Chapter IV: Part 4

Luni matina a vinti noue de Jullio vedeſſemo venire contra nui piu de cento prao partiti in tre ſcadronj con alti tanti tunguli q̃ ſonno li ſue barche picole Quando vedeſſemo Queſto penſando foſſe qalque Jnganno ne deſſemo Lo piu preſto fo poſſibile nela vella et ꝓ preſſa Laſciaſſemo vna anchora et molto piu ne dubitauão de eſſere tolti in mezo de certi Junci q̃ neL giorno paſſato reſtarono dopo nuy Subito ſe voltaſſemo contra queſti et ne pigliaſſemo cato amazando molte ꝓ ſonne tri o catro Junci fugirono in ſeco in vno de qelli q̃ pigliaſſemo era lo figliolo deL re deLa yſola de Lozon coſtui era capo gñale de queſto re de burne et veniua cõ queſti Jonci da vna vila grande deta Laoe q̃ he in capo de queſta iſola verſo Jaua magiore laqalle ꝓ non volere hobedire aqueſto re ma aqello de Jaua magiore la haueua ruynata et ſacquegiata giouan Caruiao nr̃o piloto laſſo andare Queſto capo et Lo Jonco ſenza noſto conſentimẽto ꝓ certa Cantita de oro como dapoy ſapeſſemo ſe non Laſſaua queſto re lo capo ne haueria dato tuto qello haueſſemo demandato ꝓ che queſto capo era molto temuto in queſte parte ma piu da gentilli ꝓ cio ſonno Jnimiciſſimj de queſto re moro. in queſto porto glie vnalta cita de gentilli magiori de qella de li mori fondata anche ella in acqua ſalza ꝓ ilche ogni Jorno Queſti dui populi combateno inſieme neL medeſimo porto il re gentille e potente como Lo re moro ma nõ tanto ſuperbo facilmente ſe conuertirebe a la fede de xp̃o Jl re moro Quando haueua Jnteſo in que modo haueuão tractati li Jonci ne mando a dire ꝓ vno de li noſti q̃ erão in tera como li prao nõ veniuão ꝓ farne deſpiacere ma andauão conta li gentilli et ꝓ verificatiõe de queſto li moſtrorono alguni capi de homini morti et li diſcero que erão de gentili mandaſſemo dire aL re li piaceſſe laſciare venire li noſtri duy homini q̃ ſtauano ne la cita ꝓ contratare et Lo figliolo de Johã caruaio q̃ era naſcuto nela tera deL ꝟzin ma lui nõ volce de queſto fo cagiõe Johã Caruaio ꝓ Laſſiare qeL capo reteniſſemo ſedizi homj̃ piu principali ꝓ menarli in ſpagaia et tre donne in nome de la regina deſpaga ma Johã caruaio le vſurpo per ſue.

LY Jonci ſonno le ſue naui et facti inqueſto modo Lo fondo e circa duy palmi ſoura lacqua et de taule con cauechie di legnio aſſay ben facto ſuura de queſto ſonno tucti de cane groſiſſime ꝓ contrapezo porta vno de queſti tanta roba como vna naue li ſui arbore ſonno de canne et le velle de ſcorſe de arbore la porcellana ſorte de tera bianquiſſima et ſta cinquanta anny ſoto tera inanzi laſiadopere ꝓ che altramente non ſaria fina lo padre la ſotera ꝓ lo figliolo ſeL [veleno] ſi ponne in vno vazo de porcelana fino ſubito ſe rompe la moneta q̃ adoperano li morj in queſta parte e dimetalo ſbuſata neL mezo ꝓ inſfilzarla et a ſolamte duna parte quato ſegni q̃ ſonno lr̃e deL grã re della Chijna et La chiamano picis per vno cathiL de argento viuo che e due libre de le noſte ne dauano ſey ſcutelle de porcelana per vno quinterno de carta cento picis ꝓ cento ſexanta cathili de metalo vno vazeto de porcelana ꝓ tre cortelli vno vazo de porcelana ꝓ 160 cathili de metalo ne danão vno bahar de cera q̃ e duzento et tre cathili per octanta cathili de metalo vno bahar de ſale ꝓ quaranta cathili de metalo vno bahar de anime ꝓ conciar le nauj ꝓ que in queſte parte nõ ſi troua pegola vinti tahiL fanno vno cathiL Qiui ſe apretia metalo argento viuo vetro cenaprio pannj de lana telle et tutte le altri nr̃e merce ma piu lo fero et li ochiali Queſti morj vano nudi como li alti beueno largento viuo Lo infermo Lo beue per purgarſe et Lo Sano ꝓ reſtare ſanno.

Jl re de burne a due perle groſſe come dui oui de galina et ſonno tanto rotonde q̃ non puono firmarſe ſoura vna tauola et queſto ſo certo ꝓ q̃ quando li portaſſemo li preſenti li fo facto ſegnio nele moſtraſe lui diſſe le moſtrarebe lalto giorno poy alguni principali ne diſſero Loro hauerle vedute.

Queſti mori adoranno mahometo et la ſua lege et non mangiar carne de porco lauarſi il culo cõ la mano ſiniſtra non mangiare cõ qella nõ tagliare coſa alguna cõ la dextra ſedere Quando vrinano nõ amazare galine ne capre ſe pima nõ parlano aL ſolle tagliare de galine le cime de le alle cõ le ſue pelecine q̃ li avanzano de ſoto et li piedi et poy ſcartarla ꝓ mezo lauarſe lo volto cõ la mano drita nõ lauarſe li denti cõ li ditti et none mangiare coſa alguna amazata ſe non da loro ſonno circũ ſiſi como li Judei.

Jn queſta yſola naſce la canfora ſpecie de balſamo laqalle naſce fra li arbori et la ſcorſa e menuta como li remole Se la ſe tiene diſcoperta apoco apoco diuenta niente et la chiamano Capor li naſce cannela gengero mirabolani neranci limoni chiacare meloni cogomari zuche rapani ceuole ſcarlogne vache bufali porci capre galine oche ceruj elefanti cauali et altre coſe Queſta yſola e tanto grande q̃ ſi ſta a circundarla con vno prao tre mezi ſta de latitudine aL polo articho in cinque gradi et vno carto et in cento et ſetantaſey et duy terſi de Longitudine de la linea Repartitionale et ſe chiama burne.

