the sight of the numerous wounded being carried to the lake steamer, as the new men from Tortugas landed, made a deep and gloomy impression on the minds of the latter.

On the 19th, Colonel Waters, with fifty Rangers, marched to San Juan del Sur to communicate with the steamer Orizaba, which arrived that day from San Francisco. The steamer brought Captain Chatfield, with twenty others, for Nicaragua, and also some arms and five hundred 6lb. shot. Waters had three hundred of the shot carried to Rivas; and Chatfield, with his men, accompanied the Rangers on their return. By the Orizaba, Walker also received letters from his California correspondents, more than intimating doubts of Garrison’s fidelity to his contracts and compromises. The regular day for the sailing of the Orizaba was the 20th of March; and the friends of Nicaragua in San Francisco had made their arrangements expecting she would sail at that time. Two or three days, however, before the 5th of March, letters were received from Morgan and Garrison by their agents at San Francisco, ordering the Orizaba to be despatched two weeks in advance of her regular day. The change was damaging to the plans of Walker’s friends in California; and the inference was that the Transit contractors were about to play false with the men who had risked much to advance their interests.

The day after the action at San Jorge and along the road between that town and Rivas, the Allies received fresh troops, and also brought across the lake one of the old 24-pound pieces the Spaniards left in the country. They took a position on a slight eminence, about 1,200 yards from Rivas, just beyond the Cuatro Esquinas; and, on the 22d of March, planting the twenty-four pounder there, they opened a scattering and irregular fire on the town. The 24-pound balls were, at long intervals, sent into the place, doing, however, little or no damage. They were picked up by the men and carried to the arsenal; and Swingle afterward melted them into 6-pound balls and sent them back to the enemy. But the cannonade—if such it might be called—of the 22d, was preliminary to an attack the Allies made early on the morning of the 23d.

On Monday, the 23d, just before daybreak, a body of some four or five hundred of the enemy crept under the thick shades of the cacao walks, behind the Maleaño house, and getting almost to the back gate of the hospital before they were discovered, made a vigorous attempt to get within the building. But Dr. Dolman, with a few half-sick men, resisted the enemy with such firmness and composure, that time was afforded Dr. Callaghan, who had charge of the point, to get the hospital ready for defence. The Allies thus foiled in their efforts to surprise the Maleaño house, were driven back with much loss and more disgrace: for they had unsuccessfully, no less than cruelly, attacked a building occupied almost exclusively by the sick and wounded.

The attack on the hospital was, however, part of a general assault on the positions held by the Americans. On the north side of the town, Cañas, with some six or seven hundred men, tried to get up to the houses near the barricades, but his men were driven back by the deadly fire of the riflemen stationed behind the adobe defences. Finding the efforts of the infantry to approach the barricades ineffectual, Cañas had a four-pounder, in charge of an Italian, pushed within less than two hundred yards of the American lines. This was a bolder movement than the enemy were in the habit of making with their artillery, and it was the result of a mistake rather than of design. The gun was fired two or three times; but when it got within range of the Mississippi Rifles the men at the piece began to fall rapidly, and finally abandoned it. The Italian commanding the piece was dangerously wounded and made prisoner; and Rogers, with a few of the native Nicaraguans, took the gun and dragged it into the town. Cañas was forced to retire, leaving many of his wounded, as well as a large number of his dead, on the field.

The south side of the town was attacked by Fernando Chamorro with some six hundred men. He succeeded in getting possession of some empty houses not more than a square from the Plaza, and commenced with the usual rapidity to raise barricades at the points he occupied. The Red Star Guard was defending the portion of the town attacked by Chamorro, and Tucker was kept busy in repelling the advances of the enemy. At one time a company of the Allies actually got possession of a house which had been occupied by the Guard; but though a bold, it was a mistaken movement on their part, for the Guard cut them off from their main body, and killing several, and wounding others, as they attempted to leave the house, Tucker’s men took the rest of the company prisoners. With some difficulty Henningsen succeeded with the six-pounders in driving Chamorro from the houses he had occupied early in the day, and after this was accomplished the fire of the enemy almost entirely ceased.

The loss of the Americans on the 23d was slight; three killed and six wounded was the report made immediately after the action. The loss of the enemy must have been near 600. They left between 40 and 50 dead on the field; and the wells about the houses Chamorro occupied were filled with freshly-slain bodies. The wounded taken by the Americans were sent to the hospital, and received the same attentions as the other patients. The other prisoners were set to work burying the dead of the enemy, building barricades, and doing the police duty of the town.

