Chapter I: Part 1

The Philippine Islands, 1493–1898

Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and
their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions,
as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the
political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those
islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the
close of the nineteenth century,

Volume XXXIII, 1519–1522

Edited and annotated by Emma Helen Blair and James Alexander Robertson
with historical introduction and additional notes by Edward Gaylord
Bourne.

The Arthur H. Clark Company
Cleveland, Ohio
MCMVI

CONTENTS OF VOLUME XXXIII

Preface 11

Primo viaggio intorno al mondo (to be concluded). Antonio
Pigafetta. Italian text with English translation.
MS. ca. 1525, of events of 1519–1522 26

Notes 273

Bibliographical Data 367

ILLUSTRATIONS

Magalhães’s ship “Victoria;” photographic reproduction
of cut facing p. 102 of Henry Stevens’s Johann Schoner
(edited by C. H. Coote, London, 1888): from the copy in
Lenox Library. (Probably the ideal conception of some
early artist, and perhaps of the type of the “Victoria.”
Its source is not mentioned in the above book.) Frontispiece

Pigafetta’s Chart of the Straits of Magellan 86
Pigafetta’s Charts of the Unfortunate Isles and the Ladrones 92
Pigafetta’s Chart of the islands of Samar, etc. 102
Pigafetta’s Chart of the islands of Bohol, etc. 112
Pigafetta’s Chart of the islands of Cebú, Mactan, and Bohol 136
Pigafetta’s Charts of the islands of Panglao and Cagayan Sulu 202
Pigafetta’s Charts of the islands of Paragua and Borneo 210
Pigafetta’s Charts of the islands of Mindanao and of Jolo, etc. 230
Pigafetta’s Chart of the islands of Sarangani, etc. 238
Pigafetta’s Chart of the islands of Sanguir, etc. 242
Pigafetta’s Chart of the islands of Paghinzara, etc. 246
Pigafetta’s Chart of the islands of Ternate, etc. 250
Map showing discoveries of Magalhães; photographic facsimile
from Mappamundo (Goa, 1571) of Fernão Vas Dourado, a MS.
hydrographical atlas preserved in Archivo Nacional da Torre
do Tombo, Lisbon 270, 271

PREFACE

In this and the succeeding volume, we present various documents (notably the Relation of Antonio Pigafetta) which could not be obtained in season for publication in regular chronological order, and which it has seemed advisable to insert as addenda at this point.

With the present volume is begun the publication of Antonio Pigafetta’s relation of the first circumnavigation of the world—the greatest single achievement in all the history of sea exploration and discovery. Written by a participant of the expedition, Pigafetta’s relation has a greater value than any other narrative of the voyage. Its great value and the fact that it has never been adequately presented to the English-speaking public have induced the editors to insert this relation in the present series both in the original Italian (rigidly adhering to and preserving all the peculiarities of the original manuscript) and in English translation. This relation is especially valuable for its descriptions of the various peoples, countries, and products, of Oriental seas, and for its vocabularies, as well as for its account of the first circumnavigation. From its very nature, the relation has called for an unusual amount of annotation, which has been drawn freely from various sources: chiefly Mosto’s annotations in his publication of Pigafetta’s relation in Part V, volume iii, of the Raccolta di documenti e studi, published by the Royal Columbian Commission of the fourth centenary of the discovery of America under the auspices of the Minister of Public Instruction (Roma, 1894); Navarrete’s Col. de viages, iv (Madrid, 1837); various publications of the Hakluyt Society; and F. H. H. Guillemard’s Life of Ferdinand Magellan (New York, 1891). The publication of the original Italian and the English, page for page, renders it necessary to place the annotations at the end of the volume instead of in footnote as hitherto. The various charts of the Italian manuscript are all presented in facsimile in the course of the work. In order that the various peculiarities of the manuscript might be preserved, it has been necessary to specially design and cast certain characters that appear in Pigafetta’s narrative. None of these characters have been reproduced by Mosto, who also writes out all abbreviations. Throughout we have aimed to present the document as it exists in the Biblioteca Ambrosiana (even to the spacing of words) with the exception that paragraphs in the manuscript begin with a hanging indention and usually end with a series of dots and dashes. A brief synopsis of the relation follows.

After a brief dedication to the grand master of the Hospitaler knights of Rhodes or Malta, as they were called later, and of which order he is a member, Pigafetta relates that, being at Barcelona in 1519 with the papal legate, he first hears of the expedition about to set out under Magalhães. Being desirous of seeing the world, he gains permission to accompany the expedition, and soon joins the fleet at Seville, whence it is to depart. Magalhães, as a wise commander, issues his instructions to the various commanders of the vessels ere port is left, so that they may keep together in the unknown seas before them, and that they may act in harmony.

Setting sail from Seville on August 10, 1519, the fleet of five small vessels starts on its long journey amid salvos of artillery. At the mouth of the Guadalquivir, San Lucar de Barrameda, they anchor until September 20, when setting sail once more, they make for the Canaries, which are reached September 26. There they reprovision and taking their departure on October 3, coast southward along Africa amid alternating calms and violent storms (cheered however by the welcome apparition of St. Elmo’s fire, which promises them safety), until they cross the line. Thereupon taking a general westerly course, the cape of St. Augustine on the Brazilian coast is soon sighted. The fresh provisions, so essential to sea voyages, are procured on the coast of Brazil, where occurs the first communication with the natives, with whom wonderful bargains are made. Those Indians, cannibals though they be, and whom Pigafetta describes briefly (not failing to inscribe some of their language) receive the mariners hospitably, and thinking that the latter are come to remain among them, build them a house. But after a stay of eighteen days, the sails are again trimmed toward the south, and descending the coast, Magalhães anchors next at the Rio de la Plata which had formerly proved so disastrous to Juan de Solis and his men. Unable here to hold converse with the anthropophagous natives, who flee at their approach, the fleet retakes its course, anchoring at two islands where many sea-wolves and penguins are taken, and thus fresh food obtained. The next anchorage is at the famous Bay of St. Julian along the desolate Patagonian coast, where for five months they winter. For two months not an individual is seen, but one day they gain their first sight of the Patagonians, whose huge bulk strikes all with surprise, and who are held as giants. Amicable relations are entered into with various of these wandering Indians, and finally Magalhães, with the taste for the wonderful that characterized his period, as strongly, or more strongly than our own, determines to capture two of them to take back to Spain as novelties. His ruse is successful, but an attempt to induce the wife of one of the Indians to go to the ship fails. Very interesting are these giants to the curious Pigafetta, and to him is due the earliest description of their manners and customs and the earliest specimens of their language. The two captured giants are placed in separate vessels, but unfortunately both die ere reaching the end of the journey, one in the deserting ship “San Antonio,” and the other in Magalhães’s own ship, the “Trinidad.”