Partendone de queſta yſola tornaſſemo in drieto ꝓ truuare vno loco apto ꝓ conciare le naui ꝓ che faceuano hacqua vna naue ꝓ poco vedere deL ſuo piloto dete in certi baſſi duna yſola deta bibalon ma cõ lo ajuto de dio la liberaſſemo vno marinaro de qella naue nõ hauedendoſe deſpauilo vna candella in vna barille pien de poluere re de bombarda Subito la tolſe fora ſenſa danno niſſuno ſeguẽdo poi lo nr̃o camino pigliaſſemo vno prao pienno de Cochi que andaua a burne le homini fugirono in vna Jſoleta fin que pigliaſſemo queſto tre alti fugirono de drieto da certe yſollete.

AL capo de burne fa queſta et vna Jſola deta Cimbonbon q̃ ſta in octo gradi et ſette menuti e vno porto ꝓfecto ꝓ conciare naui ꝓ ilque entraſſemo dento et ꝓ hauer̃ tropo le coſe neceſſarie ꝓ conciare le naui tardaſſemo quarãtaduj giorni Jn Queſti giorni ognuno de nuy ſe afaticaua qi in vna coſa qi in vnalta ma la magior faticha haueuão era andar far legnia neli boſchi ſenza ſcarpe Jn queſta yſola ſonno porci ſaluatici ne amazaſſemo vno de queſti cõ lo batello ne lacqua paſſando de vna yſola in vnalta loqalle haueua lo capo longo duy palmi et mezo et li denti grandi gli ſonno Cocodrili grandi cuſſi de terra como de mare oſtrigue et cape de diuerſe ſorte fra le altre no trouaſſemo due la carne de luna pezo vinti ſey libr̃ et lalta quaranta catro pigliaſſemo vno peſce q̃ haueua Lo capo Como vno porco con dui Corni eL ſuo corpo era tuto duno oſſo ſolo haueua ſoura la ſchena como vna ſella et era picolo Ancora qi ſe troua arbori q̃ fanno la foglia Quando caſcano ſonno viue et Ca minano Quelle foglie ſonno de piu ne meno Como qelli deL moraro ma nõ tanto Longue apreſſo eL pecolo de vna parte et delalta anno duy piedi iL pecollo e corto et pontino non anno ſangue et qi le coca fugino yo ne teny vna noue giorni in vna ſcatola Quando la apriua Queſta andaua in torno intorno ꝓ la ſcatola non penſo viueno de alto ſenon de arie.

Eſſendo partiti de queſta yſola çioe deL porto neL capo de qella yſola pulaoã in contraſſemo vno Jonco che veniua da burne neLqalle era lo gouuernator̃ de pulaoan li faceſſemo ſegnio amaynaſſe le velle et lui nõ volendole amaynare lo pigliaſſemo ꝓ forſa et Lo ſacquegiaſſemo ſeL gouernator̃ volſe eſſere libero ne dete in termino de ſette giornj Quatro cento meſure de rizo vinti porci vinti capre et cento cinquanta galine poy ne a preſento cochi figui canne dolci vazi de vino de palma et alte coſe vedẽ do nuy la ſua liberalita gli rendeſſemo alguni ſui pugnialli et archibuſi poy li donaſſemo vna bandiera vna veſta de damaſco giallo et xv braçia de tella a vno ſuo figliolo vna capo de panno lazuro et a vno fratello deL gouuernator̃ vna veſta de panno ꝟde et alte coſe ſe partiſſemo de lui Como amiçi et tornaſſemo indrieto fa la yſola de cagajan et qeL porto de Cippit pigliando lo Camino a la carta deL leuante ꝟſo ſiroco ꝓ trouare le yſolle de malucho paſaſſemo ꝓ certi monticelli circa de liqalli trouaſſemo lo mare pienno de herbe cõ lo fondo grandisso Quando paſauarho ꝓ queſti ne pareua intrare ꝓ vno alto mare reſtãdo chipit al leuante trouaſſemo due yſolle zolo et taghima aL ponente apreſſe de le qalle naſcono le perle le due deL re de burne forono trouatte quiui et le hebe como ne fo referito in queſto modo Queſto re piglio per moglie vna figliola deL re de zolo laqalle li diſſe como ſuo padre haueua Queſte due perle coſtui ſi delibero hauerli in ogni modo ando vna nocte con cinquecento prao et piglio lore con duy ſui figlioli et meno li a burne ſeL re de zolo ſe volſe liberare li fu forſa darli le due perle.

Poy al leuante carta del grego paſaſſemo fra dui habitatiõe dete cauit et subanin et vna Jſola habitata deta monoripa longi x legue da li monticeli La gente de queſta hanno loro caſe in barche et non habitano altroue in qelle due habitatiõe de cauit et subanin liqalli ſonno ne la yſola de butuan et Calaghan naſce la meglior Canella q̃ ſi poſſa trouare ſe ſtauão iui ꝓ dui giornj ne carigauano le naui ma ꝓ hauer bon vento apaſare vna ponta et certe yſollete q̃ erano circha de queſta nõ voleſſemo tardar̃ et andando a la vella barataſſemo diſiſette libre ꝓ dui cortelli grandi haue vamo tolti aL gouuernator̃ de pulaoan larbore de queſta Cannella he alto tre o catro cubito et groſſo como li diti de La mano et nõ ha piu de tre o catro rameti la ſua foglia he como qella deL lauro La ſua ſcorſa he La Cannella La ſe coglie due volte a lanno coſi e forte lo legnio et le foglie eſſendo verde como la cannella la chiamão caiu mana Caiu vol dire legno et mana dolce çioe legnio dolce.

