Chapter XXXIV: Appendix: WW. Vol. ii. p. 384 (3)

[453] Orderic (766 A) waxes very eloquent on William, his
host, and its captains, how they could have met Cæsar, and
what not. He gives the list in the text, with the notice,
“Robertus Belesmensis princeps militiæ hujus erat, cujus
favor erga regem et calliditas præ cæteris vigebat.”

[454] Suger, 283 A. “Videres juvenum celerrimum, modo
Bituricensium, modo Arvernorum, modo Burgundionum, militari
manu transvolare fines; nec idcirco tardius si ei ignotescat
Vilcassinum regredi, et cum trecentis aut quingentis
militibus præfato regi Guillelmo cum x. millibus fortissime
refragari.”

[455] Suger, 283 A. “Ut dubius se habet belli eventus, modo
cedere, fugare modo.”

[456] Ib. B. “Angliæ captos ad redemptionem celerem
militaris stipendii acceleravit anxietas, Francorum vero
longa diuturni carceris maceravit prolixitas, nec ullo modo
evinculari potuerunt, donec, suscepta ejusdem regis Angliæ
militia, hominio obligati regnum et regem impugnare et
turbare jurejurando firmaverunt.” So Pyrrhos proposed to his
Roman prisoners to enter his service.

[457] Suger (287, 291) has much to say about “Guido de
Rupe-forti, vir peritus et miles emeritus.” In p. 297 he
describes the castle; “Supersistitur promontorio ardui
litoris magni fluminis Sequanæ horridum et ignobile castrum,
quod dicitur Rupes Guidonis, in superficie sui invisibile,
rupe sublimi incaveatum, cui manus æmula artificis in devexo
montis, raro et misero ostio, maximæ domus amplitudinem rupe
cæsa extendit, antrum ut putatur, fatidicum.” He goes on to
quote Lucan. Orderic (766 B) witnesses to Guys treason;
“Guido de Rupe, Anglorum argenti cupidus, eis favit, et
munitiones suas de Rupe et Vetolio dimisit. Sic alii
nonnulli fecerunt, qui suis infidi exteris avide
obtemperaverunt.”

[458] Cf. N. C. vol. iv. p. 200, for the same state of
things at Nottingham. The like may be seen along the banks
of the Loire.

[459] Ord. Vit. 766 B. “Rodbertus comes de Mellento in suis
munitionibus Anglos suscepit, et patentem eis in Galliam
discursum aperuit, quorum bellica vis plurima Francis damna
intulit.” “Angli” here must take in all the subjects of
Rufus. “Gallia,” I need hardly say, is high-polite for
France, and does not take in Normandy.

[460] See N. C. vol. iii. p. 486.

[461] Ord. Vit. 766 B. “Plerique Francorum qui binis
cogebantur dominis obsecundare, pro fiscis quibus abunde
locupletati sub utriusque regia turgebant ditione, anxii
quia nemo potest duobus dominis servire, animis acriorem
opibusque ditiorem elegerunt, et cum suis hominibus
municipiisque favorabiliter paruerunt.”

[462] Among the Norman prisoners Suger (283 A) counts
“Paganum de Gisortio, qui castrum idem primo munivit.”
Orderic (766 C) gives him, like several other people, a
double name; he appears as “Tedbaldus-Paganus de Gisortis.”
This first fortification of Gisors must be that which is
referred to by Robert of Torigny under the year 1096; “Rex
Willermus fecit quoddam castellum, Gisorth videlicet, in
confinio Normanniæ et Franciæ.” See below, p. 190.

[463] Orderic, 766 B. “Guillelmus rex firmissimum castrum
Gisortis construi præcepit, quod usque hodie contra
Calvimontem et Triam atque Burriz oppositum, Normanniam
concludit, cujus positionem et fabricam ingeniosus artifex
Rodbertus Belesmensis disposuit.” See above, p. 151.

[464] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 494.

[465] Ord. Vit. 766 C. “Illi nimirum insignem Francorum
laudem deperire noluerunt, seseque pro defensione patriæ et
gloria gentis suæ, ad mortem usque inimicis objecerunt.”
This is said specially of the knights of the Vexin; “In illa
quippe provincia egregiorum copia militum est quibus
ingenuitas et ingens probitas inest.”

[466] Suger gives the list, 283 A. Orderic (766 C) also
speaks of the captivity of “Tetbaldus-Paganus de Gisortis,”
and some others. Suger calls Gilbert of Laigle “nobilis et
Angliæ et Normanniæ seque illustris baro.” But his English
estates (Domesday 36, ii. 263) in Surrey and Norfolk were
not very large. Another prisoner was “Comes Simon, nobilis
vir;” that is, I suppose, Simon of Senlis, Earl of
Northampton. See N. C. vol. iv. p. 602.

[467] See vol. i. p. 211.

[468] Ord. Vit. 681 B. “Audientes Cenomanni dissidium
Normannorum cogitaverunt fastuosum excutere a se jugum
eorum, quod olim facere multoties conati sunt sub Guillelmo
Magno rege Anglorum. Hoc Robertus dux ut comperiit, legatos
et exenia Fulconi Andegavensium satrapæ destinavit, obnixe
rogans ut Cenonannos a temerario ausu compesceret, ac in
Normanniam ad se graviter ægrotantem veniret.”

[469] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 562. We shall meet him again in
this character.

[470] See above, p. 172. Orderic’s words (681 D) are,
“viventibus adhuc duabus uxoribus tertiam desponsavit.” But
the accounts of the Angevin writers do not bear this out.

[471] Fulk is made to say (Ord. Vit. 681 C), “Amo Bertradam
sobolem Simonis de Monteforti, neptem scilicet Ebroicensis
comitis Guillermi, quam Heluissa comitissa nutrit et sua sub
tutela custodit.” Presently Count William himself speaks of
her as “neptis mea, quæ adhuc tenera virago est, quam
sororius meus mihi commendavit nutriendam.” Here the word
“virago,” the use of which is a little doubtful, seems
equivalent to “virgo,” unless it is meant that Bertrada had
graduated in the school of her aunt. But see Ducange in
_Virago_.

[472] See Appendix C.

[473] Ord. Vit. 681 C. “Si mihi quam valde cupio rem feceris
unam, Cenomannos tibi subjiciam, et omni tempore tibi ut
amicus fideliter serviam.”

[474] Ib. “Radulfus patruus meus, qui pro magnitudine
capitis et congerie capillorum jocose cognominatus est Caput
asini.” We have heard of him as the murderer of Gilbert of
Eu and the guardian of William the Great. See N. C. vol. i.
pp. 196, 202.

[475] See vol. i. p. 220. Orderic gives the list of
counsellors.

[476] See vol. i. pp. 220, 256.

[477] Ord. Vit. 681 D. “Ex consultu sapientum”――Duke Robert
had his Witan――“decrevit dare minora ne perderet majora.”

[478] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 545.

[479] Orderic tells the tale, 683 B, C. “Qui vivente
Guillelmo rege contra eum rebellare multoties conati sunt,
ipso mortuo statim de rebellione machinari cœperunt,
legationem igitur filiis Azsonis marchisi Liguriæ
direxerunt.” Then they set forth their story, “non pro amore
eorum, sed ut aliqua rationabili occasione jugum excuterent
a se Normannorum, quod fere xxx. annis fortiter detriverat
turgidas cervices eorum.”

[480] Orderic (683 C, D) makes “Gaufridus Madeniensis et
Helias aliique cives et oppidani” join in the reception of
Hugh, therefore seemingly in the mission to him. The
biographer of the Bishops (Vet. An. 292) makes the embassy
the work of Geoffrey only.

[481] Orderic draws his outward likeness, 769 D. “Erat
probus et honorabilis, et multis pro virtutibus amabilis.
Corpore præcellebat, fortis et magnus, statura gracilis et
procerus, niger et hirsutus, et instar presbyteri bene
tonsus.”