After the action of the 23d, the Allies took possession of the house of D. José Maria Hurtado, a fine large building, less than half a mile from Rivas, on the road to Granada; and on the morning of the 24th, a body of the enemy, probably belonging to the troops stationed at Hurtado’s house, attempted to set fire to the building of Santa Ursula, occupied by some of the Infantry. They used for this purpose some combustibles covered with resinous matter, and stuck on a bayonet fixed to the end of a long pole. Approaching the rear of the building, the enemy thrust the bayonet between the tiles of the roof into the cane on which they are placed, and thus the fire partially caught. But the Infantry drove off the troops which applied the fire, killing several and wounding others, and the flames were soon extinguished.

During the afternoon of the 25th Henningsen used a safer and more effectual method for setting fire to the enemy’s barricades, made partly of wood and plantain stalks. He threw a number of hot shot from one of the six-pounders into the wood-work of the barricades, and the smoke which arose showed that the shot had been effectual. As a supply of round shot had been received from California, and Swingle was engaged in casting others, the Americans could afford to reply with their six-pounders to the fire of the enemy’s guns, and yet retain a reserve of balls for any pressing emergency. This, of course, much increased the effectiveness of the artillery, and enabled it to keep the Allies at a safe distance from the lines of Rivas. After the repulse of the 23d, the enemy evidently aimed to invest the town and cut off its supplies; and, in addition to the occupation of Hurtado’s house, they took a position on the San Juan road. This last position was taken on the morning of the 26th, and in an unsuccessful effort made by some Infantry and Rifles, Capt. E. H. Clark was unfortunately lost. With their ranks already thinned by desertion, the Americans could ill afford to spare the lives necessarily lost in driving the Allies from their barricaded positions with small arms; and the artillery, forcing the enemy to extend their lines, thereby prevented the investment from becoming complete. Hence Walker had no difficulty in constantly sending native couriers through the allied lines, in order to get the news circulating in the country.

The Allies were, however, strong enough to prevent detachments from bringing cattle and other supplies from a distance into the American camp. Col. Natzmer, who acted as commissary-general after Walker occupied Rivas in December, had been actively employed during January and February, and had brought in a supply of subsistence which, considering the means at his disposal, was creditable to his skill and efficiency. The post commissary, also, Capt. J. S. West, had much aided his chief in the duties of the commissariat; and even after the enemy had cut off supplies from a distance, West, by his cool, deliberate courage, did much to gather rations of plantains from the debateable and dangerous ground between the American and Allied lines. But on the 27th of March, it became necessary for the commissary to have two quartermaster’s oxen killed; and these, with a slight mixture of mule meat, furnished the rations for the next morning. The mule meat was eaten by the troops as beef; and in two or three days none but horse or mule flesh was issued as the meat ration. The large number of horses and mules belonging to the Rangers and to the quartermaster, furnished full rations to the whole camp for more than a month, and the leaves of the mango trees, many of which grew around Rivas, furnished excellent forage for the animals. In order not to place Lockridge in a false position, should he succeed in reaching Rivas from the river, Walker was determined to hold the town as long as his provisions lasted. Besides this, although Cañas, in return for the care taken of his sick and wounded, after his retreat in April, 1856, had been placed under obligations to see that the Americans were treated in the same manner, Walker was averse, unless in the last extremity, to leaving his hospital to the tender mercies of the Allied generals.

During the last days of March and the first ten days of April, the enemy, having brought up another twenty-four-pound gun and placed it on the south side of the town, kept up an irregular fire with their large pieces, and from time to time they would fire volleys of musketry at random, the balls dropping on the houses and in the streets of the place. Few men were hurt by this irregular fire. Two officers, Capt. Mann and Lieut. Moore, were killed by twenty-four pound balls, and the officer of the day, on the 29th of March, Lieut. Graves, had his arm broken by a Minié ball, while he was visiting on horseback the several points on the edge of the town. The aides of the general-in-chief, Hooff and Brady, who were constantly, day and night, passing through different exposed quarters of the place—Brady, too, on a fine spirited white horse, which necessarily attracted the attention of the enemy—escaped untouched. Every now and then, small parties of Americans were sent beyond the lines, and getting close to the enemy’s pickets would drive them in, nearly always killing or wounding some of the sentries of the Allies. So, too, the enemy would sometimes meet the Americans when they ventured outside to gather plantains, and skirmishes, with more or less loss to each side, would ensue.

But it was not the scanty rations or the fire of the Allies which did most injury to the American force; it was the shameful desertion which most affected the spirits and the strength of the defenders of Rivas. As long as the desertion was confined principally to those of European birth, it did not so seriously sap the confidence men had in each other; but when the fatal infection spread among the Americans, it wrung bitter tears of agony from every true-hearted man who witnessed the shame and dishonor of his countrymen. Sometimes the deserters left in bodies of ten or twelve, and the sentries and pickets would leave with the countersign for the night. Let us pass the names of these with sorrow for the weakness of human nature, nor taint the air with the narration of their crimes and degradation. There is shame and infamy enough in the world without seeking for them on fields where glory should be won and honor achieved.