Pigliando Lo camino aL grego et andando a vna cita grande detta maingda nao Laqalle he nela yſola de butuan et calaghan acio ſapeſſemo qaLque noua de maluco pigliaſſemo ꝓ forſa vno bigniday e come vno prao et amazaſſemo ſette homini in queſto erano ſolum dizidoto homini diſpoſti Quanto alguni alti vedeſſemo in queſte parte tucti deli principali de ma ingdanao fra queſti vno ne diſſe q̃ era fratello del re de maingdanao et che ſapeua doue era malucho ꝓ queſto laſaſſemo la via del grego et pigliaſẽo la via de ſiroco in vno capo de queſta yſola butuan et caleghan apreſſo de vno fiume ſe trouano hominj pelozi grandiſſimi combatitori et arciere anno ſpade largue vno palmo mangião ſinon Lo core deL huomo crudo cõ ſugo de neranzi o limoni et ſe chiamano benaian li peloſi Quando pigliaſſemo La via deL ſiroco ſtauamo in ſey gradi et ſete menuti aLartico et trenta legui longi de cauit.

Andando aL ſiroco trouaſſemo Quatro yſolle Ciboco biraham batolach Saranganj et candighar vno ſabato de nocte a vinti ſey de octobre coſteando birahan batolach ne aſſalto vna fortuna grandiſſima ꝓ ilque pregando ydio abaſſa ſemo tucte le velle Subito li tri noſti ſancti ne aparſero deſcaciando tuta laſcuritate sto. elmo ſtette piu de due hore incima lagabia como vna torchia sto. nicolo in cima dela mezana et sta chiara ſoura lo trinqueto ꝓmeteſemo vno ſchiauo aſancto elmo a sto nicolo et a Sta. chiara gli deſſemo a ogny vno laſua elemoſina ſeguendo poy nr̃o viagio intraſſemo in vno porto in mezo de le due yſolle Saranghani et candighar et ſe afermaſſemo aL leuante apreſſo vna habitatiõe de ſarangani oue ſe troua oro et perle Queſti populi ſonno gentili et vano nudi como gli alti Queſto porto ſta de latitudine in cinque gradi et noue menuti et longi cinquanta legue de cauit.

Stando quiui vno giorno pigliaſſemo dui piloti ꝓ forſa acio ne inſegniaſeno malucho facendo nr̃o viagio fa mezo giorno et garbin paſaſſemo ꝓ octo yſole habitate et deſhabitate poſte in modo de vna via leqalle ſe chiamano Cheaua Cauiao Cabiao Camanuca Cabaluzao cheai lipan et nuza fin que ariuaſſemo in vna yſola poſta in fine de queſte molto bella aL vedere ꝓ hauere vento contrario et ꝓ non potere paſſare vna ponta de queſta yſo la andauamo dequa et dela çirca de ella ꝓ ilque vno de qelli haueuamo pigliati a ſaranghai et Lo fratello deL re de maingdanao cõ vno ſuo figliolo picolo ne la nocte fugirono nuotando in queſta yſola ma iL figliolo ꝓ nõ potere tenere ſaldo ſoura le ſpalle de ſuo padre ſe anego ꝓ nõ potere caualcare la dicta punta paſſaſemo de ſoto dela yſola doue erano molte yſolette Queſta yſola tenne quato re raia matandatu raia lalagha Raia bapti et raia parabu ſonno gentili ſta in tre gradi et mezo a lartico et 27. legue longi de ſaranghany. et edetta ſanghir.

Facendo lo medeſimo Camino paſaſſemo zirca ſey Jſolle cheama Carachita para zanghalura Ciau lontana diece legue da ſanghir Queſta tenne vno mõte alto ma nõ largo lo ſuo re chiama raia ponto et paghinzara Longo octo legue da ciau laqalle a tre montagnie alte Lo ſuo re ſe chiama raia babintan talaut poy trouaſſemo aL leuante de paghinzara longi dodici legue due yſolle nõ molto grandi habitate dette zoar et meau paſſate queſte due yſolle mercore aſey de nouembr̃ diſcoperſemo quato yſolle alte aL leuante Longi dale due cadordice legue Lo pilloto q̃ ne era reſtato diſſe Como qelle quatro yſolle erão maluco ꝓ ilque rengratiaſſemo ydio et ꝓ allegreza deſcaricaſſemo tuta La artigliaria non era de marauiliarſi ſe eramo tanto alegri perche haueuão paſſati vintiſette meſi mancho dui giorni in cercare malucho ꝓ tute qʒſte yſolle [ꝓ tute queſte yſolle: doublet in original MS.] fin amalucho eL menor fondo trouaſſemo era in cento et ducento bracia aL contrario Como diceuão li portugueſi q̃ quiui nõ ſi poteua nauigare ꝓ li grã baſſi et iL çiello obſcuro como loro Se haueuão ymaginato.