[482] Ib. “Eloquio erat suavis et facundus, lenis quietis et
asper rebellibus, justitiæ cultor rigidus, et in timore Dei
ad opus bonum fervidus.” He goes on with details of his
devotions. There is another shorter panegyric in 768 D.

[483] Ib. 684 C. Helias there sets forth his own pedigree;
“Filia Herberti comitis Lancelino de Balgenceio nupsit,
eique Lancelinum Radulfi patrem et Johannem meum genitorem
peperit.”

[484] Ib. 769 A. “Generosam conjugem Mathildam filiam
Gervasii accepit, qui Rodberti cognomento Brochardi fratris
Gervasii Remensis archiepiscopi filius fuit.” On Bishop
Gervase see N. C. vol. iii. pp. 193-196.

[485] Ord. Vit. 769 A. “Helias de paterna hereditate
Flechiam castrum possedit, quatuor vero castella de
patrimonio uxoris suæ obtinuit, id est, Ligerim et Maiatum,
Luceium et Ustilliacum.” We shall hear of these places
again.

[486] Not that the department is called from the town, but
from the river.

[487] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 545.

[488] Ord. Vit. 683 C. “Gaufridus Madeniensis et Helias,
aliique cives et oppidani, venientem Hugonem susceperunt,
eique ad obtinendum jus ex materna hereditate competens
aliquamdiu suffragati sunt.”

[489] Ib. B. “Anno ab Incarnatione Domini m.xc. Indictione
xiii. Cenomanni contra Normannos rebellaverunt, ejectisque
custodibus de munitionibus, novum principem sibi
constituerunt.”

[490] See vol. i. p. 205. Cf. N. C. vol. iv. p. 546.

[491] Ord. Vit. 683 D. “In quantum potuit truculentam
recalcitrationem dissuasit, pertinaces verum interdixit,
pontificali jure anathematizavit, et a liminibus sanctæ
matris ecclesiæ sequestravit. Quapropter rebellionis
incentores contra eum nimis irati sunt, et injuriis eum
afficere terribiliter comminati sunt.”

[492] I am here following Orderic, whose account (683 D)
runs thus; “Interea dum per diocesim suam cum clericis suis
equitaret, et episcopali more officium suum sollerter
exerceret, Helias de Flechia eum comprehendit, et in
carcere, donec Hugo in urbe Cenomannica susceptus fuisset,
vinctum præsulem tenuit.” The biographer of the Bishop (Vet.
An. 291) is of course much more angry with Helias, and seems
quite to misconceive the state of things. Very soon after
the death of the Conqueror, Helias seizes Ballon and makes
war on Le Mans; “Surrexit quidam nobilis adolescens, qui
erat de genere Cenomannensium consulum, Helias nomine, et
cœpit calumniari ipsum comitatum, ingressusque castrum quod
Baledonem nominant, regionem undique devastabat, maximeque
adversus civitatis habitatores, qui ei viriliter
resistebant, multis insidiis assiduisque deprædationibus
grassabatur.” The Bishop opposes him in the interest of Duke
Robert, and then, “Quorumdam perversorum consilio, in tantam
prorupit audaciam ut in christum Domini manum mittere,
eumque apud castrum patrimonii sui, quod Fissa dicitur, in
custodia ponere non timeret.” “Fissa” is La Flèche. This
writer says nothing of the message to Hugh till after the
imprisonment of Howel. It is then set on foot by Geoffrey of
Mayenne, who is described as “Ratus se opportunum tempus
invenisse, quo regionem denuo perturbaret.” We must remember
that Orderic is here writing the history of Maine, while the
biographer is merely writing the history of Howel; but for
that very reason we may trust him as to the details of the
Bishop’s imprisonment.

[493] Vet. An. 291. “Clericos suos ita ab ipsius fecit
præsentia removeri, ut cum nullo eorum nec familiare nec
publicum posset habere colloquium, rusticumque presbyterum
ejus obsequio deputavit, ne custodum calliditas Latina
posset confabulatione deludi.”

[494] This comes from Orderic (683 D), who has some curious
details; “Domini sanctas imagines cum crucibus, et sanctarum
scrinia reliquiarum, ad terram deposuit, et portas
basilicarum spinis obturavit.” The biographer of the Bishops
mentions only the thorns, and he seems to imply that only Le
Mans and its suburbs were thus treated; “Matris ecclesiæ
omniumque ejusdem civitatis vel suburbii ecclesiarum
januas.”

[495] All this is told at some length, Vet. An. 291.
“Helias, pœnitentia ductus, pontificisque genibus
provolutus, veniam precabatur.”

[496] Vit. An. 292. “Cum esset apud castrum quod Carcer
dicitur, occurrerunt ei proceres civitatis, sacramenta
fidelitatis quæ Roberto comiti promiserant pro nihilo
reputantes.”

[497] Ib. “Rotbertus ultra modum inertiæ et voluptati
deditus, nihil dignum ratione respondens, quæ Cenomannenses
fecerant, pro eo quod inepto homini nimis onerosi
viderentur, non multum sibi displicuisse monstravit.” This
is important, now that an attempt is made to saddle Orderic
with the invention of the received character of Robert.

[498] Ib. “Non curare videbatur, nisi ut episcopatus tantum
in ejus dominio remaneret. Unde præcepit episcopo ut ad
ecclesiam quidem reverteretur, de episcopatu vero nullatenus
Hugoni marchisio responderet.” On the advowson of the see of
Le Mans, see N. C. vol. iii. p. 194; vol. iv. p. 544.

[499] Vet. Ann. 292. “Comes malo ingenio episcopum
circumvenire cupiens, postulabat ut ab ipso donum
episcopatus acciperet.” That is, Howel is to do homage to
the new prince, much as Henry the First, as we shall see in
a later chapter, demanded the homage of Anselm. Howel’s
objection seems simply to be that Robert was the lawful
lord, not that it was unlawful to accept the benefice from
any temporal lord.

[500] The troubles of the Bishop are set forth at length by
his biographer (Vet. An. 292 et seqq.). This device of his
enemies in the Chapter was the cruellest of all. Finding no
fault in him, but wishing that some fault should be found,
“sub specie veræ amicitiæ persuaserunt ei ut fraterculum
duodennem qui necdum perfecte litterarum elementa didicerat,
in ejus [decani] loco constitueret, et contra ecclesiastica
instituta inductum prudentibus puerulum senioribus
anteferret.” Geoffrey was a Breton, brother of Judicail――the
name familiar in so many spellings――Bishop of Saint Malo.
See Ord. Vit. 770 C. There was much disputing between him
and the other candidate for the deanery. This was Gervase,
nephew of the former Bishop Gervase (see N. C. vol. iii. p.
193), who had on his side the memory of his uncle, and the
special favour of his brothers with Count Hugh (“quia
fratres ejus eo tempore nimia familiaritate principis
uterentur”).

[501] Vet. An. 294. “Ad regem Anglorum se contulit, ejusque
liberalitate levamen maximum suæ persecutionis accepit.”

[502] The story is told in Vet. An. 294. Howel stayed four
months in England; ib. 295.

[503] Ib. 297.

[504] A great number of grants and privileges are reckoned
up in Vet. An. 298. Among them several exemptions were
granted to the episcopal lordship of Coulaines, a place of
which we shall hear again.

[505] According to Orderic (684 A) the people of Maine found
him “divitiis et sensu et virtute inopem.” The Biographer
(299) calls him “propter inconstantiam suam bonis omnibus
infestus,” and says that he went away, “omnibus quæ habere
poterat in pecuniam redactis.”

[506] Ord. Vit. 684 A.

[507] Orderic (u. s.) graphically sets forth the fears of
one who was “inscius inter gnaros et timidus inter animosos
milites consul constitutus.” He and his countrymen are
“Allobroges,” which seems odd; the men of Maine are
“Cisalpini.”

[508] Ord. Vit. 684 A. See vol. i. p. 277. According to
Helias or Orderic, the reconciled princes could muster a
hundred thousand men. It was, so Helias is made to think,
chiefly for the conquest of Maine that Rufus had crossed the
sea.