During the five months at that port “many things happened there.” Shortly after entering the port, the most critical moment of all Magalhães’s life comes, and one which he has perhaps, dreaded from the beginning of the expedition. This is the mutiny headed by Juan de Cartagena, captain of one of the vessels, and other malcontents, who hate Magalhães because he is a Portuguese. The latter, however, proves equal to the emergency, and by his prompt action and the punishments tempered by mercy that he inflicts, quiets the trouble. João Serrão, captain of the “Santiago” is sent to explore the coast, but is shipwrecked, although all the crew are saved. Their rescue (not well told by Pigafetta) is a thrilling and arduous matter, and calls into play the endurance of men already tried by misfortune and buffetings with Nature.

With the fleet reduced to four vessels, the mariners leave port St. Julian and proceeding along the coast, anchor at the river of Sardines, where stormy weather threatens a disastrous end to the expedition. A stay of two months is made, during which the ships are enabled to lay in a good supply of provisions, wood, and water. Before leaving that river, the crews (for Magalhães looks after the spiritual welfare of his men) confess and take communion. Then resuming the voyage, the great object of the first half of the expedition is attained, namely, the discovery of the strait, which occurs October 21, 1520. “That strait is one hundred and ten leguas ... long, and it is one-half legua broad, more or less.” Its discovery is due to the indomitable energy and endurance of Magalhães, and his certain knowledge (probably overstated by Pigafetta) of its existence. Continuing, Pigafetta briefly narrates the passage through the strait, and the desertion of the “San Antonio,” which returns to Spain, after putting the captain, Alvaro de Mesquita, a relative of Magalhães, in irons; for the pilot, a Portuguese named Esteban Gomez, is jealous of Magalhães, as the latter’s expedition has destroyed ambitious plans of his own. The other three ships, leaving letters and signals in the strait, in case the “San Antonio” tries to regain them, proceeds on its way, debouching from the strait November 28. Then begins a long voyage over the trackless Pacific “in truth ... very pacific;” and the three ships sail on steadily for three and two-thirds months without being able to reprovision. To the horrors of famine are added the sufferings of the dread scurvy. Pigafetta, whose curiosity is always alert and active, and who remains well, diverts himself with talking to the Patagonian, who is finally baptized, but who is one of those to die. In the vast stretch from the strait to the Ladrones (first seen by them of all Europeans), only two islands, both desert, are sighted, and those, since they are unable to find anchorage there, are called the “Unfortunate Isles.” Pigafetta mentions the southern constellation Crux and the star clouds since called after Magalhães. His geographical information, as one might expect, is not always accurate, for he places Cipangu (Japan) in the open Pacific. Thoughts of relief that come upon sighting various islands (which they called the Ladrones because of the thievishness of the inhabitants) are quickly dissipated by the hostility there encountered. So bold are these natives (whose appearance, life, and customs, Pigafetta describes briefly), that they even steal the ship’s boat from the stern of the “Trinidad,” thus necessitating a raid into one of the islands, where some of the natives are killed, and some houses burned, but the boat recovered.

On March 16, 1521, the first of the Philippines (by them called the archipelago of San Lazaro) to be seen by Europeans, is sighted. Anchor is cast at a small desert island called Humunu, (but which the mariners call “The watering-place of good signs” because the first traces of gold are found there), near Samar, where two tents are quickly set up for the sick, whom Magalhães himself tends with solicitude. March 18, they gain their first acquaintance with the natives, who prove hospitable, and promise fresh provisions. These are brought on the twenty-second of March, and the Europeans have their first sight of a tattooed Visayan chief, who, as well as his men, is decked out in gold ornaments. After a week’s stay, the ships again set sail, Pigafetta almost coming to an untimely end by slipping over the side of the vessel while fishing, but happily saved by the aid of “that fount of mercy,” the Virgin.

March 28, anchor is cast at the island of Limasaua (Mazava), where Enrique, the Malaccan slave of Magalhães, serves as interpreter. Amicable relations are speedily entered into and confirmed by the Malayan rite of blood brotherhood. The king of Limasaua, and his brother, the king of certain districts in Mindanao, prove most helpful, and are completely won over by a judicious presentation of gifts. Greatly are the natives impressed by the power of the new comers, as seen in the artillery and armor, and their astonishment is increased when Magalhães relates his course to their islands and the discovery of the strait.

On Good Friday, Pigafetta and a companion visit the natives ashore, where they spend the night in the king’s palace, a typical Visayan house raised aloft on supports and thatched with nipa. Here the various ceremonies that he witnesses impress Pigafetta, and his companion, cast in coarser mould than he, becomes intoxicated. Pigafetta, always interested in the language of the new peoples whom he meets, writes down certain of their words, whereat they are greatly astonished. He records that he “ate meat on Holy Friday, for I could not help myself.” On Easter Sunday, the natives are deeply impressed by the mass that is celebrated ashore, and the cross which is planted in the highest part of the island, and which they promise to adore.

The limited amount of food in Limasaua, which is used only as a place of recreation by the two kings, who go there to visit one another and hunt, leads Magalhães to seek a more abundant harbor. Among the places pointed out where food is abundant is the island of Cebú, and there Magalhães determines to go, “for so did his unhappy fate will.” After a seven days’ stay at Limasaua, the course is laid to Cebú under the pilotage of the king of Limasaua, who is finally taken aboard the “Trinidad” as his vessel is unable to keep up with the swifter-moving European vessels. Entering the port of Cebú on April 7, amid the thunder of their guns, the settlement is thrown into consternation, but the Malaccan being sent ashore reassures them of his master’s good intentions, whom he proclaims to be a “captain of the greatest king and prince in the world,” who “was going to discover Malucho,” but hearing of the great fame of the king of Cebú, wishes trade with him. The king of Cebú is willing to accord friendship to the Europeans, but asks a tribute, as it is the custom for all visitors to pay it to him. But no tribute will be paid him, asserts Enrique, and the king, at the advice of a Moro merchant who has heard of the deeds of the Portuguese along Malacca and the Indian coast, and confuses the strangers with them, until undeceived by Enrique (who declares them to be much greater than the Portuguese), expresses his willingness to make friendship with Magalhães. With the help of the friendly king of Limasaua, peace is made according to Malay rites, and gifts exchanged. Magalhães, deeply religious, in common with many of his age, early seeks to lure the natives of Cebú to holy baptism, by presenting to them its most attractive side, and promising the king if he becomes a Christian, a suit of armor; but they must become willing converts, and not for the hope of gain or for fear. The peace is more firmly cemented by the visit of Pigafetta and a companion to the king, where they witness ceremonies similar to those of Limasaua, and where gifts are bestowed upon the king and some others. They also visit the house of the prince apparent, where they hear their first concert of Visayan music and see a native dance. On the following Wednesday two of the crew are buried ashore on consecrated ground with as much pomp as possible.