Venere a octo de nouembr̃ 1521 tre hore inanzi lo tramontar deL ſolle entraſe mo in vno porto duna yſolla deta Tadore et ſurgendo apreſſo terra in vinti bracia deſcaricaſſemo tuta lartigliaria neL giorno ſeguente venne lo re in vno prao a le naui et circundole vna volta ſubito li andaſſemo contra cõ Lo batello ꝓ honnorarlo ne fece intrare nel ſuo prao et ſedere apreſſo deſe lui ſedeua ſotto vna humbrela de Seta q̃ andaua intorno dinanſi de lui era vno ſuo figliolo coL Scettro realle et dui cõ dui vazi de oro ꝓ dare hacqua ale manj et dui altrj cõ due caſſetine dorate pienne de qelle betre. Lo re ne diſſe foſſemo libẽ venuttj et Como lui Ja grã tempo ſe haueua ſogniato alquante naue vegnire Amaluco da luogui lontanj et ꝓ piu Certificarſi aueua voluto vedere ne la luna et vite como veniuano et q̃ nuy eramo qelli Entrando lo re nelle nauy tucti li baſaronno la mano poi lo Conducemo ſoura la popa et neL en trare dentro nõ ſe voſce abaſſare ma entro de ſoura via facendolo ſedere in vna cathedra de veluto roſſo li veſtiſſemo vna veſta de veluto Jallo aLa turqueſca nui ꝓ piu ſuo honnore ſedeuão in terra apreſſo lui eſendo tucti aſentati lo re comincio et diſſe lui et tucti ſui populi volere ſemꝓ eſſere fideliſſemj amici et vaſſali aL nr̃o re deſpagnia et acceptaua nuj Como ſui figlioli et doueſcemo deſcendere in terra Como nele ꝓrie caſe noſte ꝓ che daqi indietro ſua yſola non ſe chiameria piu tadore ma caſtiglia ꝓ lamore grande portaua al nr̃o re Suo ſigniore li donaſſemo vno pñte qaL fo la veſte la cathedra vna peſſa de tella ſotille Quatro bracia de panno de ſcarlata vno ſaglio de brocato vno panno de damaſco giallo alguni panny indiany lauorati de oro et de ſeta Vna peza de berania biancha tella de Cambaia dui bonnetj ſey filce de criſtalo dodici corteli tre ſpechi grandi sey forfice ſey petini alquanti bichieri dorati et altre coſe aL ſuo figliolo vno paño indianno de oro et de ſeta vno ſpechio grande vno bonnet et duy cortelli a noue alti ſui principali a ogni vno vno panno de ſeta bonneti et dui cortellj et a molti alti aqi bonneti et aqi cortelli deſſemo in fin queL re ne diſſe doue ſsemo reſtare dopo ne diſſe lui nõ hauer alto ſinon la ꝓpia vita ꝓ mãdare al re ſuo s. doueſſemo nuj piu aꝓpincarſe a la cita et se veniua de nocte ale naui li amazaſſemo cõ li Schiopeti partendoſſe de la popa may ſe volce abaſſare pigliata la liſſentia diſcare caſſemo tucte le bombarde Queſto re he moro et forſi de quaranta cinque anny ben facto cõ vna pñtia realle et grandiſſimo aſtrologo alhora era veſtito duna Camiſeta de tella biancha ſoti liſſima cõli capi de le manigue lauorati doro et de vno panno dela cinta quaſi fina in terra et era deſcalſo haueua Jntorno Lo capo [lo capo: doublet in original MS.] vno velo de ſeta et ſoura vna girlanda de fiory et chiamaſſe raia ſultan Manzor.

Domenica a x de nouembr̃ Queſto re volſe intendere quanto tempo era Se eramo partiti deſpagnia et Lo ſoldo et la Quintalada ne daua il re açiaſcuno de nui et voliua li deſſemo vna firma deL re et vna bandiera reale ꝓ ch̃ daqi inanzi La ſua Jſola et vnalta chiamata Tarenate de laqalle ſeL poteua coronare vno ſuo [figlio: crossed out in original MS.] nepote deto Calonaghapi farebe tucte due ſerianno deL re deſpagnia et ꝓ honnore del ſuo re era ꝓ combatere inſino aLa morte et Quando non poteſſe piu reſiſtere veniria in ſpaga lui etucti li ſui in vno Joncho faceua far de nuoua cõla firma et bãdera reale percio grã tempo era ſuo ſeruitor̃ ne prego li laſciaſſemo algunj hominj acio ogni ora ſe arecordaſſe deL re deſpagnia et non mercadãtie ꝓ che loro non gli reſtarebenno et ne diſſe voleua andare a vna Jſola chiamata bachian ꝓ fornirne piu preſto le naui de garoſali ꝓ cio nela ſua non eranno tanti de ſechi fucero ſoficientj a carigar le due naue ogi ꝓ eſſere domenicho non volſe contractare JL giorno feſtigiato da queſti populi he Lo nr̃o vennere.

Açcio vr̃a JILma sa. ſapra le yſolle doue naſcono li garofali Sunno cinque tarenatte Tadore mutir machian et bachian tarenate he la principalle et quãdo viueua lo ſuo re signorigiaua caſi tucte le altre Tadore et qella doue eramo tienne re mutir et machian non anno re ma ſe regenno a populo et quando li dui re de tarenate et de tadore fanno guera inſieme Queſte due li ſerueno de gente La vltima e bachian et tienne re tucta queſta ꝓuin tia doue naſcono li garofali ſe chiama malucho. non era ancora octo meſy que ero morto in tarenate vno franco ſeranno portugueſe capo gñale deL re de tarenate contra Lo re de tadore et opero tanto que Conſtrinſe Lo re de tadore donnare vna ſua figliola ꝓ moglie aL re de tarenate et quaſi tueti li figlioli deli principali ꝓ oſtagio de laqaL figliola naſcete queL nepote deL re de tadore poy facta fa loro la pace eſſendo venuto vno giorno franco ſeranno in tadore ꝓ contractare garofali queſto re lo fece velenare cõ qelle foglie de betre et viuete ſinon catro Jornj il ſuo re lo veleua far ſepelire ſecondo le ſue lege ma tre xp̃iani ſui ſeruitorj non conſentirono Lo qaL laſcio vno figliolo et vna figliola picoli de vna donna que tolſi in Jaua magiore et ducento bahar de garofoli coſtui era grande amicho et parente deL nr̃o fideL capo. gñale et fo cauſa de Comouerlo apigliar qʒſta inpreſa perche piu volte eſſendo Lo ñro capo amalacha li haueua ſcripto Como lui ſtaua iui D. manueL Ja re de portugaL ꝓ nõ volere acreſcere la ꝓuiſione deL nr̃o capo gñale ſolamente de vno teſtonne aL meſe ꝓ li ſui bennemeriti venne in ſpagnia et hebe dala ſacra mageſta tucto qello ſepe demandare paſſati x giorni dopo la morte de franco ſeranno iL re de tarenate deto raya Abuleis hauendo deſcaciato ſuo gennero re de bachian fu avelenato de ſua figliola moglie del decto re Soto ombra de volere cõcluder̃ la pace fra loro il qalle ſcampo ſolum duy giornj et laſcio nuoue figlioly principali li loro nomy ſono queſti Chechili momuli Jadore vunighi Chechili de roix Cili manzur Cili pagi Chialin Chechilin Cathara vaiechu Serich et calano ghapi.