[509] Ord. Vit. u. s.

[510] Ib. “Me quoque libertatis amor nihilominus stimulat,
et hereditatis avitæ rectitudo dimicandi pro illa fiduciam
in Deo mihi suppeditat.”

[511] Both Orderic and the Biographer record the sale; the
Biographer throws some doubt on its validity; “Heliæ cognato
suo ipsam civitatem totumque comitatum, _quantum in ipso
erat_, vendidit.” Orderic names the price.

[512] Ord. Vit. 684 D. “Hic in accepta potestate viam suam
multum emendavit, et multiplici virtute floruit. Clerum et
ecclesiam Dei laudabiliter honoravit, et missis servitioque
Dei quotidie ferventer interfuit. Subjectis æquitatem
servavit pacemque pauperibus _pro posse suo_ tenuit.” He
comes in again for the like praise in 768 D, and more fully
in 769 D.

[513] His works are described by the Biographer, Vet. An.
299, 300.

[514] Vet. An. 299.

[515] See above, p. 15, and vol. i. p. 227.

[516] Vet. An. 301. “Ei [papæ] cum omni comitatu suo per
triduum cuncta necessaria hilariter et abundantissime
ministravit, quamvis eodem anno non solum annonæ, sed et
omnium quæ ad cibum pertinent, maximum constet exstitisse
defectum.” The Biographer is naturally eloquent on the
Pope’s visit.

[517] He appeared (Vet. An. ib.) “facie hilaris, colore
vividus, ingenio perspicax, cibo et potu sobrius, membrisque
omnibus incolumis.”

[518] Orderic (769 A) makes Helias say, “Consilio papæ
crucem Domini pro servitio ejus accepi.” He does not mention
the visit of Urban to Le Mans, nor does the Biographer
mention the crusading vow of Helias; but the two accounts
fit in together.

[519] See their dialogue in Laing, iii. 178.

[520] Orderic (769 A) describes the agreement between
William and Robert, and the payment of the pledge-money (see
vol. i. p. 559). Then he adds; “Helias comes ad curiam regis
Rothomagum venit. Qui postquam diu cum duce consiliatus
fuit, ad regem accessit.”

[521] See vol. i. pp. 175, 302.

[522] Ord. Vit. 769 A. “Domine _mi_ rex … amicitiam, _ut
vester fidelis_, vestram deposco, et hoc iter cum pace
vestra inire cupio.”

[523] Ib. “Quo vis vade; sed Cenomannicam urbem cum toto
comitatu mihi dimitte, quia quidquid pater meus habuit volo
habere.”

[524] Ib. 769 B. “Si placitare vis, judicium gratanter
subibo, et patrium jus, secundum examen regum, comitumque et
episcoporum, perdam aut tenebo.” I cannot see with Sir
Francis Palgrave (iv. 633) that this proposal “indicates
that Helias assumed the existence of a High Court of Peers,
possessing jurisdiction over the whole Capetian
monarchy――that realm to which the name of _France_ can
scarcely yet be given.” Surely Helias simply means to refer
the matter to arbitration.

[525] Ord. Vit. u. s. “Ensibus et lanceis innumerisque
missilibus tecum placitabo.”

[526] Ord. Vit. 769 C. “Ipse mihi Cænomannorum præposituram
dignatus est commendare.” The strictly feudal language is
worth noticing; but “præpositura” is an odd word to express
the countship of Maine.

[527] I give the substance of the speech in Orderic, 769 B,
C.

[528] Ib. “Ego contra cruciferos prœliari nolo, sed urbem
quam pater meus in die transitus sui nactus erat mihi
vendicabo.”

[529] Ib. “Tu igitur dilapsos aggeres munitionum tuarum
summopere repara, et cœmentarios lapidumque cæsores lucri
cupidos velociter aggrega, vetustasque neglectorum ruinas
murorum utcumque resarciendo restaura.”

[530] Ib. “Cinomannicos enim cives quantocius visitabo, et
centum milia lanceas cum vexillis ante portas eis
demonstrabo; nec tibi sine calumnia hæreditatem meam
indulgebo.”

[531] Ord. Vit. 769 C. “Currus etiam pilis atque sagittis
onustos illuc bobus pertrahi faciam. Sed ego ipse cum multis
legionibus armatorum bubulcos alacriter boantes ad portas
tuas præcedam. Hæc verissime credito et complicibus tuis
edicito.” All this talk is at least very characteristic of
William Rufus.

[532] Ord. Vit. 770 C. “Helias comes Goiffredum Britonem,
decanum ejusdem ecclesiæ, ad episcopatum elegit.” See above,
p. 201.

[533] Vet. An. 303. “A domno Hoello venerabilis memoriæ
episcopo Cenomannensis ecclesiæ scholarum magister et
archidiaconus factus.” He was “ex Lavarzinensi castro,
mediocribus quidem sed honestis exortus parentibus.” On his
relations to Helias see Appendix KK.

[534] Ord. Vit. 770 C. “Præveniens clerus Hildebertum de
Lavarceio archidiaconum in cathedra pontificali residere
compulit, et altæ vocis cum jubilatione tripudians cantavit
Te Deum laudamus, et cetera quæ usus in electione præsulis
exposcit ecclesiasticus.” An. Vet. 303. “Post discessum
ipsius [Hoelli] proper scientiæ et honestatis suæ meritum,
_communi cleri plebisque assensu_ in ejus loco substitutus
est.”

[535] Ord. Vit. u. s. “Quod Helias ut comperiit, valde
iratus resistere voluit. Sed clericis dicentibus illi,
Electionem tuam ecclesiasticæ præferre non debes electioni,
reveritus, quia Deum timebat, siluit et, ne letale in
membris ecclesiæ schisma fieret, canonicis consensit.” For
Saint Eadward’s opposite conduct in the like case, see N. C.
vol. ii. p. 120.

[536] Ib. “Goiffredus quippe de præsulatu securus erat,
jamque copiosas dapes pro sublimatione sui præparaverat.
Paratæ quidem dapes ab avidis comessoribus absumptæ sunt.
Sed ipsum Cenomanni episcopum habere penitus recusaverunt.”
He then mentions his promotion to Rouen.

[537] The story of Hildebert’s dealings with the heretic
Henry are told at large by the Biographer, 312 et seqq. See
also Milman, Latin Christianity, iv. 176.

[538] Vet. An. 326. He became Archbishop, “concedente
Ludovico rege Francorum, Cenomannensibus et Turonensibus
clericis et populis devotum præbentibus assensum.” The King
therefore kept at Tours the right of advowson which he had
lost at Le Mans. But had Hildebert, like Anselm (see vol. i.
pp. 397, 404), to get leave from his church to go away, or
had Cenomannian electors any share in choosing the
Metropolitan? Orderic (770 D) says that he was chosen “a
clero et populo,” seemingly of Tours, and “nutu Dei.” He
does not mention any action on the part of Le Mans.

[539] See above, p. 200.

[540] Vet. An. 305. “Eo tempore inter regem Anglorum et
Heliam comitem bellum gravissimum exortum est, pro eo
scilicet quod idem rex Cenomannensem episcopatum
calumniabatur [cf. N. C. vol. iii. p. 194], ideoque
ordinationi episcopi moliebatur obsistere.”

[541] Ib. “Cum eum ordinatum audisset, inimicitiarum quas
dudum mente conceperat manifestis bellorum incursibus
patefecit.” He gives no details of the war till the capture
of Helias.

[542] Ord. Vit. 770 A. “Helias castrum apud Dangeolum contra
Rodbertum Talavacium firmavit, ibique satellites suos ad
defensandos incolas terræ suæ collocavit.”

[543] See N. C. vol. iv. pp. 552, 652.