A day or two before the 10th of April the Allies received a body of fresh troops from Guatemala, and the quiet of the enemy on the 10th led to the surmise that they might select the anniversary of the action at Rivas, in April, 1856, for another general attack on the American lines. They supposed that the force in Rivas, weakened by its unusual food and disheartened by desertions might yield readily to a vigorous assault made on all sides at the same moment. But they underrated the spirit of their adversaries. The Nicaraguans really hoped that the Allies would find courage to attack them, and they were vigilant and well prepared during the night of the 10th and on the morning of the 11th.

As expected, the enemy came up a little before daybreak of the 11th, and made their first dash at a house on the south side of the Plaza, occupied by a couple of American ladies. The latter had been frequently warned of the danger of their position, but they persisted in remaining where they were against the remonstrances of several officers. This attempt of the enemy to gain a foothold on the Plaza was made by a body of Costa Ricans, and guided by a Legitimist, Bonilla, familiar with the ground, they got close to the house and were within it before the alarm was given. But as they opened the door fronting on the Plaza, with a view of getting to the house next on their right, and held by some of the quartermaster’s men, Sevier, of the Artillery, ran out a twelve-pound howitzer, not thirty yards from the Costa Ricans, and one round of canister drove the enemy behind the adobes. Thus the advance of the Allies was checked on the south side, and the company in the house, fronting the Plaza, was completely cut off by the quartermaster’s men on one flank, Williamson with his company on the other, and by Pineda with Buchanan’s Rangers in the rear. In a few moments Henningsen began to riddle the house with six-pound shot, and the Costa Ricans, crouching on the ground, knew not how to escape the danger which surrounded them. Finally Pineda, addressing them in Spanish, called on them to surrender, and those who escaped death were taken prisoners.

But while the round shot were riddling the house held by the Costa Ricans, the fresh Guatemalan troops, half drunk with aguardiente, were driven up by their officers close to the American lines. These soldiers, probably never before in action, and not aware of the danger from rifles, exposed themselves without reason, at a distance of sixty or seventy-five yards from the positions held by McEachin and McMichael. The men under these two officers poured a deadly fire into the foolish and ignorant Indians Carrera had sent to Nicaragua; and it was with a feeling almost of pity for these forced levies that the Americans were obliged to shoot them down like so many cattle. The Guatemalan officers cared no more for their men than if they were sheep; and when they finally drew off their troops the ground was thickly strewn with the dead and the wounded.

The third point of attack on the 11th was the house of Santa Ursula. Martinez directed the Allies on that side; but he was not more fortunate than Mora—for José Joaquin Mora was now commander-in-chief of the Allies—on the south or than Zavala on the north. The men Martinez sent against Santa Ursula did not make as bold a dash as did the Costa Ricans at the house on the south side of the Plaza, nor did they expose themselves as unnecessarily as the Guatemalans in front of McMichael and McEachin; but the number of dead they left on the field when they retired showed that Chatfield and the men at Santa Ursula had not missed opportunities for weakening the enemy. The repulse of the Allies was complete on all sides; and when they fell back, it was clear that they were much exhausted and demoralized.

The loss of the Americans on the 11th of April was small, being the same as on the 23d of March three killed and six wounded. The loss of the Allies was even greater than at the previous attack. After the enemy retired 110 of their dead were buried by the Americans; the wounded prisoners were sent to the Allied camp under a flag of truce, and upward of 70 unhurt prisoners retained. In addition to the dead found by the Nicaraguans, nearly one hundred bodies were seen the day after in the Allied camp, so that the killed exceeded 200. The whole loss must have amounted to 700 or 800; and the weakness of the enemy for several days was very apparent to the troops in Rivas. In addition to the prisoners taken by the Americans, 250 small arms, many of them Minié muskets, and some ammunition, were picked up on the field. The Minié muskets were those which had been taken from the steamer La Virgen at the time of her capture by Spencer; and the ammunition also was of that the Costa Ricans had got with the Minié muskets.

The night of the 11th, Capt. Hankins, with two native boys, was sent to San Juan del Sur to get the correspondence brought from Panama by the Orizaba. On the night of the 14th he returned to Rivas, and added to the commissary stores by riding in on horseback. The letters from the San Juan river gave the news of the arrival of Capers and Marcellus French with their respective commands; while those from New-York too well confirmed the surmises of Walker’s friends in California, for they gave notice of the intention of Garrison and Morgan to cease running their steamers. It is unnecessary to go into the reasons which induced these men to the course they took; for it would involve an investigation into transactions uninteresting if not positively distasteful. Suffice it to say that their conduct was the result of weakness and timidity. As to their treachery, Walker had expected them to remain faithful to the Americans in Nicaragua only as long as their interests required fidelity; he expected them, however, to show more commercial nerve and sagacity than they displayed. Their course evinced as much folly as timidity, and jeoparded their reputation of skilful merchants fully as much as it damaged their character for honesty and integrity.