Luni a xj de nouembr̃ vno deli figlioli deL re de tarenate chechili de roix veſtito de veluto roſſo venne ali naui cõ dui prao ſonnando cõ qelle borchie et nõ volſe alhora entrare neli naui coſtui teneua la donna li figlioli et li alte coſe de franco ſeranno Quando lo Cognioſſemo mandaſſemo dire al re ſeL doueuão receuere ꝓ che eramo neL ſuo porto ne riſpoſe faceſſemo como voleuamo Lo figliolo deL re vedendone ſtar ſuſpeſi ſe diſcoſto alquanto da le naui li an daſemo cõlo batello apñtarli vno panno de oro et de ſeta indiano cõ alquãti Cortelli ſpechi et forfice accepto li cõ vno pocho de ſdegnio et ſubito ſe parti Coſtui haueua ſeco vno Jndio xp̃iano chiamato Manuel ſeruitor̃ dun peto alfonſo de loroſa portugheſe loqaL dopo la morte de franco ſeranno vene de bandan ataranate iL ſeruitor̃ ꝓ ſapere parlare in portugheſe entro nele naue et diſſenne ſe ben li figlioli deL re de tarenate eranno nemici deL re de tadore niente de meno ſempre ſtauamo aL ſeruitio deL re de ſpagnia mã daſemo vna lr̃a apietro alfonſo de loroſa ꝓ queſto ſuo ſeruitor̃ doueſſe vegnire ſenza ſuſpecto niſſuno.

Queſti re teneno quante donne voleno ma ne anno vna ꝓ ſuo moglie principale et tutte le altre hobediſconno aqueſta il re de tadore haueua vna caſa grãde fuora de la çita doue eſtauano du cento ſue donne de li piu principali cõ alte tante le ſeruiuano Quando lo re mangia ſta ſolo ho vero cõ la ſuo mogle prin cipalle in vno luoco alto Como vn tribunalle oue po vedere tucte le altre q̃ li ſedenno atorno et aqella piu li piace li comanda vada dormire ſecho qela nocte finito lo mangiare ſe lui comanda Qʒ queſte mangião inſieme Lo fanno ſe non ognuna va mangiare nella ſua camera. Niuno ſenza liſentia deL re le puo vedere et ſe alguno he trouato o di giorno o de nocte apreſſo la caza del re he amazato ogni famiglia he hobligata de dare aL re vna et due figliole Queſto re haueua vinti ſey figlioli octo maſchi lo reſto femine Dinanzi a queſta yſola nehe vna grandiſſima chiamata giailolo che he habitata de mory et da gentilli ſe trouerano duy re fra li mory Si como ne diſſe eL re vno ha uer̃ hauuto ſeycento figlioli et lalto cinque cento et vinticinque li gentili nõ teneno tante donne ne viueno cõ tante ſuperſtitioni ma adorana la pia coſa q̃ vedeno la matina quando eſconno fora de caſa ꝓ tuto qeL giorno JL re de queſti gentilli deto raya papua e richiſſimo de oro et habita dento ne layſola in queſta Jſola de giaiallo naſcono Soura ſaſſi viui cane groſſe Como la gamba pienne de acqua molto buona da bere ne Comprauão assay daqueſti populi.

Marti a dudici de nouembre il re fece fare in vno giorno vna caſa nela cita ꝓ la nr̃a mercantia gli la portaſſemo quaſi tuta et ꝓ guardia de quella laſciaſſemo tri homini de li nr̃j et ſubito Cominciaſſemo amerchadantare in queſto modo ꝓ x braçia de panno roſſo asay bonno ne dauano vno bahar de garofali q̃ he quato qʒi et ſey libr̃ un Quintale e cento libr̃ per quindici bracia de panno nõ tropo bonno un bahar ꝓ quindice accette vno bahar ꝓ trenta cinque bichieri de vetro vno bahar iL re li hebe tucti ꝓ dizi ſette Cachili de Cenaprio vn bahar ꝓ diziſete cathili de argento viuo vno bahar ꝓ vintiſey bracia de tella vno bahar ꝓ vinticinque bracia de tella piu ſotille vno bahar ꝓ cento cinquanta Cortelli vno bahar per cinquanta forfice vno bahar ꝓ quaranta bonneti vno bahar ꝓ x panny de guzerati vno bahar per tre de qelle ſue borchie dui bahar ꝓ vno quintaL de metalo vno bahar tucti li ſpechi eranno rocti et li pocqi bonny Ly volſe el re molte de queſte coſe eranno de qelli Junci haueuamo preſi la p̃ſteſa de venire in ſpagnia ne fece dare le nr̃e merchantie ꝓ miglior mercato non hauereſſemo facto ogni giorno veniuano ale naui tante barque pienne de capre galine figui cochi et altre coſe da mangiare q̃ era vna marauiglia forniſſemo li naui de hacqua buona Queſta hacqua naſcie calda maſe ſta ꝓ ſpacio duna hora fora de ſuo fonte diuenta frigidiſſima queſto e ꝓ q̃ naſce neL monte delli garofoli aL contrario Como ſe diceua in ſpagnia lacqua eſſer portata amaluco de longi parte.

Mercore lo re mando ſuo figliolo deto mossahap a mutir ꝓ garofoli açcio piu preſto ne forniſſeno hogi diceſſemo aL re Como haueuamo preſſi certj indij rengratio molto ydio et dicene lifaceſſemo tanta gratia gli deſſemo li preſoni ꝓche li mandarebe nelle ſue terre cõ cinque hominj de li ſui ꝓ manifeſtare deL re deſpagnia et de ſua fama alhora li donaſſemo li tre donne pigliate in nome de la reyna ꝓ la cagiõe Ja detta JL giorno ſeguente li apreſentaſſemo tucti li preſoni ſaluo qelli de burne ne hebe grandiſſimo piacere. Dapoy ne diſce doueſſemo ꝓ ſuo amore amazare tucti li porci haueuão nele nauj ꝓ che ne darebe tante capre et galine gli amazaſſemo ꝓ farli piaçere et li apichaſſemo ſoto la Couuerta Quado Coſtoro ꝓ ventura li vedeuano ſe copriuano lo volto ꝓ non vederli ne ſentire lo ſuo odore.