[544] Ord. Vit. 770 A. “Inde præfatus tyrannus, quod vicina
passim depopulari arva non posset, contristatus est.
Intempestivus igitur mense Januario regem inquietavit.” Then
comes his speech; and then, “invitus rex pluribus ex causis
expeditionem inchoavit, sed Rodberto instigante et prospera
pollicente, differre, ne ignavus putaretur, erubuit.”

[545] Ib. “Principalis ordinatio provinciales competentibus
armaturis munitos adscivit, et ad transitus aquarum
sepiumque difficilesque aditus silvarum in hostes coaptavit.
Tunc rex inimicis nihil nocere potuit.” He now gives his
orders to Robert of Bellême, and we hear no more of him
personally in Maine till after the capture of Helias.

[546] Ord. Vit. 770 A. “Rex … rancore stomachatus ferocior
in illos exarsit, et Rodberto ingentem familiam bellatorum
suis in municipiis adunare præcepit, et copiosos pecuniæ
sumptus erogavit, unde municipia ejus vallis et muris et
multiplicibus zetis undique clauderentur et bellicosis larga
stipendiariis donativa largirentur.”

[547] Ib. B. “Oppida nova condidit, et antiqua præcipitibus
fossis cingens admodum firmavit.”

[548] Ib. “Novem in illo comitatu habuit castra, id est
Blevam et Perretum, Montem de Nube et Soonam, Sanctum
Remigium de Planis, et Orticosam, Allerias et Motam Galterii
de Clincampo, Mamerz, et alias domos firmas quamplurimas.”
On “domus firmæ,” see N. C. vol. ii. p. 625.

[549] Ord. Vit. 770 B. “Hæc siquidem regio censu argutus
artifex sibi callide præparavit, et in his bestialis sævitiæ
colonos vicinisque suis malefidos collocavit, per quos
arrogantiæ suæ satisfaceret, et atrocem guerram in
Cænomannos exercuit.” Our own chronicler in Stephen’s day
goes even beyond Orderic’s rhetoric. The “devils and evil
men” outdo even the “bestialis sævitiæ coloni.”

[550] Orderic tells all this out of place, 768 C, D. “Terras
quas prisci antecessores sanctis dederant, sibi mancipavit.
Is jamdudum in Cænomannico consulatu castra violenter in
alieno rure construxit, in possessionibus scilicet sancti
Petri de Cultura et sancti Vincentii martyris, quibus
colonos graviter oppressit.”

[551] Ib. They fought “in nomine Domini, invocato sancto
Juliano pontifice.”

[552] See vol. i. p. 273, and Appendix M.

[553] Ord. Vit. u. s. “Pro quibus Cænomannenses maximas
redemptiones habuerunt, et sic injurias sanctorum et damna
suorum ulti sunt.”

[554] Ord. Vit. 770 B. “In quadragesima, dum peccatores
cælitus compuncti prava relinquunt, et ad medicamentum
pœnitentiæ pro transactis sceleribus trepidi confugiunt, in
carcere Rodberti plusquam trecenti vinculati perierunt. Qui
multam ei pecuniam pro salute sua obtulerunt, sed crudeliter
ab eo contempti, fame et algore aliisque miseriis
interierunt.”

[555] I infer as much from the somewhat vague words of
Orderic, 771 A; “Helias comes hebdomada præcedente
rogationes expeditionem super Robertum fecit, et facto
discursu post nonam suos remeare præcepit.”

[556] Ord. Vit. u. s. “Illis autem redeuntibus, comes cum
septem militibus a turma sua segregatus, prope Dangeolum
divertit, ibique in condensis arboribus et frutectis
latitantes quosdam advertit, in quos statim cum paucis
sodalibus irruit.” So the Biographer (Vet. An. 305); “Dum
comes Helias … hostes qui adversus eum venerant incautius
sequeretur, ab ipsis, proh dolor! comprehensus est.” Wace,
who tells the whole story in the wildest order, and makes
the capture of Helias follow the siege of Mayet, preserves
(15100) the memory of the ambush;

“Mais Normanz par une envaïe
Unt retenu li conte Helie
Li conte unt pris è retenu
Et el rei l’uat tot sain rendu.”

[557] Ord. Vit. 771 A. “Rodbertus in insidiis ibi latitabat.
Qui ut paucos incaute discurrentes vidit, vafer militiæque
gnarus ex improviso cum plurimis prosiluit, comitemque mox
et Herveum de Monteforti signiferum ejus et pene omnes alios
comprehendit.”

The Angevin version (Chron. S. Alb. Andeg. 1098) is somewhat
different; “Helias comes Cenomannorum captus est a Rotberto
de Belesma, _defectione suorum_, iv. kal. Maii, feria iv. et
redditus Willelmo secundo regi Anglorum.” There is nothing
in the fuller story of Orderic to bear out the charge in
Italics; but it might be an easy inference from the Count’s
small attendance.

[558] Ord. Vit. 776 A. “Prævii exercitus, postquam Balaonem
alacres pervenerunt, per eos qui evaserunt captum esse
audierunt, subitoque post inanem lætitiam ingenti mœrore
pariter inebriati sunt.”

[559] Ord. Vit. 771 B. “Rodbertus deinde regi Heliam
Rothomagum præsentavit, quem rex honorifice custodiri
præcepit.” I do not think that this is set aside by the
words of the Biographer (Vet. An. 305); “Rotomagum usque
productus, in arce ipsius civitatis in vincula conjectus
est.” For “vincula,” like Orderic’s own “carcer” in 771 B,
is a vague kind of word which need not be always taken
literally. Orderic adds; “Non enim militibus erat crudelis,
sed blandus et dapsilis, jocundus et affabilis.” This, with
the proper emphasis on “militibus,” is the very picture of
the Red King. Wace however, who is also strong about the
fetters, seems to have mistaken it for a character of Helias
(15106);

“Li reis à Roem l’envéia
E garder le recomenda;
En la tour le rova garder
Et en bones buies fermer.
Helies fu boen chevaliers,
Bels fu è genz è bien pleniers,” &c.

He goes on with a speech of Helias to his guardians, which
seems to be made out of his speech to the King in Orderic,
773 B.

[560] See below, p. 230, note 2.

[561] Ord. Vit. 771 B. “Felici fortuna rex Guillelmus sibi
arridente tripudiavit, et convocatis in unum Normanniæ
baronibus, ait, Hactenus de nanciscenda hæreditate paterna
negligenter egi, quia pro cupiditate ruris augendi populos
vexare vel homines perimere nolui.”

[562] Ord. Vit. 771 B. “Nunc autem, ut videtis, me
nesciente, hostis meus captus est, Deoque volente, _qui
rectitudinem meam novit_, mihi traditus est.” Here we get
the sentiment of the wager of battle.

[563] 2 Kings x. 9.

[564] Ord. Vit. u.s. “Communi consilio, domine rex,
decernimus ut jussione vestra universus Normannorum
aggregetur exercitus, cum quo nos omnes ad obtinendam
Cænomannorum regionem audacter et alacriter ibimus.”

[565] Ord. Vit. 771 B. “Franci ergo et Burgundiones, Morini
et Britones, aliæque vicinæ gentes ad liberalem patricium
concurrerunt, et phalanges ejus multipliciter auxerunt.”

[566] Ib. D. “Gilo de Soleio, de nobilissimis Gallorum
antiquus heros, de familia Henrici regis Francorum, qui
multas viderat et magnas congregationes populorum, in arduo
monte stans, turmas armatorum undique prospexit, et
quinquaginta millia virorum inibi esse autumavit, nec se
unquam citra Alpes tantum insimul exercitum vidisse
asseruit.”

[567] Cf. N. C. vol. v. p. 268.

[568] I have quoted Wace’s accurate bit of geography on this
head, N. C. vol. ii. p. 291.

[569] Ord. Vit. 771 C. “Mense Junio Guillelmus rex per
Alencionem exercitum duxit, multisque millibus stipatus,
hostium regionem formidabilis intravit.” Yet, after his
dealings with Ralph and the others, we read (ib. D), “Prima
regis mansio in terra hostili apud Ruceiam [see below, p.
232] fuit.” This surely means that his head-quarters still
remained at Alençon, though he doubtless made raids on the
Cenomannian side of the river.