Trading is instituted by carrying a quantity of merchandise ashore, the safety of which is assured by the king. Those people are found to have weights and measures for their trading; and besides their gongs, a flute-like instrument. Their houses are entered by ladders. On Friday begins the trading, gold being given for metals and large articles, and food for the smaller wares. The good bargains obtained by the Europeans, would have been materially less and the trade spoiled forever had it not been for Magalhães’s watchfulness, for so eager are the men at the sight of the gold, that they would have given almost anything for it. On the following Sunday, the king and his chief men, and the queen and many women, are baptized and given European names, and ere the week closes all the Cebuans have become Christians, as well as some from neighboring islands. The queen at her earnest request, is given a small image of the Christ child, the same afterward recovered by Legazpi, and still held in the greatest of reverence at Cebú. The opposition of certain chiefs to the king of Cebú is satisfactorily ended by the inducements and threats of Magalhães. The latter swears to be faithful in his friendship with the natives, who likewise swear allegiance to the king of Spain. However, the natives are loath to destroy their idols, according to their promise, and Magalhães finds them still sacrificing to them for the cure of sickness. Substituting therefore the assurance that the new faith will work a cure, in lieu of which he offers his head, the sick man (who is the prince’s brother and the bravest and wisest man in the island) is miraculously cured. Thereupon many idols are burned amid great demonstrations. Vivid descriptions are given of the people and their customs and ceremonies, especially those of sacrifice and mourning.

April 20, a chief from the neighboring island of Mactan sends a small present to Magalhães, with the request to aid him with a boat load of men against the chief Cilapulapu, who refuses allegiance to Spain. Magalhães in his ardor, and notwithstanding the remonstrances of his friends, leads three boat loads of men (sixty in all) to the island, where having ordered the king of Cebú to be a witness of the battle only, he engages the natives. Disastrous indeed does that day prove, for beset by multitudes of foes, the Europeans are compelled to retreat, and the retreat becomes a rout, the personal bravery of Magalhães and a few of his closest friends only saving the men from almost complete massacre. Recognizing the leader, the natives make their greatest efforts against him, and finally he is killed while knee deep in the water, but after all the others are saved. Pigafetta’s lament is tragic and sorrowful; they “killed our mirror, our light, our comfort, and our true guide.” Insolent in their victory, the natives refuse to give up the body of the slain leader at the request of the king of Cebú. The Europeans stunned by the loss of their leader, withdraw their merchandise and guards to the ship, and make preparations for departure. Duarte Barbosa and João de Serrão are chosen leaders. The second act in the drama follows speedily. The slave Enrique, enraged at a severe reprimand and threats by Barbosa, conspires with the king of Cebú; with the result that twenty-six men, including both of the leaders, are murdered at a banquet on May 1, to which the king invites them. João Carvalho, deaf to the entreaties of João Serrão, his comrade, and anxious to become leader, sails away leaving him to his death. Pigafetta names the products of Cebú, and gives a valuable vocabulary of Visayan words, most of which are still in use by those people.

By mutual consent, the three vessels proceed to Bohol, where the “Concepcion” is burned, as there are too few men left to work all three ships; although its supplies and all else possible are transferred to the “Victoria” and “Trinidad.” Then, cruising along, they put in at Mindanao where Pigafetta goes ashore alone, after the king has made blood friendship at the ships. There they hear of Luzón, where the Chinese trade annually. Departing from Mindanao, they anchor at Cagayan Sulu, a penal settlement for Borneo, where the blowpipe and poisoned arrows are used, and the daggers adorned with gold. The next anchorage is at Paragua, although before reaching that island, the men have been tempted to abandon the ships because of hunger. There the rice is cooked under the fire in bamboos and is better than that cooked in earthen pots. Those people raise fighting cocks and bet on their favorite birds. Ten leagues from Paragua is the great island of Borneo, whither the ships next go, and anchor at the city of Brunei, which is built over the water, and contains twenty-five thousand fires. Hospitably received by eight chiefs who visit the ships, they enter into relations with the Borneans. Seven men go as ambassadors to visit the king, and bear presents to him and the chief men. Here some of the grandeurs of an oriental court are spread before their eyes, which Pigafetta briefly describes. The strangers are graciously given permission to take on fresh supplies of food, water, and wood, and to trade at pleasure. Later actions of the Borneans cause the men of the ships to fear treachery, and forestalling any action by that people, they attack a number of junks near them, and capture four. Among the captives is the son of the king of Luzón, who is the chief captain in Borneo, and whom Carvalho allows to escape, without consulting the others, for a large sum of gold. His action in so doing reacts on himself, for the king refuses to allow two men who were ashore and Carvalho’s own son (born of a native woman in Brazil) to return to the ships, and they are left behind. The Borneans and their junks are described. They use porcelain dishes which are made from a fine white clay that is buried under ground for fifty years in order to refine it, and inherited from father to son. Camphor is obtained there, and the island is so large that it can be circumnavigated by a prau only in three months’ time.

On leaving Borneo, a number of prisoners from the captured junks are kept, among them three women whom Carvalho ostensibly retains as presents for the queen of Spain, but in reality for himself. Happily escaping from the point on which one of the ships has become grounded, and the fear of explosion from a candle which is snuffed into a barrel of powder, the ships anchor at a point of Borneo, where for forty-two days, the men are busied in repairing, calking, and furnishing the vessels. The journey is resumed back toward Paragua, the governor of a district of that island being captured on the way; with whom, however, they enter into friendly relations. Thence the ships cruise along between Cagayan, Joló, and Mindanao, capturing a native boat from Maingdanao of the latter island, from the captive occupants of which they learn news of the Moluccas. Pushing on amid stormy weather, they anchor at the island of Sarangani, just south of Mindanao; and thence proceed in a generally southerly direction amid many islands until the Moluccas are reached, and they enter the harbor of Tidore on Friday, November 8, 1521, after twenty-seven months, less two days, since their departure from Spain.