(Continued in Vol. XXXIV, page 38.)

[FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD]

Antonio Pigafeta, [1] patrician of Venezia and knight of Rhodi [i.e., Rhodes], [2] to the most illustrious and excellent Lord, Philipo de Villers Lisleadam, [3] renowned grand master of Rhoddi, his most honored lord. [4]

Inasmuch as, most illustrious and excellent Lord, there are many curious persons who not only take pleasure in knowing and hearing the great and wonderful things which God has permitted me to see and suffer during my long and dangerous voyage, hereto appended, but who also wish to know the means and manners and paths that I have taken in making that voyage [literally: “in going thither”]; and who do not lend that entire faith to the end unless they have a perfect assurance of the beginning: therefore, your most illustrious Lordship must know that, finding myself, in the year of the nativity of our Savior MCCCCCXIX in Spagnia, in the court of the most serene king of the Romans, [5] with the reverend Monsignor, Francesco Chieregato, then apostolic protonotary and nuncio of Pope Leo X of holy memory (and who has since become bishop of Aprutino and prince of Teramo), [6] and having learned many things from many books that I had read, as well as from various persons, [7] who discussed the great and marvelous things of the Ocean Sea with his Lordship, I determined, by the good favor of his Cæsarean Majesty, and of his Lordship abovesaid, to experience and to go to see those things for myself, so that I might be able thereby to satisfy myself somewhat, and so that I might be able to gain some renown for later posterity. [8] Having heard that a fleet composed of five vessels had been fitted out in the city of Siviglia for the purpose of going to discover the spicery in the islands of Maluco, under command of Captain-general Fernando de Magaglianes, [9] a Portuguese gentleman, comendador of the [Order of] Santo Jacobo de la Spada [i.e., “St. James of the Sword”], [10] [who] had many times traversed the Ocean Sea in various directions, whence he had acquired great praise, I set out from the city of Barsalonna, where his Majesty was then residing, bearing many letters in my favor. I went by ship as far as Malega, where, taking the highroad, I went overland to Siviglia. Having been there about three full months, waiting for the said fleet to be set in order for the departure, [11] finally, as your most excellent Lordship will learn below, we commenced our voyage under most happy auspices. And inasmuch as when I was in Ytalia and going to see his Holiness, Pope Clement, [12] you by your grace showed yourself very kind and good to me at Monteroso, and told me that you would be greatly pleased if I would write down for you all those things which I had seen and suffered during my voyage; and although I have had little opportunity, yet I have tried to satisfy your desire according to my poor ability; therefore, I offer you, in this little book of mine, all my vigils, hardships, and wanderings, begging you, although you are busied with continual Rhodian cares, to deign to skim through it, by which I shall be enabled to receive a not slight remuneration from your most illustrious Lordship, to whose good favor I consign and commend myself. [13]

The captain-general having resolved to make so long a voyage through the Ocean Sea, where furious winds and great storms are always reigning, but not desiring to make known to any of his men the voyage that he was about to make, so that they might not be cast down at the thought of doing so great and extraordinary a deed, as he did accomplish with the aid of God (the captains who accompanied him, hated him exceedingly, I know not why, unless because he was a Portuguese, and they Spaniards), with the desire to conclude what he promised under oath to the emperor, Don Carlo, king of Spagnia, prescribed the following orders and gave them to all the pilots and masters of his ships, so that the ships might not become separated from one another during the storms and night. [14] These were [to the effect] that he would always precede the other ships at night, and they were to follow his ship which would have a large torch of wood, which they call farol. [15] He always carried that farol set at the poop of his ship as a signal so that they might always follow him. Another light was made by means of a lantern or by means of a piece of wicking made from a rush and called sparto rope [16] which is well beaten in the water, and then dried in the sun or in the smoke—a most excellent material for such use. They were to answer him so that he might know by that signal whether all of the ships were coming together. If he showed two lights besides that of the farol, they were to veer or take another tack, [doing this] when the wind was not favorable or suitable for us to continue on our way, or when he wished to sail slowly. If he showed three lights, they were to lower away the bonnet-sail, which is a part of the sail that is fastened below the mainsail, when the weather is suitable for making better time. It is lowered so that it may be easier to furl the mainsail when it is struck hastily during a sudden squall. [17] If he showed four lights, they were to strike all the sails; [18] after which he showed a signal by one light, [which meant] that he was standing still. If he showed a greater number of lights, or fired a mortar, it was a signal of land or of shoals. [19] Then he showed four lights when he wished to have the sails set full, so that they might always sail in his wake by the torch on the poop. When he desired to set the bonnet-sail, he showed three lights. [20] When he desired to alter his course, he showed two; [21] and then if he wished to ascertain whether all the ships were following and whether they were coming together, he showed one light, so that each one of the ships might do the same and reply to him. Three watches were set nightly: the first at the beginning of the night; the second, which is called the midnight, [22] and the third at the end [of the night]. All of the men in the ships were divided into three parts: the first was the division of the captain or boatswain, those two alternating nightly; the second, of either the pilot or boatswain’s mate; and the third, of the master. [23] Thus did the captain-general order that all the ships observe the above signals and watches, so that their voyage might be more propitious. [24]