[570] Ib. “Militum vero turmæ regio jussu Fredernaium
repente adierunt, et cum oppidanis equitibus militari
exercitio ante portas castri aliquantulum certaverunt.”

[571] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 558.

[572] See N. C. vol. ii. pp. 269, 624.

[573] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 652.

[574] Ord. Vit. 771 C. “A sublimitate vestra requiro, domine
rex, inducias, donec salvus de Cænomannis redeas. Illic enim
præsul et senatorum concio consistit, ibique communis
quotidie de statu reipublicæ tractatus et providentia fit.
Quidquid ibi pactum fuerit vobiscum nos gratanter
subsequemur, et jussionibus vestris in omnibus obsequemur.
Hæc idcirco, domine rex, loco majorum natu consilio, quia,
si sine bello primus defecero pariumque meorum desertor
primus pacem iniero, omni sine dubio generi meo dedecus et
improperium generabo. Membra caput subsequi debent, non
præcedere; et faceti legitimique vernulæ magis optant
obsequi domino quam jubere.” The words here especially the
“faceti legitimique vernulæ,” are doubtless Orderic’s; but
surely the very strangeness of the proposal is almost enough
to show that he is recording a real transaction.

[575] Ib. D. “Hæc et plura similia dicentem rex laudavit, et
quæ postulata fuerant annuit.”

[576] Ord. Vit. 771 D. We first heard of Geoffrey as long
ago as 1055. See N. C. vol. ii. p. 167.

[577] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 553.

[578] The Biographer (Vet. An. 305) says nothing of the
bargain with Ralph and the other lords; but he says that
“rex Anglorum, cernens civitatem principis sui præsidio
destitutam, quorumdam perfidorum civium assensu illuc
accedere properavit.” We need not take “cives” too strictly;
and if anything like the _commune_ had been set up again,
the lords would be “cives.”

[579] Chron. S. Alb. And. 1098. “Fulco Andegavorum comes,
Rechin cognominatus, Cenomanniam urbem _ut suam_ sequenti
sabbato recepit.” The date is reckoned from the capture of
Helias. So Ord. Vit. 772 A. “Fulco cognomento Richinus,
Andegavorum comes, ut Heliam captum audivit, Cænomannis,
_quia capitalis dominus erat_, actutum advenit, et a civibus
libenter susceptus, munitiones militibus et fundibulariis
munivit.” The local writer (Vet. An. 305) is silent about
Fulk’s lordship, but remembers the family connexion between
him and Helias; “Quo comperto, Fulco Andegavorum comes
protinus cum filio suo Gaufrido, cui filia Heliæ comitis jam
desponsata fuerat, in civitatem advenit, et consensu civium
in munitionibus civitatis custodiam posuit.” The “consensus
civium” sounds like a formal act of the municipal body.

[580] Eremburga, who afterwards married the younger Fulk,
seems to have been at an earlier time promised to his
half-brother Geoffrey. See Gesta Consulum, Chroniques
D’Anjou, i. 143.

[581] Vet. An. 305. “Ibi relicto filio ad alia negotia
properavit.”

[582] See above, p. 229, note 1.

[583] Ord. Vit. 771 D. “Sequenti die rex ad Montem Bussoti
castra metatus pernoctavit.”

[584] Ib. “Tertia die Colunchis venit, et in pratis Sartæ
figi multitudinis tentoria imperavit.”

[585] See above, p. 221.

[586] Vet. An. 305. “Circa Colonias vicum episcopalem cum
magno exercitu consedit, ipsumque vicum cum ecclesia quæ
ibidem erat igne concremavit, et omnia quæ ibi episcopus
habebat crudeliter devastavit. Oderat enim illum … pro eo
quod contra calumniam illius episcopatum acceperat.”

[587] See N. C. vol. i. p. 423.

[588] Vet. An. 306. “Cives cum bellico apparatu de civitate
egressi, contra ejus exercitum viriliter obsidere
conabantur. Rex autem, perfidorum consilio se intelligens
deceptum, facto vespere, cum imminentis noctis profundum
silentium advenisset, cum exercitu suo clam discessit et
castra vacua hostibus dereliquit. Cives autem mane
surgentes, cum semetipsos ad pugnam præparare cœpissent,
comperto regis abscessu, castra illius invaserunt, et
neminem ibi reperientes ad propria reversi sunt.” Orderic
(772 A) substitutes a drawn battle by daylight, and mentions
the occupation of Ballon; but they both agree in the main
fact that Rufus, for whatever cause, withdrew from before Le
Mans for a season. Ballon is spoken of as “fortissima mota,
per quam totum oppidum adversariis subactum paruit.”

[589] Some of Orderic’s expressions (772 B) are worth
notice. “Diuturnam obsidionem tenere nequivit. Nam egestas
victus gravis hominibus et equis instabat, quia tempus inter
veteres et novas fruges tunc iter agebat. Sextarius avenæ
decem solidis Cænomannensium vendebatur, sine qua cornipedum
vigor _in occidentalibus climatibus_ vix sustentatur.” Such
a straw as this shows how the crusades had made the East and
its ways present to men’s minds.

[590] Ord. Vit. ib. “Rex legiones suas relaxavit, et messes
suas in horreis recondi præcepit, atque ut post collectionem
frugum obsidere hostium castra parati essent, commonuit.”

[591] Ord. Vit. 772 C. “Dum comes et exercitus in tentoriis
suis pranderent, et mendici de oppido accepta stipe obsessis
renuntiarent quod obsidentes tunc, videlicet circa tertiam,
comederent, in armis ordinatæ acies militum subito
prosilierunt, et inermes ad mensam residentes ex insperato
proturbaverunt, et pluribus captis omnes alios fugaverunt.”
He gives the numbers with a few names, and enlarges on their
greatness.

[592] Ord. Vit. 772 D. “Jussit omnes protinus absolvi [they
are just before called ‘vinculati’], eisque cum suis in
curia foris ad manducandum copiose dari, et per fidem suam
usque post prandium liberos dimitti. Cumque satellites ejus
objicerent quod in tanta populi frequentia facile
aufugerent, rex illorum duritiæ obstitit, et pro vinctis eos
redarguens dixit, Absit a me ut credam quod probus miles
violet fidem suam. Quod si fecerit, omni tempore velut exlex
et despicabilis erit.”

[593] Ib. “Fulco comes de obsidione ad urbem confugerat, et
in cœnobiis sanctorum exitus rerum exspectabat.”

[594] See Appendix LL.

[595] See Appendix LL.

[596] See N. C. vol. iii. p. 498; vol. iv. p. 73.

[597] Ord. Vit. 773 A. “Milites electos loricis et galeis et
omni armatura fulgentes.”

[598] Ib. “Protinus illi, custodibus egressis, cunctas urbis
munitiones nacti sunt, et in principali turre vexillum regis
cum ingenti tropæo levaverunt. In crastinum rex post illos
mille præclaros milites direxit, et pro libitu suo datis
legibus totam civitatem possedit. Regia turris et Mons
Barbatus atque Mons Barbatulus regi subjiciuntur, et
_merito, quia a patre ejus condita noscuntur_.” In these
last words Orderic throws himself fully into the position of
Rufus. The Biographer (Vet. An. 306) says; “Rex recepta
civitate et positis in munitionibus ejus copiosis virorum,
armorum, escarumque præsidiis, _in Angliam transfretavit_.”
This last statement is clearly wrong.

On the fortresses of Le Mans, see Appendix MM.

[599] Ord. Vit. 773 A. “Omnes cives in pace novo principi
congratulantur plausibus et cantibus variisque gestibus.
Tunc Hildebertus præsul et clerus et omnis plebs obviam regi
cum ingenti gaudio processerunt, et psallentes in basilicam
sancti Gervasii martyris perduxerunt.” See Appendix LL.