At Tidore a warm welcome awaits them from the king, who is a powerful astrologer and has been expecting their arrival. He promises them as many cloves as they wish, even offering to go outside his island, contrary to the practice of kings, to provide them the sooner; in return for his services hoping for their aid in his designs for power in the Moluccas, especially against the king of Ternate. There they learn that Francisco Serrão, the great friend of Magalhães, has perished some eight months previously from poison administered by the king of Tidore, whom he had visited, because he had aided the king of Ternate against Tidore. This Serrão, says Pigafetta, was the cause of Magalhães undertaking his expedition, and he had been in the Moluccas for ten years, for so long ago had Portugal discovered those islands. The efforts of the Ternatans to gain the new strangers fail, for they are already pledged to the king of Tidore. On November 12, a house is built ashore and on the thirteenth the merchandise is carried there, among it being that captured with the various junks at and near Borneo. The sailors are somewhat careless of their bargains for they are in haste to return to Spain. The king continues his kindness, and to humor him, as he is a Mahometan, all the swine in the boats are killed. This relation will be concluded in Vol. XXXIV.

The Editors

December, 1905.

PRIMO VIAGGIO INTORNO AL MONDO

By Antonio Pigafetta. MS. composed ca. 1525, of events of 1519–1522

Source: Our transcript is made from the original document which
exists in the Biblioteca Ambrosiana, Milan, Italy.

Translation: This is made by James Alexander Robertson.

[PRIMO VIAGGIO INTORNO AL MONDO]

Antonio pigafeta patricio vicentino et Caualier de Rhodi aL JlLmo. et Exellmo. S. philipo de villers lisleadam Jnclito grã maiſto de Rhoddj ſignior ſuo obſeruantiſſimo.

Perche ſono molti curioſi IlLmo et exellmo. Signor che non ſolamente ſe contentano de ſapere et Intendere li grandi et admirabillj coſe che dio me a conceſſo de vedere et patire nela infraſcripta mia longa et pericoloſa nauigatiõe. Ma anchora vogliono ſapere li mezi et modi et vie che ho tenuto ad andarui, non preſtando qella Jntegra fede aL exito ſe prima nõ anno bonna Certeza deL initio pertanto ſapera va. Jlla. sa. che ritrouandomi neL anno de La natiuita deL nr̃o ſaluatore mo.vc.xix in ſpagnia in la corte deL sereniſſimo Re de romani con el ꝶdo monsor. franco chieregato alhora prot̃ho apco. et oratore de La sta. memoria de papa Leone xo. che per ſua vertu dapoi he acceſo aL episto di aprutino et principato de teramo. Hauendo yo hauuto grã notiſia ꝓ molti libri letti et per diuerſe perſonne che praticauano con sua sa. de le grande et ſtupende coſe deL mare occeanno deliberay con bonna gratia deLa magesta Cezaria et deL prefacto S. mio far experientia di me et andare a vedere qelle coſe che poteſſero dare alguna ſatiſfatiōe a me medeſmo et poteſſero parturirmi qalche nome apreſſo la poſterita hauendo Inteſo q̃ alora ſi era preparata vna armata in la cita de Siuiglia che era de cinqʒ naue per andare a ſcoprire la Speceria nele yſolle de maluco de la qalle era capitanio generalle ferando de magaglianes gentilhomo portugueſe et era comre de sto. Jacobo de la ſpada piu volte cō molte ſue laude haueua peregrato in diuerſe guize lo mare occeanno. Mi parti cō molte letere di fauore dela cita de barſalonna doue alhora reſideua sua mageſta et ſopa vna naue paſſay ſino amalega onde pigliando eL Camino ꝓ tera junſi a ſiuiglia et iui eſſendo ſtato ben circa tre meſi eſpetando que La dicta armata se poneſe in hordine ꝓ la partita finalmente como qi de ſoto intendera v exa sa. con feliciſſimi auſpitij in comenſiamo la nr̃a nauigatiōe Et ꝓch̃e ne leſer mio in ytalia Quando andaua a la ſantita de papa Clemente qella per ſua gratia amonteroſo verſo dime se dimoſtro assai benigna et humana et diſsemi che li ſarebe grato li copiaſſe tute qelle coſe haueua viſte et paſſate nella nauigatiōe Benche yo ne habia hauuta pocha Como dita niente dimeno ſegondo el mio debiL potere li ho voluto ſatiſfare. Et coſi li oferiſco in queſto mio libreto tute le vigilie fatiqʒ et peregrinatiōe mie pregandola quando la vachera dalle aſidue cure Rhodianne se degni tranſcorerle peril que me potera eſere nõ pocho remunerato da. V Jll. s. a la cui bonna graca mi donno et recomando.

Hauendo deliberato il capitanio generalle difare coſi longa nauigatiõe ꝓ lo mare occeanno doue ſempre ſonno Jnpetuoſi venti et fortune grandi et nõ volendo manifeſtare aniuno deli ſuoj el viagio che voleua fare açio nõ foſſe ſmarito in penſare de fare tanto grande et ſtupenda coſa como fece cò lo aiuto de ydio li Capitani ſui che menaua in ſua cõpagnia lo odiauano molto nõ ſo perche ſinon ꝓche era portugueſe et eſsi ſpagnioli. Volendo dar fine a queſto que promiſe cõ Juramento aLo inperatore D. carlo Re de ſpagnia açio le naue nele fortune et nela nocte non se separeſſeno vna de lalta. ordeno questo hordine et lo dete atuti li piloti et maeſtri de le ſue naui Loqual era lui de note ſempre voleua andar inanzi dele altre naui et elle ſeguitaſeno la ſua con vna facela grande de legnio che la quiamano farol Qual ſemp̃ portaua pendẽte de la popa de la Sua naue queſto ſegniale era acio de continuo lo ſeguitaſeno se faceua vno alto fuoco con vna lanterna ho cõ vno pezo de corda de iuncho che la chiamã strengue di Sparto molto batuto neL hacqua et poi ſecado al ſole ho vero al fumo ottimo per simil cosa ge reſpondeſeno açio ſapeſe per chesto ſegnialle che tute veniuano inſieme se faceua duj focqi ſenza lo farolo viraſseno o voltasenno in altra banda quando eL vento nõ era buono et al prepoſito ꝓ andar al nr̃o camino ho q̃do voleua far pocho viagio se faceua tre fuochi toleſseno via la bonneta, che he vna parte de uela che se ataca da baſso dela vela magiore quando fa bon tempo ꝓ andar piu la setol via açio ſia piu facile aracogliere la vela magior quando se amayna in preſsa in vno tempo subito: Si faceua quatro fochi amayſseno tute le vele facendo poi lui vno ſegniale di fuoco como staua fermo Se faceua piu fochi ouero tiraua alguna bõ barda fose segniale de tera o de bassi. Poi faceua quatro fuochi quando voleua far alsare le vele in alto açio loro nauegaſseno ſeguendo ſempr̃ ꝓ Quela facela de popa Quando voleua far metere la boneta faceua tre fuochi Quando voleua voltarſe in altra parte faceua duj Volendo poi sapere se tute le naue lo seguitavão et veniuão inſieme faceua vno ꝓche cuſsi ogni naue faceſse et li reſpondeſe ogni nocte ſe faceua tre gardie la pa nel principio de la nocte La ſeconda Que la chiamano modora neL meſo La ta nel fine tuta la gente dele naue se partiua in tre Coloneli el po era del capo. houero del contra maistro mudandoſe ogni nocte. Lo secondo deL piloto ho nochiero. Lo to del maeſtro ꝓ tanto lo Capo genneral Comando che tute le naue obseruaſeno Queſti ſegniali et guardie acio se andaſe piu ſeguri.