On Monday morning, August x, St. Lawrence’s day, in the year abovesaid, the fleet, having been supplied with all the things necessary for the sea, [25] (and counting those of every nationality, we were two hundred and thirty-seven men), made ready to leave the harbor of Siviglia. [26] Discharging many pieces of artillery, the ships held their forestaysails to the wind, and descended the river Betis, at present called Gadalcavir, passing by a village called Gioan dal Farax, once a large Moorish settlement. In the midst of it was once a bridge that crossed the said river, and led to Siviglia. Two columns of that bridge have remained even to this day at the bottom of the water, and when ships sail by there, they need men who know the location of the columns thoroughly, so that the ships may not strike against them. They must also be passed when the river is highest with the tide; as must also many other villages along the river, which has not sufficient depth [of itself] for ships that are laden and which are not very large to pass. Then the ships reached another village called Coria, and passed by many other villages along the river, until they came to a castle of the duke of Medina Cidonia, called San Lucar, which is a port by which to enter the Ocean Sea. [27] It is in an east and west direction with the cape of Sanct Vincent, which lies in 37 degrees of latitude, and x leguas from the said port. [28] From Siviglia to this point [i.e., San Lucar], it is 17 or 20 leguas by river. [29] Some days after, the captain-general, with his other captains, descended the river in the small boats belonging to their ships. We remained there for a considerable number of days in order to finish [30] [providing] the fleet with some things that it needed. Every day we went ashore to hear mass in a village called Nostra Dona de Baremeda [our Lady of Barrameda], near San Lucar. Before the departure, the captain-general wished all the men to confess, and would not allow any [31] woman to sail in the fleet for the best of considerations.

We left that village, by name San Luchar, on Tuesday, September xx of the same year, and took a southwest course. [32] On the 26th [33] of the said month, we reached an island of the Great Canaria, called Teneriphe, which lies in a latitude of 28 degrees, [landing there] in order to get flesh, water, and wood. [34] We stayed there for three and one-half days in order to furnish the fleet with the said supplies. Then we went to a port of the same island called Monte Rosso [35] to get pitch, [36] staying [there] two days. Your most illustrious Lordship must know that there is a particular one of the islands of the Great Canaria, where one can not find a single drop of water which gushes up [from a spring]; [37] but that at noontide a cloud descends from the sky and encircles a large tree which grows in the said island, the leaves and branches of which distil a quantity of water. At the foot of the said tree runs a trench which resembles a spring, where all the water falls, and from which the people living there, and the animals, both domestic and wild, fully satisfy themselves daily with this water and no other. [38]

At midnight of Monday, October three, the sails were trimmed toward the south, [39] and we took to the open Ocean Sea, passing between Cape Verde and its islands in 14 and one-half degrees. Thus for many days did we sail along the coast of Ghinea, or Ethiopia, where there is a mountain called Siera Leona, which lies in 8 degrees of latitude, with contrary winds, calms, and rains without wind, until we reached the equinoctial line, having sixty days of continual rain. [40] Contrary to the opinion of the ancients, [41] before we reached the line many furious squalls of wind, and currents of water struck us head on in 14 degrees. As we could not advance, and in order that the ships might not be wrecked, [42] all the sails were struck; and in this manner did we wander hither and yon on the sea, waiting for the tempest to cease, for it was very furious. [43] When it rained there was no wind. When the sun shone, it was calm. Certain large fishes called tiburoni [i.e., sharks] came to the side of the ships. They have terrible teeth, and whenever they find men in the sea they devour them. We caught many of them with iron hooks, [44] although they are not good to eat unless they are small, and even then they are not very good. During those storms the holy body, that is to say St. Elmo, appeared to us many times, in light—among other times on an exceedingly dark night, [45] with the brightness of a blazing torch, on the maintop, where he stayed for about two hours or more, to our consolation, for we were weeping. When that blessed light was about to leave us, so dazzling was the brightness that it cast into our eyes, that we all remained for more than an eighth of an hour [46] blinded and calling for mercy. And truly when we thought that we were dead men, the sea suddenly grew calm. [47]

I saw many kinds of birds, among them one that had no anus; and another, [which] when the female wishes to lay its eggs, it does so on the back of the male and there they are hatched. The latter bird has no feet, and always lives in the sea. [There is] another kind which live on the ordure of the other birds, and in no other manner; for I often saw this bird, which is called Cagassela, fly behind the other birds, until they are constrained to drop their ordure, which the former seizes immediately and abandons the latter bird. I also saw many flying fish, and many others collected together, so that they resembled an island. [48]

After we had passed the equinoctial line going south, we lost the north star, and hence we sailed south south-west [49] until [we reached] a land called the land of Verzin [50] which lies in 23½ degrees of the Antarctic Pole [i.e., south latitude]. It is the land extending from the cape of Santo Augustino, which lies in 8 degrees of the same pole. There we got a plentiful refreshment of fowls, potatoes [batate], many sweet pine-apples—in truth the most delicious fruit that can be found—the flesh of the anta, [51] which resembles beef, sugarcane, and innumerable other things, which I shall not mention in order not to be prolix. For one fishhook or one knife, those people gave 5 or 6 chickens; for one comb, a brace of geese; for one mirror or one pair of scissors, as many fish as would be sufficient for x men; for a bell or one leather lace, one basketful of potatoes [batate]. These potatoes resemble chestnuts in taste, and are as long as turnips. [52] For a king of diamonds [danari], [53] which is a playing card, they gave me 6 [54] fowls and thought that they had even cheated me. We entered that port on St. Lucy’s day, and on that day had the sun on the zenith; [55] and we were subjected to greater heat on that day and on the other days when we had the sun on the zenith, than when we were under the equinoctial line. [56]