From the 14th to the 23d, a number of skirmishes took place between parties of the enemy and small bodies of the Americans who went out to gather plantains; but none of these was serious or deserving of special notice. One of these skirmishes occurred on the morning of the 23d; and in the afternoon of the same day, a flag of truce brought letters to Walker announcing that Lieut. Huston, of the St. Mary’s, was at the headquarters of the Allies, and was ready, under the United States flag, to conduct the women and children in Rivas to San Juan del Sur. A letter from Mora to Walker proposed to send two of his aides with Lieut. Huston to a convenient-point between the camps, where the United States officer might be met by two of Walker’s aids, and be thus conducted into Rivas. In accordance with this proposition, Hooff and Brady accompanied the native boy who bore the letters from Mora to a point about half way between the camps, and there halted, waiting the approach of Lieut. Huston. While these two officers waited, a couple of deserters approached and attempted to address them; but Hooff, drawing his pistol, warned the fellows off under peril of their lives. Then, indignant at the Allies for permitting such an insult as the approach of deserters to officers bearing a flag of truce, Hooff and Brady returned to Rivas without waiting longer the arrival of Lieut. Huston. Soon after, however, Lieut. Huston entered the town, accompanied by a corporal of marines.

Immediately after Lieut. Huston entered the Nicaraguan camp, he was told to forbid his corporal to speak with the soldiers about facts or events at San Juan del Sur. In spite of this injunction the marine told the most exaggerated stories about the number of men the Allies had at San Juan, and about their strength generally. Lieut. Huston remained in Rivas during the night of the 23d, and he frequently expressed his surprise at the cheerful and confident aspect of affairs in the place. Before leaving with the women, he informed Walker that Commander Davis had ordered him to say any communications he had to make to Macdonald, the agent of the Transit contractors at San Juan, should be faithfully delivered. Walker replied, “he did not desire to write to Macdonald”; but added that Lieut. Huston might say to Commander Davis—and as a communication for Macdonald—“he considered his position at Rivas impregnable to the force at the disposal of the enemy so long as his provisions lasted; if Lockridge did not join him in Rivas by the time his commissary stores were exhausted, he would abandon the place and join the force on the San Juan; and he considered himself wholly able to carry out such a movement.” Macdonald afterward told Walker that he never received this message. From this fact, it would appear that Davis’ offer was a mere effort to entrap Walker into writing something which might seem to justify the former in the course he afterward took.

On the morning of the 24th the women and children left Rivas in charge of Lieut. Huston and under the protection of the United States flag. Among them were several ladies who had encountered the dangers and privations of the camp with a courage and fortitude which might have made many of the men blush. Their departure was a great relief to Walker, as it removed one of the most serious obstacles to a movement from Rivas; and it was reasonable to suppose that their absence would inspire new spirit and resolution into the troops thus relieved of an anxious burden. Far from this, however, desertions, which had almost ceased since the 11th, re-commenced after the 24th; and by the 26th Johnson and Titus and Bostwick had disappeared from Rivas. Late in the afternoon of that day it was reported to Walker that Bell, commanding at Santa Ursula, had not been seen for several hours; and when he did re-appear, his orders in regard to the change of the sentries’ post, were suspicious. He was ordered to headquarters; but soon after the aid communicated the order, Bell mounted his mule, and riding hastily past the sentries, fled to the Allied camp.