The joy, one would think, was a little conventional, and
there is no sign of it in the native writer. Cf. N. C. vol.
iii. p. 550.

[600] See N. C. vol. iii. p. 206.

[601] See Appendix NN.

[602] Ord. Vit. 773 D. “Guillelmo Ebroicensium comiti et
Gisleberto de Aquila, aliisque probis optimatibus urbem
servandam commisit, et regiam turrem armis et cibis et
omnibus necessariis opime instructam Galterio Rothomagensi
filio Ansgerii commendavit.” Is this Walter the brother of
the William of whom we heard above?

[603] Ib. “Radulfus vicecomes et Goisfredus de Meduana,
Robertusque Burgundio, aliique totius provinciæ proceres
regi confœderati sunt, redditisque munitionibus, datis ab eo
legibus solerter obsecundarunt.”

[604] Ord. Vit. 773 B. See Appendix OO.

[605] Ib. “Niger et hispidus.” See above, p. 196.

[606] See Appendix OO.

[607] Ord. Vit. 773 B. “Callidus _senex_ regalibus consiliis
et judiciis præerat. Quapropter in prætorio principali parem
seu potiorem perpeti metuebat.” See vol. i. pp. 186, 551.
“Senex” seems too strong a word.

[608] Ord. Vit. 773 C. “Helias conductum per terram regis ab
illo requisivit, quo accepto liber ad sua gaudentibus amicis
remeavit.”

[609] Ord. Vit. 766 D. “In ipsa nocte terribile signum mundo
manifestatum est. Totum nempe cælum quasi arderet, fere
cunctis occidentalibus rubicundum ut sanguis visum est.
Tunc, ut postmodum audivimus, in eois partibus Christiani
contra ethnicos pugnaverunt, Deoque juvante triumpharunt.”

[610] Ord. Vit. 766 D. “Guillelmus rex in Galliam usque
Pontesiam discurrit, incendiis et prædis hominumque
capturis, omnium ubertate rerum nobilem provinciam
devastavit.”

[611] Ord. Vit. 767 A. “Illustres oppidani propugnacula
quidem sua vivaciter protexerunt, sed timoris Dei et humanæ
societatis immemores non fuerunt. Insilientium corporibus
provide benigniterque pepercerunt, sed atrocitatem iræ suæ
pretiosis inimicorum caballis intulerunt. Nam plusquam
septingentos ingentis pretii equos sagittis et missilibus
occiderunt, ex quorum cadaveribus Gallicani canes et alites
usque ad nauseam saturati sunt. Quamplures itaque pedites ad
propria cum rege remeant, qui spumantibus equis turgidi
equites Eptam pertransierant.”

[612] There is something strange in the casual way in which
Orderic (767 A) brings in so mighty an ally; “Guillelmus rex
cum Guillelmo duce Pictavensium, ductu Almarici juvenis, et
Nivardi de Septoculo, contra Montemfortem et Sparlonem
maximam multitudinem duxit, circumjacentem provinciam
devastavit.” The bargain between the two Williams, of which
this was surely an instalment, comes later, 780 B.

[613] See Will. Malms. v. 439.

[614] Had either William ever done personal homage to
Philip? There is no sign of it in the case of William of
England.

[615] Ord. Vit. 767 A. See note 1 on p. 250. Who is young
Almaric or Amalric? Surely not an unworthy member of the
house of Montfort. I have never made my way to Epernon,
which gives a title to one of the minions of the last
Valois.

[616] It is odd, after the account in Suger, to read in
Orderic (766 A), “Ludovicus puerili teneritudine detentus
adhuc militare nequibat.” It is just possible that Lewis was
not eager to help the kinsfolk of Bertrada.

[617] Ord. Vit. 767 B. “Petrus cum filiis suis Ansoldo et
Tedbaldo Mauliam, aliique municipes quos singillatim nequeo
nominare, firmitates suas procaciter tenuere.” On the house
of Maule and its works, see Ord. Vit. 587 et seqq. Peter is
described as “filius Ansoldi divitis Parisiensis.”

[618] Ord. Vit. 767 A. “Simon juvenis munitiones suas
auxiliante Deo illæsas servavit. Simon vero senex servavit
Neëlfiam.” See the marriage of the younger Simon with Agnes
of Evreux, Ord. Vit. 576 C, and his exploits, 836 C. Of him
in the fourth generation came our own Simon. But, according
to the Art de Vérifier les Dates, “Simon senex” was dead
before this time.

[619] See N. C. vol. iii. p. 133.

[620] See note 2 on p. 253.

[621] Ord. Vit. 767 B. “Interea, dum Guillelmus rex pro
regni negotiis regrederetur in Angliam, treviis utrobique
datis, serena pax Gallis dedit serenitatis lætitiam.”

[622] Orderic (773 D), immediately after recording the
submission of the Cenomannian castles, goes on to draw a
harrowing picture of the sufferings of England during the
King’s absence; how “Rannulfus Flambardus jam Dunelmi
episcopus, aliique regis satellites et gastaldi, Angliam
spoliabant, et latronibus pejores, agricolarum acervos, ac
negotiatorum congeries immisericorditer diripiebant, nec
etiam sanguinolentas manus a sacris cohibebant.” He then
goes on to describe the special wrongs of the Church, and
adds, “Sic immensi census onera per fas perque nefas
coacervabant, et regi trans fretum, ut in nefariis seu
commodis usibus expenderentur, destinabant. Hujusmodi utique
collectionibus grandia regi xenia præsentabantur, quibus
extranei pro vana laude ditabantur.” They then cried to God
who had raised up Ehud to slay the “rex pinguissimus” Eglon,
which sounds rather like a prayer for the coming of Walter
Tirel. But the chronology is utterly confused. The time of
which Orderic is speaking is the year 1098; yet he makes
Flambard already Bishop of Durham, which he was not till
1099, and he makes Anselm withstand all these oppressions
and go away because he could not hinder them. But, as we
well know, Anselm was already gone in 1097.

Henry of Huntingdon also (vii. 20) notices the special
oppression during the continental war. The King “in
Normannia fuit, semper hosticis tumultibus et curis armorum
deditus, tributis interim et exactionibus pessimis populos
Anglorum non abradens sed excorians.”

[623] Chron. Petrib. 1099. “Se cyng Willelm … to Eastron
hider to lande com and to Pentecosten forman siðe his hired
innan his niwan gebyttlan æt Westmynstre heold.”

[624] See vol. i. p. 557.

[625] Chron. Petrib. 1096. “Ðis wæs swiðe hefigtime gear
geond eall Angelcyn ægðer ge þurh mænigfealde gylda, and eac
þurh swiðe hefigtymne hunger, þe þisne eard þæs geares swiðe
gedrehte.”

[626] This prodigy is put by the Chronicler under two years,
1098 and 1100. Florence and William of Malmesbury (iv. 331)
place it under the latter year only. See above, p. 246.

[627] Chron. Petrib. 1098. “Toforan S[~c]e Michaeles mæssan
ætywde eo heofon swilce heo forneah ealle þa niht byrnende
wære.”

[628] Ib. “Ðis wæs swiðe geswincfull gear þurh manigfealde
ungyld and þurh mycele renas, þe ealles geares ne ablunnon
forneah ælc tilð on mersclande forferde.”

[629] Chron. Petrib. 1097. “Eac manege sciran þe mid weorce
to Lundenne belumpon wurdon þærle gedrehte, þurh þone weall
þe hi worhton onbutan þone Tur, et þurh þa brycge þe forneah
eall toflotan wæs, and þurh þæs cynges healle geweorc, þe
man on Westmynstre worhte and mænige men þær mid gedrehte.”
This is connected by Henry of Huntingdon (vii. 19) with the
other oppressions of the time and with the departure of
Anselm; “Anselmus vero archiepiscopus recessit ab Anglia,
quia nihil recti rex pravus in regno suo fieri permittebat,
sed provincias intolerabiliter vexabat in tributis quæ
numquam cessabant, in opere muri circa turrim Londoniæ, in
opere aulæ regalis apud Westminstre, in rapina quam familia
sua hostili modo, ubicunque rex pergebat, exercebant.” The
other side of the story comes out in William of Malmesbury
(iv. 321); “Unum ædificium, et ipsum permaximum, domum in
Londonia incepit et perfecit, non parcens expensis dummodo
liberalitatis suæ magnificentiam exhiberet.” We see here how
the “liberalitas” of the Red King looked in the eyes of
those who had to pay for it. But it is hard to understand
Sir T. D. Hardy’s note on the passage of William of
Malmesbury; he is speaking not of the Tower of London, but
of Westminster Hall.