Luni a x d̃ agusto go de ſancto laurentio Nel anno Ja deto eſendo la armata fornita de tute le cose necessarie per mare et dogni ſorte de gente eramo ducente et trentaſete homini nela matina Se feceno p̃ſte per partirſe daL mole de siuiglia et tirando molta artegliaria deteno il trinqueto aL vento et venne abaso del fiume betis al pñte detto gadalcauir passando ꝓ vno luocho chiamato gioan dal farax che era gia grande habitatiõe de mori per mezo lo qalle ſtaua vn ponte che pasaua el dicto fiume ꝓ andare a siuiglia dilque li e reſtato fin aL preſente nel fondo del acqua due colonne que quando paſſano le naui año biſognio de homini q̃ ſapianno ben lo Locho delle colonne ꝓ cio nõ deſſeno in eſſe et e biſognio paſſarle quanto el fiume ſta piu creſſente et anche ꝓ molti altri luochi deL fiume q̃ nõ a tanto fondo che baſte ꝓ paſſare le naui cargate et qelle non ſianno tropo grandi Poi venirono ad un alto q̃ſe chiama coria paſſando ꝓ molti altri villagij a longo deL fiume tanto q̃ ajonſeno ad vno caſtello deL duca de medina cidonia il qalle ſe chiama S. lucar che e porto ꝓ entrare nel mare occeanno leuante ponente cõ il capo de ſanct vincent che ſta in 37 gradi de latitudine et longui dal deto porto x leghe da Siuiglia fin aqi ꝓ lo fiume gli ſonno 17 ho 20 Leghe dali alquanti giorni vene el capitanio genneralle cõ li alt capi ꝓ lo fiume abaſſo neli bateli de le naue et iui ſteſſimo molti giorni per finire la armata de alcune coſe li manchauão et ogni di andauamo in tera ad aldir meſſa aduno locho q̃ ſe chiama ñra dona de baremeda circa S. lucar. Et avanti la partita Lo capo genneraL volſe tucti ſe confeſſaſeno et nõ conſentite ninguna dona veniſſe ne Larmata per meglior riſpecto.

Marti a xx de ſeptembr̃ neL medeſimo anno ne partiſſemó da queſto Locho chiamato ſan luchar pigliando La via de garbin et a 26 deL dicto meſe ariuaſſemo a vna Jsola de la grã canaria q̃ ſe diſe teneriphe in 28 gradi de Latitudine per pigliar carne acha et legnia ſteſſimo yui tre giorni et mezo per fornire Larmata de le decte cose poi andaſſemo a vno porto de La medeſma yſola deto monte roſſo ꝓ pegolla tardando dui giorni Sapera vr̃a IlLma sa. q̃ in queſte yſolle dela grã canaria ge vna infra le altre ne laqalle nõ ſi troua pur vna goza de hacqua q̃ naſcha ſinon nel mezo di deſcendere vna nebola daL ciello et circunda vno grande arbore che e ne la dicta yſola ſtilando dale ſue foglie et ramy molta hacqua et al piede deL dicto arbore e adriſſado in guiza de fontana vna foſſa houe caſca tuta la acqua de La qalle li homini habitanti et animali cosi domeſtici como ſaluatici ogni giorno de queſta hacqua et nõ de alta habondantiſſimamẽte ſi saturano.

Luni a tre doctobre a meza nocte ſe dete le velle aL Camino deL auſtro in golfandone neL mare occeanno paſſando fra capo verde et le ſue yſolle in 14 gradi et mezo et cuſſi molti giorni nauigaſſimo ꝓ La coſta de la ghinea houero ethiopia nela qalle he vna montagnia detta ſiera leona in 8 gradi de latitudine con venti contrari calme et piogie senza venti fin a la lignea equinotialle piouendo ſeſanta giornj de continuo contra la opignione de li anticqi Jnanzi q̃ ajungeſſemo ali legnea a 14 gradi molte gropade de venti inpetuoſi et corenti de acqua ne aſaltaronno contra el viagio nõ poſſendo ſpontare Jnanſi et acio q̃ le naue nõ periculaſſeno. Se calauano tute le velle et de qʒſta ſorte andauamo de mare in trauerſo fin q̃ paſſaua la grupada ꝓche veniua molto furiosa. Quando pioueua nõ era vento. Quando faceua ſolle era bonnaſa. veniuano aL bordo de le naue certi peſſi grandi q̃ ſe quiamano tiburoni q̃ anno denti teribilli et ſe trouano hominj neL mare li mangiano. pigliauamo molti cõ hami de fero benche nõ ſonno bonni da mangiare ſe non li picoli et anche loro maL bonny. Jn queſte fortune molte volte ne aparſe il corpo ſancto cioe ſancto elmo in lume fra le altre in vna obſcuriſſima nocte de taL ſplendore come e vna facella ardente in cima de La magiore gabia et ſte circa due hore et piu cõ noi conſolandone q̃ piangevão quanto queſta bennedeta luceſe volſe partire da nuy tanto grandiſſimo ſplendore dete ne li hocqi noſti q̃ ſteſemo piu de mezo carto de hora tuti cieqi chiamando miſericordia et veramẽte credendo eſſere morti el mare ſubito ſe aquieto.