But while Americans were thus proving false to themselves and false to their countrymen, the native Nicaraguans in Rivas were giving an example of fidelity and fortitude worthy the race which had been naturalized in their midst. The natives in Rivas were mostly Democrats from San Jorge, and they were there by families—fathers and sons fighting together against the Allied foes who had violated their fields and their homes. They bore the scanty fare of the camp with patience and cheerfulness, saying they had not as much need of meat rations as the Americans, who were accustomed to have beef every day. During the frequent conversations, too, which occurred between the men at the barricades of the respective forces, Pineda reminded the native Nicaraguans who were with the Allies that he saw the flag of his country flying on the walls of Rivas, while only the Costa Rican colors floated over the camp without. Some of the soldiers would reply to Pineda that they were “agarrados”—caught up—and were tied to their barricades; and it was noticed that the Americans were never annoyed by the fire from the points at which the Leoneses were stationed. On the 27th, Pineda threw among the Leoneses an address which, while it indicates the loftiness of his character, also shows his opinion as to the conduct of the Americans in Nicaragua. “Born,” so the address read, “a citizen of Nicaragua like yourselves, fond of liberty, and desirous of seeing its flag waving over our country, I early enlisted under that standard. All the hardships tyranny can heap upon a man, all the horrors of the civil war, which for so many years has been our plague, I have suffered without complaint. The scars I bear with pride are the best proof of what I say. I feel my enthusiasm yet more strengthened by the testimony I find in my heart that none of the heavy sacrifices I have made were made for low or selfish interest. Never, I believe, never have I been found guilty, at your hands, of any misconduct; and I call upon you to bear witness to the correctness of my words. You were my fellow-soldiers, and bestowed upon me your confidence. Under these circumstances, what other object than your happiness and welfare could nerve me? My own happiness, my reputation, my private feelings, and all that is mine, are involved in this struggle for liberty. Yes, and I call upon those leaders who drag you into this murderous war of extermination, to say if they have not been indemnified, if they have not accumulated profits by it, while you and I have received nothing. The flag of Nicaragua waves over this city, and it is a painful disgrace to see it besieged by the armies of Costa Rica and Guatemala, and you, my fellow-countrymen, assault it with them.” Then, reminding them of the services they had received at the hands of Walker, the address adds: “How is it that you, my friends, should fight against him, thus giving a most striking instance of perfidy and ingratitude? No: it cannot be. My heart is filled with gloom, and, fellow-soldiers, believe me when I say that tears fell from my eyes on hearing the voices of those who used to take my hand with heartfelt demonstrations of friendship. When I see you where you are, I dare tell you to awake from your slumber, and fly from the enemy’s ranks to the only man who will bring us in safety to the bosom of peace and happiness, by putting an end to this desolating war. But if you continue in your present course, and remain the tools of barbarism, you will meet reproof, though war may last some time and your own acts obstruct its termination.”

Little occurred between the 27th and 30th to change the condition of the respective parties. In order, however, to understand the events of the 30th, it will be necessary to relate occurrences at San Juan del Sur previous to that date. Then may we perceive how efficiently the U. S. naval forces, on the Pacific side, co-operated in the policy the British ships pursued toward parties on the San Juan river.

For the facts which transpired at San Juan del Sur, the log of the schooner Granada will be principally relied on, and full extracts from the log will furnish the clearest and most accurate narrative. On Wednesday, the 8th of April, the schooner lying in the port of San Juan, we find: “At 9 A.M., 100 of the enemy came into the town and fired some few shots at the schooner and at one or two of the citizens, doing no damage; we did not return their shots, on account of the steamer being in range full of passengers, but slipped our chain and dropped out of reach. Through the intercession of Captain Davis, of the U. S. sloop-of-war St. Mary’s, we agreed to not fire upon each other, as we might endanger American life and property. At 2 P.M. the Orizaba left for California. At 9 P.M. the enemy left San Juan.” Then, on the margin of the log for April 15th, we find: “At 9 A.M. one of the enemy came in and met Gottell.” This Gottell was a German, claiming to be a naturalized citizen of the United States. On the margin for the next day Fayssoux remarks: “In conversing with Gottell he acknowledged that the above man came from the enemy’s camp on Tuesday.” On the 17th, in the body of the log: “Made a formal charge to Captain Davis, of the U. S. sloop-of-war, St. Mary’s, against Gottell, for his violating his neutrality, and received his assurance that Gottell should be punished if it occurred again. Mora requested Davis to go up and speak to the troops at Rivas, to get them to desert General Walker.” Then in the margin for the same day: “Captain Davis read to me letters from Mora. Later in the day we heard that about 150 of the enemy were in and about town. Lieutenant McCorkle, of the St. Mary’s, came on board and said that Colonel Estrada wished the former truce continued.” On the 18th, the log says: “At 10 P.M. received a communication from shore, to the effect that Jerez was coming in with 200 more troops, and that they were going to fire on the schooner at daylight; slipped my chain and dropped out of their reach.” In the margin, for the same day: “The enemy offered Michael Mars $2,000 to place the schooner in their hands.” On the 21st: “The enemy negotiating with Thomas Edwards to deliver up the schooner.”