[630] See Livy, i. 56, 59.

[631] See N. C. vol. i. pp. 93, 601.

[632] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 310.

[633] See note on p. 259.

[634] See N. C. vol. iii. pp. 64, 340.

[635] See N. C. vol. i. pp. 306, 317; vol. iii. pp. 66, 540,
640; vol. iv. p. 59.

[636] See N. C. vol. v. p. 600.

[637] Hen. Hunt. vii. 21. “Quam [novam aulam] cum
inspecturus primum introisset, cum alii satis magnam vel
æquo majorem dicerent, dixit rex eam magnitudinis debitæ
dimidia parte carere. Qui sermo regi magno fuit, licet parvi
constasset, honori.” This is copied by Robert of Torigny,
the Waverly Annalist, Bromton, and most likely others.

[638] Matthew Paris (Hist. Ang. i. 165) copies Henry of
Huntingdon with a few touches, and adds, “nec eam esse nisi
thalamum ad palatium quod erat facturus.” The foundations of
the wall which he designed extended “scilicet a Tamensi
usque ad publicam stratam; tanta enim debuit esse
longitudo.”

[639] Ann. Wint. 1099. “Rex venit de Normannia, et regis
diademate coronatus est apud Londoniam, ubi Edgarus rex
Scotiæ gladium coram eo portavit.” The authority is not
first-rate; but it is the kind of thing which can hardly
have been invented.

[640] The Chronicler (1098) records the deaths of Walkelin,
Baldwin, and Turold. Florence (1097, 1098) adds that of
Robert, and in one manuscript that of Abbot Reginald of
Abingdon, who (Hist. Ab. ii. 42) would seem to have died
somewhat earlier, in the year 1097. This prelate is said to
have been in the King’s good graces, and to have been
employed by him in the pious and charitable distribution
from his father’s hoard at the beginning of his reign (see
vol. i. p. 17). There is also just before in the local
History (ii. 41) a writ of Rufus to Peter Sheriff of
Oxfordshire, witnessed by Randolf the chaplain, in which the
Sheriff is bidden to let the Abbot and his monks enjoy all
that they had T. R. E. and T. R. W., and specially to make
good the wrongs done by his reeve Eadwig and others his
officers. Here are the reeves again; but this time an
English reeve oppresses a Norman abbot.

[641] See vol. i. p. 586.

[642] See N. C. vol. iv. pp. 372-816.

[643] Will. Malmb. Gest. Pont. 172, copied in Ann. Wint.
1098.

[644] William of Malmesbury (u. s., and see N. C. vol. iv.
p. 817) marks the change in him. The local annalist who
copies him gives Walkelin a warm panegyric; “Erat vir
perfectæ pietatis et sanctitatis, immensæque prudentiæ, et
tantæ demum abstinentiæ ut nec carnes nec pisces comederet.”
(His brother Simeon (Ann. Wint. 1082), afterwards Abbot of
Ely (see N. C. vol. iv. pp. 481, 833), had taught the monks
to give up flesh.) “Semper secum monachos habebat … non enim
minus conventum suum diligebat quam si omnes dii essent.”
This somewhat pagan way of talking has its contradictory in
the words of Hugh of Nonant, Bishop of Coventry (Ric. Div. §
85); “Ego clericos meos deos nomino, monachos dæmonia.”

[645] The well-known trick by which Walkelin cut down the
king’s wood at Hempage is recorded in Ann. Wint. 1086. Cf.
Willis, Winchester, 17.

[646] Ann. Wint. 1093. See Willis, Winchester, 6, 17.

[647] Ann. Wint. 1097. “Hoc anno transfretavit rex, et
regnum Walkelino et Radulfo Passeflabere commisit.”

[648] The exact date comes from Ann. Wint. 1098. He dies ten
days after his receipt of the king’s message, which comes
“die natalis Domini post inceptum missarum officium.”

[649] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 456.

[650] See vol. i. p. 355. I there carelessly followed the
date, 1093, given in the Monasticon, ii. 431, as the year of
the death of Robert of New Minster. It must be a misprint or
miswriting for 1098.

[651] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 407.

[652] On this early hero, son of King Anna of East-Anglia,
whose name has gone through endless corruptions, see
Liebermann’s note (Ungedruckte Anglo-Normannische
Geschichtsquellen, p. 277) to Heremann’s Miracles of Saint
Eadmund. William of Malmesbury (Gest. Pont. 156) writes him
“Germinus,” and not unnaturally says that he knows very
little about him, save that he was brother of Saint
Æthelthryth. His editor turns him into Saint German of
Auxerre; he then wonders that William should know so little
of Saint German of whom he had found a good deal to say
elsewhere, but he does not himself seem the least surprised
to hear Saint German spoken of as brother of Saint
Æthelthryth.

[653] This and the following stories come from the work of
Heremann just mentioned (Dr. Liebermann’s collection
contains also the Annals of Saint Eadmund’s). This story of
Osgod comes at p. 242. He enters the church, “armillas
bajulans in brachiis ambobus superbe [see N. C. vol. iv. p.
288], Danico more deaurata securi in humero dependente;” and
presently, “non sincere conatur securim a collo deponere,
vel se arroganter super eam appodiare.” On the way of
carrying the axe, see N. C. vol. iii. p. 767.

[654] Liebermann, 248 et seqq. Herfast is described as
“duarum Eastengle vicecomitatuum episcopus.” A branch runs
into his eye as he is riding through a wood. A document is
referred to which is witnessed by Hugh of Montfort, Roger
Rigod, Richard of Tunbridge, “et cum eis Lincoliensis
Turoldus simul et Hispaniensis Alveredus.” Liebermann finds
this Turold in the Norfolk Domesday, 172; but as he is
“Lincoliensis,” we should rather look for him in the company
discussed in N. C. vol. iii. p. 778; only Ælfred of Spain
(see N. C. vol. v. pp. 737, 777) is not Ælfred of Lincoln.

[655] See N. C. vol. i. p. 366.

[656] Liebermann, 265. “Natione Normannicus cum rege
Willelmo priore quidam fuerat aulicus, Rannulfus quidem
nomine, ceu tunc moris erat, militari perversus in opere.”
This cannot mean Randolf the chaplain. In his vision,
“somniat quod equitans fugam ineat, et sanctus martyr eques
insequutor fiat ejus armatus.”

[657] Ib. 268. “Robertus de Curzun” is in Domesday R. de
Curcun or Curcon. He appears several times in Domesday in
both the East-Anglian shires (175 _b_, 181 _b_, 187, 299
_b_, 331 _b_, 336), always as an under-tenant, and commonly
under Roger Bigod.

[658] The date is given (Liebermann, 274) as 1094, and the
King presently crosses the sea; this fixes it to the
assembly at Hastings. Baldwin has finished the eastern part
of his church (“ad unguem perduxerat suæ novæ et inceptæ
ecclesiæ presbiterii opus, multifariam compositum modis
omnibus, quale decuit esse regium decus”). The King first
grants leave for both ceremonies; then “regia voluntas
alterata prædicto patri Baldwino mandat in hæc verba;
translationem sancti martyris se concedere, dedicationem
vero minime fieri debere.”

[659] Compare the story of Saint Olaf, above, p. 139.
Flambard here appears in a marked way as “Rannulfus
capellanus,” “capellanus;” see Appendix S.