Viti molte ſorte de vcelli tra le qalle vna q̃ nõ haueua culo. vn altra quando la femina vol far li oui li fa soura la ſquena deL maſchio et iui ſe creanno nõ anno piede et ſempre Viueno neL mare. vn altra ſorte q̃ viueno deL ſtercho de li alti vcelli et nõ de alto Si como viti molte volte queſto vcello qaL chiamamo Cagaſſela corer dietro ad alti vcelli fin tanto qelli ſonno conſtrecti mandar fuora eL ſtercho ſubito Lo piglia et Laſſa andare lo vcello anchora viti molti peſſi q̃ volauano et molti alti congregadi inſieme q̃ pareuano vna yſola.

Paſſato q̃ haueſſemo la linea equinotiale in verſo el meridianno ꝓ deſſemo la tramontana et coſi ſe nauego tra el meſo Jorno et garbin fino en vna tera che se diſe la tera deL verzin in 23 gradi ½ aL polo antãtico q̃ e tera deL capo de Sto auguſtino q̃ ſta in 8 gradi aL medeſimo polo do ue pigliaſſemo grã refreſcho de galine batate pigne molte dolci fruto in vero piu gentiL que ſia carne de anta como vaca canne dolci et altre coſe infinite q̃ Laſcio ꝓ non eſſere ꝓlixo ꝓ vno amo da peſcare o vno cortello dauano 5. ho 6. galinne ꝓ vno petine vno paro de occati ꝓ vno ſpequio ho vna forfice tanto peſce q̃ hauerebe baſtato a x homini ꝓ vno ſonaglio o vna ſtringa vno ceſto de batate. qʒſte batate ſonno aL mangiare como caſtagnie et longo como napi et ꝓ vno re de danari q̃ e vna carta de Jocare me deteno 6. galine et penſauano anchora hauernj inganati Jntraſſemo in que ſto porto iL giorno de ſancta lucia et in qeL di haueſſemo eL ſolle p Zenit et patiſſemo piu caldo. qeL giorno et li alti quãdo haueuão eL ſolle ꝓ zenit che Quando eramo ſoto la linea equinotialle.

Queſta tera deL verzin e abondantissa et piu grande q̃ ſpagnia franſa et Jtalia tute inſieme. e deL re de portugalo li populi de queſta tera nõ ſonno chriſtiani et nõ adorano coſa alguna viueno ſecõdo Lo vzo de La natura et viueno Cento vinticinque anny et cẽto et quaranta. Vano nudi coſſi homini como femine habitano in certe caſe longue che le chiamano boij et dormeno in rete de bã baſo chiamate amache ligade ne le medeme caſe da vno capo et da Lalto a legni groſſi fanno foco infra eſſi in tera in ogni vno de queſti boij ſtano cento homini cõ le ſue moglie et figlioli facendo grã romore anno barche duno ſolo arburo maſchize quiamate ca noe cauate cõ menare de pietra queſti populi adoperão le pietre Como nui el fero ꝓ nõ hauere ſtanno trenta et quaranta homini in vna de queſte. vogano cõ palle como da forno et cuſſi negri nubi et tosi asimigliano quando vogano aqelli de laſtigie palude. Sono diſpoſti homini et femine como noi Mangiano carne humana de Li ſui nemici non ꝓ bonna ma ꝓ vna certa vzanſa Queſta vzanſa Lo vno con laltro. fu principio vna vequia Laqalle haueua ſolamente vno figliolo q̃ fu amazato dali suoi nemici ꝓ iL q̃ paſſati alguni giorni li ſui pigliorono vno de la Compagnia q̃ haueua morto Suo figliolo et Lo condusero doue ſtaua queſta vequia ela vedendo et ricordandoſe deL ſuo figliolo como cagnia rabiata li corſe adoſſo et Lo mordete in vna ſpala coſtui deli a pocho fugi neli ſoi et diſſe Como Lo volſero mangiare moſtrandoli eL ſegnialle de La ſpala. qñ queſti pigliarono poi de qelli li mangiorono et qelli de queſti ſiche ꝓ queſto he venuta tal vzanſa. Non ſe mangiano ſubito ma ogni vno taglia vno pezo et lo porta in caſa metendola al fumo poi ogni 8. Jorni taglia vno pezeto mangiandolo bruto lado cõ le altre cose p memoria degli ſui nemici Queſto me diſſe Johane carnagio piloto q̃ veniua cõ nuy el qalle era ſtato in queſta tera quatro anny Queſta gente ſe depingeno marauiglioſamẽte tuto iL corpo et iL volto con foco in diuerſi a maniere ancho le done ſono [sono: doublet in original MS.] toſi et ſenſa barba perche ſe la pelanno. Se veſteno de veſtitur̃ de piume de papagalo cõ rode grande aL cullo de Le penne magiore cosa ridicula caſi tuti li homini eccepto le femine et fanciuli hano tre buſi ne lauro deſoto oue portano pietre rotonde et Longue vno dito et piu et meno de fora pendente. nõ ſonno del tuto negri ma oliuaſtri portano deſcoperte le parte vergonioſe iL Suo corpo e ſenza peli et coſſi homini qaL donne Sempre Vano nudi iL Suo re e chiamato cacich anno infinitiſſimi papagali et ne danno 8 ho 10 ꝓ vno ſpecho et gati maimoni picoli fati como leoni ma Jalli coſa belissima fano panne rotondo biancho de medola de arbore non molto bonno q̃ naſce fra larbore et La ſcorſa et he como recotta. hanno porci q̃ ſopa La ſquena teneno eL suo lombelico et vcceli grandi q̃ anno eL becho como vn cuquiaro ſenſa linga ne dauano ꝓ vno acceta ho cortello grãde vna ho due dele ſue figliole giouane ꝓ fchiaue ma ſua mogliere nõ darianno ꝓ coſa alguna Elle nõ farebenno vergonia a suoi mariti ꝓ ogni grã coſa come ne ſtate referito de giorno nõ conſenteno a li Loro mariti ma ſolamẽte de nocte. Esse Lauorano et portano tuto eL mãgiar̃ suo da li monti in zerli ho vero caneſtri ſuL capo ho atacati aL capo pero eſſendo ſempre ſeco ſui mariti ſolamẽte cõ vno archo de verzin o de palma negra et vno mazo de freze di canna et queſto fano per che ſonno geloſi le femine portano ſui figlioli tacadi aL colo in vna rete de banbazo. Laſcio altre coſe ꝓ nõ eſſere piu longo. Se diſſe due volte meſſa in tera ꝓ il que queſti ſtauano cõ tanto contrictiõe in genoquionj aLſando le mano giunte q̃ era grandisso piacere vederli Edificareno vna caſa per nui penſando doueſſemo ſtar ſeco algun tempo et taglia rono molto verſin per darnela a la noſtra partida era ſtato forſe duy meſi nõ haueua pioueſto in queſta terra et Quando ajongeſemo aL porto per caſo piouete ꝓ queſto deceuano noi vegnire daL cieLo et hauer̃ monato noſco la piogia queſti populi facilmente Se conuerterebenno a la fede de Jeſu xpõ.