On the 22d Fayssoux notes in the log: “I met Col. Estrada, the commander of the enemy, on board of the U. S. sloop St. Mary’s; he expressed great gratitude for my treatment of his countrymen that I had taken prisoners, and offered his services to me.” On the 23d: “Saw a letter from ex-Captain James Mullen, in which he stated that Roman Rivas wished him to see me, and offer $5,000 if I would deliver the schooner to the enemy. Colonel Garcia, second in command, requested an interview with me on board of the U. S. sloop, St. Mary’s, to communicate something of importance—I suppose another attempt to bribe.” Then, on Friday, the 24th, we have an account of a most singular scene aboard of the St. Mary’s. Fayssoux’s object in permitting the interview may be readily imagined, but it is more difficult to divine why Davis should permit his ship to be made the theatre of an attempt to seduce an officer from his allegiance. But to the log: “I met Colonel Garcia on board of the St. Mary’s. He stated that Jerez had written to him (by order of General Mora), to see me and try to make some arrangement to bring the war to a speedy close; that the schooner being in port, under General Walker’s orders, she was much dreaded and might delay the close of the war. He asked if I had any proposition to make; I told him that he had sought the interview, and that I was waiting to hear for what purpose. He then said that they wished the schooner taken from the port or given up to them. I asked upon what terms: he said that he was not prepared to offer any, but that a commissioner would be appointed for that purpose; that his object was to see if I could be approached. I said that I would listen to any proposition from General Mora; that the present interview had not effected anything; that he had not proposed any mode of closing the war; that we stood as we had done previously. I acted on the above occasion with the knowledge and approval of Captain Davis and Colonel Macdonald, and at no time lost command of my temper, although seeing the full extent of the dishonor offered me, and the insult of their sending such a noted thief and traitor to confer with me.”

For the 25th, we find: “Sent word by Capt. Charles H. Davis to Col. Estrada that if he did not discontinue erecting barricades which could be commanded by my guns that I would fire upon him; he agreed to do so until Lieut. Huston of the St. Mary’s should arrive from Rivas, where he had gone to escort the American ladies who were there, to San Juan. Col. Estrada said that in erecting barricades he had nothing in view against this schooner, but put them up to prevent the landing of troops; that he did it in ignorance, not meaning to violate the agreement between him and myself. At 4 P.M. some thirty women and children arrived at the Pacific hotel. The barricades not worked upon.” Then on the 26th: “Capt. Davis spoke again to Col. Estrada in regard to the barricades; he said he would not do anything on them until he heard from Rivas. Capt. Davis wrote to General Mora asking him to confirm the truce, as the number of women had largely increased, and that I felt it my duty to fire upon their barricades, if in reach of my guns. The enemy mounted and brought to the beach an old gun that they found lying in the street Capt. Davis says that General Mora has written to him several times, appearing anxious for him to come to him and open a treaty with General Walker.” And in the margin: “I had to urge Capt. Davis at all times to interfere about the barricades.”

On the 27th: “At 10ʰ 45′ saw the enemy erecting a barricade in the Columbia hotel; I immediately prepared to haul in shore. At the same time I sent to Capt. Davis, and said that as the enemy were acting in bad faith I would fire upon them. He sent First Lieut. Maury to me to ask if I would not wait until he heard from Rivas. I replied that I would if Capt. Davis would then go on shore and destroy them (meaning the barricades). Lieut. Maury could not answer that question. I then told him that if they did not stop that in half an hour I would fire. Lieut. Maury then went to Colonel Estrada and said that Capt. Davis looked on the truce as at an end, and that I would fire in half an hour. Colonel Estrada wished to debate the question, and again pleaded ignorance; but Lieut. Maury said that he had nothing more to say, that I would fire. Estrada then agreed to let the barricade alone, and that the truce should be observed. The first note was sent to Col. C. J. Macdonald, and shown by him to Capt. D., who said that he would take me if I did fire, as he thought it would be his duty. Macdonald was asked to come on board and say that I must not fire, as Davis would take me; Macdonald asked for that threat in writing; Davis offered to give it, but after some more conversation on the subject, he sent the above message to Estrada. Capt. D. acknowledged to Macdonald that it would be my duty to fire if the enemy did not desist; his reasoning was entirely incomprehensible to me.” And the reasoning is incomprehensible to any one, on the supposition of Davis’ neutrality. The marginal note on the log for the 27th, says: “Although being perfectly aware of the treachery of the enemy at all times, and their violation of the truce in building barricades in reach of my guns, I permitted them to go to a certain extent, hoping to turn them to our advantage. And thinking it policy, I did not urge upon Capt. Davis his duty to destroy those already started or completed, though I took occasion to let his officers know my views on the subject, and that I thought he was easily satisfied with promises which were constantly broken; that I had had opportunities of gaining advantages, but had scrupulously kept the truce.”

Tuesday, April 28th: “Saw the enemy putting up a barricade on the Transit road. Although the fact was mentioned to Capt. Davis, he did not take any action upon it, but told me that General Mora, in reply to a letter from him, said that though he looked upon it as a matter of great importance to fortify San Juan, as Davis requested it, he would not put up barricades under my guns. Lieut. McCorkle visited the enemy’s camp, to ascertain if reports brought by a man by the name of Titus from General Walker’s camp were true, he, Titus, being thought a traitor.” On the 29th: “At 2 P.M. Lieut. McCorkle returned from the Allied camp. He reports our men deserting in large bodies; that General Mora says that General Walker will not be included in any treaty that may be made.” Then on the 30th: “Capt. Davis visited the camp of the Allies for the purpose of treating between them and General Walker.”