That land of Verzin is wealthier and larger than Spagnia, Fransa, and Italia, [57] put together, and belongs to the king of Portugalo. The people of that land are not Christians, and have no manner of worship. They live according to the dictates of nature, [58] and reach an age of one hundred and twenty-five and one hundred and forty years. [59] They go naked, both men and women. They live in certain long houses which they call boii [60] and sleep in cotton hammocks called amache, which are fastened in those houses by each end to large beams. A fire is built on the ground under those hammocks. In each one of those boii, there are one hundred men with their wives and children, [61] and they make a great racket. They have boats called canoes made of one single huge tree, [62] hollowed out by the use of stone hatchets. Those people employ stones as we do iron, as they have no iron. Thirty or forty men occupy one of those boats. They paddle with blades like the shovels of a furnace, and thus, black, naked, and shaven, they resemble, when paddling, the inhabitants of the Stygian marsh. [63] Men and women are as well proportioned as we. They eat the human flesh of their enemies, not because it is good, but because it is a certain established custom. That custom, which is mutual, was begun by an old woman, [64] who had but one son who was killed by his enemies. In return some days later, that old woman’s friends captured one of the company who had killed her son, and brought him to the place of her abode. She seeing him, and remembering her son, ran upon him like an infuriated bitch, and bit him on one shoulder. Shortly afterward he escaped to his own people, whom he told that they had tried to eat him, showing them [in proof] the marks on his shoulder. Whomever the latter captured afterward at any time from the former they ate, and the former did the same to the latter, so that such a custom has sprung up in this way. They do not eat the bodies all at once, but every one cuts off a piece, and carries it to his house, where he smokes it. Then every week, [65] he cuts off a small bit, which he eats thus smoked with his other food to remind him of his enemies. The above was told me by the pilot, Johane Carnagio, [66] who came with us, and who had lived in that land for four years. Those people paint the whole body and the face in a wonderful manner with fire in various fashions, as do the women also. The men are [are: doublet in original manuscript] smooth shaven and have no beard, for they pull it out. They clothe themselves in a dress made of parrot feathers, with large round arrangements at their buttocks made from the largest feathers, and it is a ridiculous sight. Almost all the people, except the women and children, [67] have three holes pierced in the lower lip, where they carry round stones, one finger or thereabouts in length and hanging down outside. Those people are not entirely black, but of a dark brown color. They keep the privies uncovered, and the body is without hair, [68] while both men and women always go naked. Their king is called cacich [i.e., cacique]. They have an infinite number of parrots, and gave us 8 or 10 for one mirror: and little monkeys that look like lions, only [they are] yellow, and very beautiful. [69] They make round white [loaves of] bread from the marrowy substance of trees, which is not very good, and is found between the wood and the bark and resembles buttermilk curds. [70] They have swine which have their navels [lombelico] on their backs, [71] and large birds with beaks like spoons and no tongues. [72] The men gave us one or two of their young daughters as slaves for one hatchet or one large knife, but they would not give us their wives in exchange for anything at all. The women will not shame their husbands under any considerations whatever, and as was told us, refuse to consent to their husbands by day, but only by night. [73] The women cultivate the fields, and carry all their food from the mountains in panniers or baskets on the head or fastened to the head. [74] But they are always accompanied by their husbands, who are armed only with a bow of brazil-wood or of black palm-wood, and a bundle of cane arrows, doing this because they are jealous [of their wives]. The women carry their children hanging in a cotton net from their necks. I omit other particulars, in order not to be tedious. Mass was said twice on shore, during which those people remained on their knees with so great contrition and with clasped hands raised aloft, that it was an exceeding great pleasure [75] to behold them. They built us a house as they thought that we were going to stay with them for some time, and at our departure they cut a great quantity of brazil-wood [verzin] to give us. [76] It had been about two months since it had rained in that land, and when we reached that port, it happened to rain, whereupon they said that we came from the sky and that we had brought the rain with us. [77] Those people could be converted easily to the faith of Jesus Christ.

At first those people thought that the small boats were the children of the ships, and that the latter gave birth to them when they were lowered into the sea from the ships, and when they were lying so alongside the ships (as is the custom), they believed that the ships were nursing them. [78] One day a beautiful young woman came to the flagship, where I was, for no other purpose than to seek what chance might offer. While there and waiting, she cast her eyes upon the master’s room, and saw a nail longer than one’s finger. Picking it up very delightedly and neatly, she thrust it through the lips of her vagina [natura], and bending down low immediately departed, the captain-general and I having seen that action. [79]

Some words of those people of Verzin [80]

For Millet maiz
for Flour hui
for Fishhook pinda
for Knife tacse
for Comb chigap
for Scissors pirame
for Bell itanmaraca
Good, better tum maragathum

We remained in that land for 13 days. Then proceeding, on our way, we went as far as 34 and one-third degrees [81] toward the Antarctic Pole, where we found people at a freshwater river, called Canibali [i.e., cannibals], who eat human flesh. One of them, in stature almost a giant, came to the flagship in order to assure [the safety of] the others his friends. [82] He had a voice like a bull. While he was in the ship, the others carried away their possessions from the place where they were living into the interior, for fear of us. Seeing that, we landed one hundred men in order to have speech and converse with them, or to capture one of them by force. They fled, and in fleeing they took so large a step that we although running could not gain on their steps. There are seven islands in that river, in the largest of which precious gems are found. That place is called the cape of Santa Maria, and it was formerly thought that one passed thence to the sea of Sur, that is to say the South Sea, but nothing further was ever discovered. Now the name is not [given to] a cape, but [to] a river, with a mouth 17 leguas in width. [83] A Spanish captain, called Johan de Solis and sixty men, who were going to discover lands like us, were formerly eaten at that river by those cannibals because of too great confidence. [84]

Then proceeding on the same course toward the Antarctic Pole, coasting along the land, we came to anchor at two islands full of geese and sea-wolves. [85] Truly, the great number of those geese cannot be reckoned; in one hour we loaded the five ships [with them]. Those geese are black and have all their feathers alike both on body and wings. They do not fly, and live on fish. They were so fat that it was not necessary to pluck them but to skin them. Their beak is like that of a crow. Those sea-wolves are of various colors, and as large as a calf, with a head like that of a calf, ears small and round, and large teeth. They have no legs but only feet with small nails attached to the body, which resemble our hands, and between their fingers the same kind of skin as the geese. They would be very fierce if they could run. They swim, and live on fish. At that place the ships suffered a very great storm, during which the three holy bodies appeared to us many times, that is to say, St. Elmo, St. Nicholas, and St. Clara, whereupon the storm quickly ceased.