Jmprima coſtoro penſauano li batelli foſſero figlioli de le naue et que elle li purturiſſeno quando ſe butauano fora di naue in mare et ſtando coſi aL coſta do como he vzanſa credeuano le naue li nutriſſeno Vna Jouene bella vene vn di nela naue capitania, houe yo ſtaua non ꝓ alto ſenon ꝓ trouar̃ alguno recapito ſtando coſi et aſpectando buto lo ochio supa la camera deL maiſto et victe vno quiodo Longo piu de vn dito il que pigliando cõ grande gentileſſa et galantaria se lo fico aparte aparte de li labri della ſua natura et subito baſſa baſsa Se partite. Vedendo queſto iL capo. generale et yo.

Alguni Vocabuli de qʒſti populi deL verzin.

AL miglio. Maiz
Alla farina. hui
AL hamo. pinda
AL cortello tacse
Al petine chigap
Alla forfice pirame
AL ſonaglio Jtanmaracz
Buono piu q̃ bono tum maragathum

Steſſemo 13. giorni in queſta tera ſeguendo poi il nr̃o camino andaſemo fin a 34 gradi et vno terſo aL polo antarticho doue trouaſſemo in vno fiume de acqua dolce homini q̃ ſe chiamano Canibali et mangiano la carne humana vene vno de la ſtatura caſi como vno gigante nella ñaue capitania ꝓ asigurare li alti suoi haueua vna voce ſimille a vno toro in tanto que queſto ſtete ne la naue li alti portoronno via Le ſue robe daL loco doue habitauão dento nella terra ꝓ paura de noi Vedendo queſto ſaltaſſimo in terra cento homini ꝓ hauer̃ linga et parlare ſecho ho vero ꝓ forſa pigliarne alguno fugiteno et fugẽdo face uano tanto grã paſſo q̃ noi ſaltando nõ poteuamo avanſare li sui paſſi. in queſto fiume ſtanno ſette Jzolle. ne la maior de queſte ſe troua pietre precioſe Qui se chiama capo de sta maria gia ſe penſaua q̃ de qui ſe paſaſſe aL mare de Sur cioe mezo di ne may piu altra fu diſcouerto adeſſo nõ he capo ſinon fiume et a larga La boca 17 legue. Altre volte in queſto fiume fu mangiado da questi Canibali per tropo fidarſe vno Capitanio Spagniolo q̃ ſe chiamaua Johã de solis et ſesanta homini q̃ andauano a diſcourire terra como nui.

Po ſeguendo eL medeſimo camino ꝟſo eL polo antarticho acoſto de terra veniſſimo adare in due Jſolle pienni de occati et loui marini veramente non ſe porla narare iL grã numero de queſti occati in vna hora cargaſſimo le cinque naue Queſti occati ſenno negri et anno tute le penne aduno modo coſsi neL corpo como nelle ale. nõ volano et viueno de peſe eranno tanti graſſi q̃ non biſogniaua pelarli ma ſcor tiglarli anno lo beco como vno coruo Queſti loui marini ſonno de diuerſi colori et groſſi como viteli et eL capo como loro cõ le orechie picole et tõde et denti grandi nõ anno gambe ſenon piedi tacade aL corpo ſimille a le nr̃e mani cõ onguie picolle et fra li diti anno qella pele. le ochie ſarebenno fe rociſſime ſe poteſſeno corere nodano et viueno de peſcie Qui hebenno li naue grandiſſima fortuna ꝓ il que ne aparſeno molte volte li tre corpi ſancti çioe sto. elmo sto. nicolo et sta chiara et ſubito ſeſſaua la fortuna.

Partendone de qi ariuaſſemo fin a 49 gradi et mezo aL antarticho eſsendo linuerno le naui introrono in vno bon porto ꝓ inuernarſe quiui ſteſemo dui meſi ſenza vedere ꝓſonna alguna. Vndi a linprouiſo vedeſſemo vno homo de ſtatura de gigante q̃ ſtaua nudo nella riua deL porto balando cantando et butandoſe poluere Soura la teſta. JL capitanio gñale mando vno deli nr̃i a lui acio faceſſe li medeſimi acti in ſegno de pace et fati lo conduce in vna Jzolleta dinanzi aL capo gñalle Quando fo nella ſua et nr̃a preſentia molto ſe marauiglio et faceua ſegni cõ vno dito alzato credendo veniſſemo daL ciello Queſto erra tanto grande q̃ li dauamo a La cintura et ben diſpoſto haueua La faza grande et depinta intorno de roſſo et Jntorno li ochi de Jallo cõ dui cori depinti in mezo de le galte. li pocqi capili q̃ haueua erano tinti de biancho. era veſtito de pelle de animale coſi de Sotilmente inſieme el qualle animalle a eL capo et orechie grande como vna mula iL colo et iL corpo como vno camello, le gambe de ceruo et La coda de caualo et nitriſſe como lui ge ne ſonno aſaysimi in queſta tera haueua a li piedi albarghe de le medeſme pelle q̃ copreno li piedi a vzo de ſcarpe et nella mano vno archo curto et groſſo. La corda alquando piu groſſa di qelle deL lauto fata de le budelle deL medemo animale cõ vno mazo de frece de canna non molto longue inpenade como le noſtre ꝓ fore põte de pietra de fuoca biancha et negra amodo de freze turqueſque facendole cõ vn alta pietra. Lo capo genneralle li fece dare da mangiare et bere et fra le altre coſe q̃ li moſtrete li moſtro vno ſpequio grande de azalle. quando eL vide ſua figura grandamente ſe ſpauento et ſalto in drieto et buto tre o quato de li noſti homini ꝓ terra da poy li dete Suonagli vno ſpequio vno petine et certi pater noſti et mando lo in tera cõ 4 homini armati Vno ſuo compagnio q̃ may volſe venire a le naue quando eL vite venire coſtui cõ li noſti corſe doue ſtauano li alti Se miſſeno in fila tuti nudi ariuando li noſti a eſſi comenſorono abalare et cantare leuando vno dito aL ciello et moſtrandoli poluere bianca de radice de erba poſta in pigniate de tera q̃ la mangiaſſeno ꝓche non haueuano altra coſa li noſti li feceno ſegnio doueſſeno vegnire a le naui et que li ajuterebenno portare le ſue robe ꝓ il que Queſti homini subito pigliorono Solamente li ſui archi et le ſue femine cargate como asine portorono il tuto. queſte nõ ſonno tanti grandi ma molto piu groſſe quando le vedeſſimo grandamẽte ſteſſemo ſtupefati anno le tete longue mozo brazo. ſonno depinte et veſtite como loro mariti ſinon dinanzi a la natura anno vna peleſſina q̃ la copre menavano quato de qʒſti animali picoli ligadi cõ ligami amodo de caueza. Queſta gente quanto voleno pigliare de queſti animale ligano vno de queſti picoli a vno ſpino poi veneno li grandi ꝓ Jocare cõ li picoli et eſſi ſtando aſconſi li amazano cõ Le freze. li noſti ne canduſſero a le naui dizidoto tra homini et femine et foreno repartiti de due parte deL porto açio pigliaſſeno de li dicti animalj.