The facts plainly and simply told by the log of the schooner show that Davis was in constant communication with Mora, and that he was fully aware of the value of the Granada to Walker, and of the importance the Allies attached to her presence at San Juan del Sur. It was with a full and thorough knowledge of the ineffectual efforts Mora had made to get the schooner that Davis reached the headquarters of the Allies, whence on the afternoon of the 30th, he sent a letter to Walker by an aide-de-camp of the Costa Rican general-in-chief. The latter proposed that Walker should abandon Rivas and go aboard of the St. Mary’s to Panama, Davis undertaking to guarantee his personal safety. Although the tone of the letter was offensive, Walker, thinking Davis might have some information he did not possess, and unwilling to let slip an opportunity of gaining knowledge as to what was passing between Davis and the Allies, replied that the proposition of the United States commander was vague, and suggested a visit on his part to Rivas. Davis answered that he was sorry Walker found his proposition vague; that he proposed the latter should “abandon the enterprise and leave the country;” that Walker might rely on the fact of Lockridge having left San Juan river; and finally that he had maturely considered the invitation to enter Rivas, and had decided, unreservedly, not to take such a step. Thus did the United States commander refuse to see for himself the state of the force in Rivas before he determined on the course he should pursue. In reply to the second letter of Davis, Walker proposed to send two officers, Henningsen and Waters, to confer with the United States commander, provided they had safe conduct from Mora. The required safe conduct was forthwith sent, and with a short note in the handwriting of Zavala, but signed by Davis, saying that Henningsen and Waters should proceed at once to the headquarters of the Allies, as the commander of the St. Mary’s was obliged to return speedily to San Juan del Sur.

Accordingly, Henningsen and Waters proceeded to the headquarters of the Allies, and what there passed may be best told in the words of the written report Henningsen made to Walker on the 2d of May. The report says:—

“In conformity with your instructions on the night of the 30th of April, I proceeded with Col. Waters to the enemy’s camp at Cuatro Esquinas, to confer on your behalf with Capt. Davis of the U. S. sloop-of-war St. Mary’s. Capt. Davis remarked that he was in possession of information, which, in his opinion, rendered your position at Rivas untenable, and that he had, therefore, with the view of saving further useless effusion of blood, opened negotiations with the Allies for the evacuation of that place, in the event of his being able to obtain your concurrence.

“This information was, firstly, that Col. Lockridge had retired with all your forces to the United States, leaving the enemy in possession of the San Juan river; secondly, that the Transit Company intended to send no more steamers to San Juan del Sur; thirdly, that you were reduced to a few days’ provisions, and that your ranks were being rapidly thinned by desertion. Under these circumstances, considering your position as desperate in Rivas, he had to propose that you should surrender Rivas to him, that you and your staff should accompany him to San Juan del Sur, to be transported by the St. Mary’s to Panama; that the rest of the army and citizens should be likewise transported via Tortugas and Punta Arenas to Panama, after surrendering their arms to him, the officers retaining their side-arms. I replied that your entertaining such a proposition would depend on your being satisfied with regard to the evacuation of the river by Col. Lockridge and his command, as your principal motive for holding Rivas to the last moment was the fear that he might arrive and find it occupied by the enemy: that with regard to your position being desperate, it was true that you could not, from want of provisions, hold Rivas much longer, but that you could break through the enemy’s lines and march in any direction at present: that, if further enfeebled, you could always cut your way to the Pacific, and embark either at San Juan or at some other point on the coast, on your schooner Granada, which had on board two six-pounders and a store of arms, cartridges, cannon ammunition, powder and lead. On this Capt. Davis remarked, that he must at once inform me that it was his unalterable determination not to allow the schooner Granada to leave the port, and to take possession of her previous to his sailing from San Juan del Sur, which must take place in a few days; that he was acting on instructions from his superior—from his commander-in-chief;[6] that, since the outgoing of the late administration at Washington, instructions had been received from the new, which contained nothing to induce him to alter the course which he intended to pursue; but that he preferred I would consider all this as unsaid, and that you would regard him as acting on his own and sole responsibility. I remarked, that his resolution was a most important one and would probably prove a determining fact, and therefore asked him deliberately to repeat whether it was his fixed determination to seize the schooner Granada. He replied that it was his unalterable resolution not to allow the Granada to leave the harbor of San Juan, and to take possession of her before he sailed. With regard to the evacuation of the San Juan river by Col. Lockridge and his command, he said, that he had entirely satisfied himself of the fact, both by the investigations of his Lieut. McCorkle, and by perusal that morning of a contract for passage to the United States, signed by Scott and by officers of the British squadron, besides other corroborative evidence. I observed that he might have been imposed upon by a forgery, and asked whether his conviction was shared by C. J. Macdonald, agent of the Transit Company, whose experience rendered his opinion valuable. Capt. Davis replied that Mr. Macdonald had been satisfied of the fact by Lieut. McCorkle’s report, but that he (Capt. Davis), fully aware of the responsibility he was assuming, pledged himself for the authenticity of this statement. I thereupon agreed to communicate to you this conversation, and to submit the following offers from Capt. Davis, as the only propositions likely to be admissible, viz: That, under the guarantee of the American flag, you should, with sixteen officers of your selection, with their arms, horses and effects, leave Rivas to embark at San Juan for Panama; that Rivas with its garrison, should be surrendered to Capt. Davis; that the privates should deliver up their arms, and, together with the officers, employees and citizens, be transported by another route to Panama, accompanied by a United States officer, and under guarantee of the United States flag. At 2 o’clock, A.M., 1st May, I returned to Rivas, promising your answer at 10 o’clock, and personally to come back, if the negotiation was not broken off.”