[660] “Omnia Romæ venalia,” says Heremann (Liebermann, 251);
but the story is rather of an attempt of Bishop Herfast to
bribe the Conqueror.

[661] Florence at least (1097) sends him out of the world
with very kindly feelings; “Eximiæ vir religionis,
monasterii S. Eadmundi abbas Baldwinus, natione Gallus,
artis medicinæ bene peritus, iv. kal. Jan. feria iii. in
bona senectute decessit.” He uses the same formula of Earl
Leofric forty years earlier. Several English names occur in
Heremann’s story; among them (Liebermann, 259) “domnus
Eadricus præpositus et cum eo presbyter Siwardus,” who are
spoken of in connexion with the Abbot’s journey to Rome.

[662] Chron. Petrib. 1099. “Se cyng Willelm … to Pentecosten
forman siðe his hired innan his nywan gebyttlan æt
Westmynstre heold, and þær Rannulfe his capellane þæt
biscoprice on Dunholme geaf, þe æror ealle his gemót ofer
eall Engleland draf and bewiste.” See vol. i. p. 333.

[663] The date, place, and consecrator are given by his
biographer in Ang. Sac. i. 707, who adds that it was done
“sine ulla exactione professionis, sicut et Willelmus
quondam prædecessor illius.”

[664] William of Malmesbury (Gest. Pont. 274), after
describing Flambard’s former doings, adds emphatically;
“Quibus artibus fretus, episcopatum Dunelmensem meruit.” But
he scratched out what he at first went on to say――“meruit ut
sanctius ingrederetur, _datis mille libris_.” One would have
looked for a larger sum.

[665] See N. C. vol. v. p. 631. But it would seem from the
words of the biographer (X Scriptt. 62; Ang. Sac. ii. 709)
that the work was not quite finished till after his death;
“Eo tempore [in the five years’ vacancy that followed] navis
ecclesiæ Dunelmensis monachis operi instantibus peracta
est.” This can hardly mean the vault, which seems later
still. The biographer also describes his other local works,
specially how “urbem hanc, licet natura munierit, muro ipse
reddidit fortiorem et augustiorem.” William of Malmesbury
(Gest. Pont. 274) records new buildings for the monks among
his better deeds.

[666] The biographer (u. s.) says, “Condidit castellum in
excelso præruptæ rupis super Twedam flumen, ut inde latronum
incursus inhiberet et Scotorum irruptiones. Ibi enim,
_utpote in confinio regni Anglorum et Scotorum_, creber
prædantibus ante patebat incursus, nullo ibidem quo
hujusmodi impetus repelleretur præsidio locato.” From
Simeon’s Gesta Regum we find that the place was Norham and
the date 1121. The words in Italics should be noticed. By
the time of this writer the older position of Lothian was
beginning to be forgotten; it had passed to Northumberland.
The building of the castle suggests to the biographer a
remark on Flambard’s character; “Taliter impulsu quodam
impatiente otii de opere transibat ad opus, nil reputans
factum, nisi factis nova jam facienda succederent.”

[667] “Jura libertatis episcopii secundum vires contra
extraneos defendebat,” says the biographer.

[668] “Inerat ei episcopo _magnanimitas_ quam quondam
procurator regni contraxit ex potentia, ut in conventu
procerum vel primus vel cum primis semper contenderet esse,
et inter honorificos honoris locum magnificentius obtineret.
Vastiori semper clamore vultuque minaci magis simulare quam
exhibere.” In all this the servant is very like his master.

[669] According to William of Malmesbury (Gest. Pont. 274),
he first behaved well for fear of Saint Cuthberht, but
finding that some smaller misdeeds went unpunished, he
presently ventured on greater. But in the existing text he
mentions only that Flambard dragged criminals out of
sanctuary, “ausus scelus omnibus retro annis inauditum.”
William had written, but he found it expedient to strike
out, how the Bishop not only set forbidden food before his
monks, but, “ut magis religionem irritaret, puellas
speciosissimas quæ essent procatioris formæ et faciei eis
propinare juberet, strictis ad corpus vestibus, solutis in
terga crinibus.”

[670] The details of a very penitent end are given by the
biographer. Among other confessions of sin, the Bishop says.
“plus volui illis nocere quam potui”――the complaint of the
Confessor. The persons who were to be hurt seem to be the
monks and men of the church of Durham.

[671] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 544.

[672] Vet. An. 306. “Quasi taurus in latebris silvarum.”

[673] Ib. “Helias apud castrum Lid et in castris
circumpositis morabatur, atque vires suas … ad nova
certamina, in quantum poterat, reparabat, castella sua vallo
atque fossa muniendo, et sibi vicinorum amicitias atque
auxilia consciscendo.” So Orderic, 773 C; “Quinque oppida
sua cum adjacentibus vicis instruxit, sollicita procuratione
damna supplevit, propriisque negotiis sedulus institit. Ab
Augusto usque ad pascha in pace siluit. Interim tamen quasi
specimine nisus suos hostibus ostenderet, callide cogitavit,
et multotiens cum fidis affinibus tractavit.”

The five castles may be Château-du-Loir, Lude (Lit), Mayet,
Outille, and Vaux. La Flèche is perhaps taken for granted.
All these, except Lude, are mentioned as we go on.

[674] Ord. Vit. 774 C. “Sequenti anno Helias post pascha
iterare guerram cœpit, et clam consentientibus indigenis,
depopulari confinia et militiam regis lacessere sategit.”

[675] Ib. “Mense Junio cum insigni multitudine militum
venit.” Vet. An. 307. “Sequenti æstate magno vicinorum atque
amicorum exercitu congregato.”

[676] Of the two bridges side by side, the elder is useless,
two arches having been broken down by the Vendeans in 1793.
But there has been fighting not far off in still later
times.

[677] Ord. Vit. 774 C. “Venit ad Planchias Godefredi, vadum
Egueniæ fluminis pertransivit, regiosque pugiles qui urbem
custodiebant ad conflictum lacessiit.” Vet An. 307. “Non
longe a civitate improvisus advenit; cui milites regis simul
cum populo usque ad Pontem Leugæ hostiliter occurrentes quum
ejus impetum sustinere non possent in fugam conversi sunt.
Ille vero amne transmisso, eos viriliter insecutus,” &c.
These two accounts seem to place the fighting on different
sides of the river. I incline to Orderic’s version on this
ground. A version which carries men across by a ford is
always to be preferred to one which carries them across by a
bridge, as likely to preserve the older tradition. The
bridge may always have been built between the time of the
event and the time of the writer, and he may easily be led
to speak as if it had been there at the earlier time.
Orderic himself speaks of the bridge in 775 B.

[678] Ord. Vit. 774 C. “Audaces Normanni foras proruperunt,
diuque dimicaverunt, sed numerosa hostium virtute prævalente
in urbem repulsi sunt. Tunc etiam hostes cum eisdem ingressi
sunt, quia eorum violentia coerciti municipes portas
claudere nequiverunt; sed per urbem fugientes vix in arcem
aliasque munitiones introire potuerunt.” Vet. An. 307. “Ille
[Helias] cum suo exercitu civitatem nullo prohibente
audacter ingressus, eos qui in munitionibus erant repentina
obsidione conclusit.”

[679] Ord. Vit. 774 C. “Cives Heliam multum diligebant,
ideoque dominatum ejus magis quam Normannorum affectabant….
Porro Helias a gaudentibus urbanis civitate susceptus est.”
Wace (14884) strongly brings out the general zeal for
Helias, though he has his own explanation for it;

“Cil del Mans od li se teneient,
D’avancier li s’entremetteient,
E li homes de la loée
Esteient tuit à sa criée.
E li baron de la cuntrée
Orent por li mainte medlée;
Mult le preisoent et amoent,
Et à seignor le desiroent,
_Com costumes est de plusors,
Ki conveitent novels seignors_.
Par espeir des veisins chastels
E par consence des Mansels,
Helies el Mans s’embati,
E cil del Mans l’unt recoilli.”