Deli a 6. Jorni fu viſto vno gigante depinto et veſtito de la mediſima ſorta de alguni q̃ faceuano legnia haueua in mano vno archo et freze acoſtandoſe a li noſti pima ſe tocaua eL capo eL volto et eL corpo et iL ſimile faceua ali noſti et dapoy leuaua li mani aL ciello. Quando eL capo gñale Lo ſepe. Lo mando atore cõ Loſquifo et menolo in qella Jzola che era neL porto doue haueuano facta vna caſa ꝓ li fabri et ꝓ meter li alcune coſe de le naue. coſtui era piu grande et meglio diſpoſti de li alti et tanto trata bile et gratioſo. ſaltando balaua et quando balaua ogni volta cazaua li piedi Soto tera vno palmo. Stete molti giorni cõ nui tanto qeL batiſaſſemo chiamandolo Johannj cos chiaro prenuntiaua Jeſu pater noſter aue maria et Jouani como nui ſe non cõ voce grociſſima. poi eL capo gñale li dono vna camiza vna camiſota de panno bragueſſe di pano vn bonet vn ſpequio vno petine ſonagli et altre coſe et mandolo da li sui ge li ando molto alegro et cõtento eL giorno ſeguente coſtui porto vno de quelli animali grandi aL capo gñale ꝓ il que li dete molte coſe acio ne portaſſe de li alti ma piu noL vedeſemo penſaſemo li Suoi lo haueſſero amazato ꝓ hauer̃ conuerſato cõ nuy.

Paſſati 15 giorni vedeſſemo quato de queſti giganti ſenza le ſue arme ꝓ che le aueuano aſcoſſe in certi ſpini poi li dui che pigliaſſemo ne li inſegniaro ogni vno era depinto diferentiatamente JL capo genneralle retenne duy li piu Joueni et piu diſpoſti cõ grande aſtutia ꝓ condurli in ſpagnia Se alta mente haueſſe facto facilmente hauerebenno morto alguni de nui. La stutia q̃ vzo in retenerli fo queſta ge dete molti cortelli forfice ſpeqi ſonagli et chriſtalino hauendo queſti dui li mani pienne de le detti coſe iL capo gñale fece portare dui para de feri q̃ ſe meteno a li piedi moſtrando de donnarli et elli ꝓ eſſere fero li piaceuão molto ma non ſapeuano Como portarli et li rincreſceua laſsarli nõ haueuano oue meter̃ qelle merce; et beſogniauali tenerli co le mani la pelle q̃ haueuão intorno li alti duy voleuano ajutarli ma iL capo nõ volſe vedendo q̃ li rincreſciua laſsiare qelli feri li fece ſegnio li farebe ali piedi et queli portarebenno via eſſi riſpoſero cõ la teſta de ſi Subito aduno medeſimo tempo li fece metere a tucti dui et quando linquiauão cõ lo fero q̃ trauerſa dubitauano ma ſigurandoli iL capo pur ſteteno fermi a vedendoſe poi de lingano Sbufauano como tori quiamando fortemente setebos q̃ li ajutaſſe agli alti dui apena poteſimo ligarli li mani li mandaſſemo a terra cõ noue homine açio guidaſſeno li noſti doue ſtaua La moglie de vno de qelli haueuano preſi perche fortemẽte cõ ſegni la lamentaua açio ella intendeſſemo. Andando vno ſe deſligo li mani et corſe via cõ tanta velocita q̃ li nr̃i lo perſeno de viſta ando doue ſtaua La ſua brigata et nõ trouo vno de li ſoi q̃ era rimaſto cõ le femine ꝓ che era andato a la caza ſubito lo ando atrouare et contoli tuto eL fatto Lalto tanto ſe ſforſaua ꝓ deſligarſe q̃ li noſti lo ferirono vn pocho ſopa la teſta et sbufando conduce li nr̃i doue ſtauão le loro donne. gioan cauagio piloto capo de queſti nõ volſe tore la donna qella ſera ma dormite yui ꝓ che se faceua nocte li alti duy veneno et vedendo coſtui ferito se dubitauão et nõ diſero niente alhora ma ne lalba parloro a le donne ſubito fugiteno via et coreuão piu li picoli q̃ li grandi lassando tute le sue robe dui ſe traſſeno da parte tirã do ali nr̃i frece. lalto menaua via qelli ſoi animaleti ꝓ cazare et coſi cõba tendo vno de qelli paſſo la coſſa cõ vna freza a vno deli nr̃i il qalle ſubito mori quando viſteno queſto ſubito corſeno via li nr̃i haueuano ſquiopeti et baleſtre et may nõ li poterono ferire quando queſti combateuão may ſtauano fermi ma ſaltando de qua et della. li noſti ſe pelirono Lo morto et braſarono tute le robe q̃ haueuano laſſata Certamente queſti giganti Coreno piu Cauali et Sonno geloſiſſimi de loro mogliere.