In the offers thus submitted by Henningsen, nothing was said of the native Nicaraguans then in Rivas. Walker, therefore, informed Henningsen that he would sign nothing, or agree to nothing, unless ample guarantees were given for the safety, both in person and property, of the native Nicaraguans. Hence, when Henningsen returned at 10 o’clock, A.M., on the first of May, with the draft of an agreement to be signed by Walker and Davis, it contained a clause protecting all natives of Central America then in Rivas. The convention submitted to Davis, and signed by him, reads as follows:

“RIVAS, May 1, 1857.

“An agreement is hereby entered into between Gen. William
Walker, on the one part, and Commander H. Davis, of the U. S.
Navy, on the other part, and of which the stipulations are as
follows:

“Firstly, Gen. Wm. Walker, with sixteen officers of his staff,
shall march out of Rivas with their side-arms, pistols, horses,
and personal baggage, under the guarantee of the said Capt.
Davis, of the U. S. Navy, that they shall not be molested by
the enemy, and shall be allowed to embark on board the U. S.
vessel-of-war, the St. Mary’s, in the harbor of San Juan del
Sur, the said Capt. Davis, undertaking to transport them safely
on the St. Mary’s to Panama.

“Secondly, The officers of Gen. Walker’s army shall march
out of Rivas with their side-arms, under the guarantee and
protection of Capt. Davis, who undertakes to see them safely
transported to Panama, in charge of a United States officer.

“Thirdly, The privates and non-commissioned officers, citizens,
and employees of Departments, wounded or unwounded, shall be
surrendered with their arms to Capt. Davis, or one of his
officers, and placed under his protection and control, he
pledging himself to have them safely transported to Panama, in
charge of a United States officer, in separate vessels from
the deserters from the ranks, and without being brought into
contact with them.

“Fourthly, Capt. Davis undertakes to obtain guarantees, and
hereby does guarantee that all natives of Nicaragua, or
of Central America, now in Rivas, and surrendered to the
protection of Capt. Davis, shall be allowed to reside in
Nicaragua, and be protected in life and property.

“Fifthly, It is agreed that such officers as have wives and
families in San Juan del Sur, shall be allowed to remain there
under the protection of the U. S. Consul, till an opportunity
offers of embarking for Panama or San Francisco.

“Gen. Walker and Capt. Davis mutually pledge themselves to each
other that this agreement shall be executed in good faith.”

It will be noticed that this agreement was made entirely between Walker and Davis, and the Allies were not mentioned in it except as “the enemy.” Nor would it be necessary, unless for the singular conduct of Commander Davis afterward, to say that no other agreements were made or entered into, except the one which was signed by the respective parties.

After Davis had agreed to the terms of the convention, Henningsen returned to Rivas, and ordered the cannon, foundry, and ammunition to be destroyed, by breaking the trunnions, and sawing through the carriages of the former, by breaking up the steam-engine, fan, and cupola of the foundry, and throwing the ammunition and powder into the arsenal-yard wells. “In this manner were destroyed,” according to Henningsen’s report, “in the arsenal, two twelve-pounder brass howitzers, three six-pounder iron guns, four light iron twelve-pounder mortars, four brass guns taken from the enemy, viz.: one four-pounder, and three five-pounder guns; in the ordnance office, fifty-five thousand cartridges, three hundred thousand caps, fifteen hundred pounds of powder. There remained undestroyed: fifty-five shell, three hundred and twenty twenty-four-pound shot—fired into Rivas by the enemy—two hundred and forty six-pound shot, of iron cast from the enemy’s shot, from bell-metal, or from lead.”