Chapter XXIV (3)

Nous allons mettre un peu d'ordre a notre Camp devant
Sevastopol, et en cela nous tacherons d'imiter le bel exemple
qui nous est montre par le Camp Francais. A quelque chose
cependant malheur est bon, et le mauvais etat de l'Armee
Anglaise a donne aux braves et genereux Francais l'occasion de
prodiguer a leurs freres d'armes des soins, qui ont excite la
plus vive reconnaissance tant en Angleterre qu'a Balaclava.
J'ai l'honneur d'etre, Sire, etc. etc.,

PALMERSTON.]

[Pageheading: PALMERSTON AND THE EMPEROR]

_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _11th February 1855_.

This letter gave us great uneasiness.... The sort of private correspondence which Lord Palmerston means to establish with the Emperor Napoleon is a novel and unconstitutional practice. If carried on behind the back of the Sovereign, it makes her Minister the Privy Councillor of a foreign Sovereign at the head of her affairs. How can the Foreign Secretary and Ambassador at Paris, the legitimate organs of communication, carry on their business, if everything has been privately preconcerted between the Emperor and the English Prime Minister? What control can the Cabinet hope to exercise on the Foreign Affairs under these circumstances?...

_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _11th February 1855_.

The Queen thanks Lord Palmerston for his letter of the 10th, and for communicating to her the letter which he had addressed upon the 8th to the Emperor of the French on the formation of the present Government, the copy of which the Queen herewith returns.

[Pageheading: THE ROEBUCK COMMITTEE]

_Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._

PICCADILLY, _16th February 1855_. (_Friday night._)

Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and begs to state that after he had made his statement this afternoon, a conversation of some length took place, in which Mr Disraeli, Mr Roebuck, Mr Thomas Duncombe, and several other Members took part, the subject of discussion being whether Mr Roebuck's Committee should or should not be appointed.

Viscount Palmerston is concerned to say that it was not only his own impression but the opinion of a great number of persons with whom he communicated in the course of the evening, including the Speaker, that the appointment of the Committee will be carried by a very great majority, perhaps scarcely less great than that by which the original Motion was affirmed; and it was also the opinion of good judges that a refusal to grant an enquiry would not be a good ground on which to dissolve Parliament and appeal to the Country. The general opinion was that the best way of meeting the Motion for naming the Committee which Mr Roebuck has fixed for next Thursday, would be to move some instruction to the Committee directing or limiting the range of its enquiry. This is a matter, however, which will be well considered at the meeting of the Cabinet to-morrow....

The reason alleged for the determination of Members to vote for Mr Roebuck's Committee is the general desire throughout the Country that an enquiry should be instituted to ascertain the causes of the sufferings of your Majesty's troops in the Crimea.

_Queen Victoria to the King of Prussia._ [_Translation._]

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _20th February 1855_.

DEAREST BROTHER,--I must not let Lord John Russell visit Berlin without personally recommending him to your Majesty--an honour which he deserves in a high degree, as a statesman of wide outlook, well-informed, and moderate. At the same time I may be allowed to repeat my conviction, which I have expressed several times already, that it appears to me impossible to obtain peace so long as Prussia continues indisposed to maintain, in case of necessity by force of arms, the principles publicly expressed in concert with the belligerent Powers and Austria.

Much blood, very much blood, has already been shed. Honour and justice force the belligerent Powers to make every sacrifice in continually defending those principles to the utmost. Whether diplomacy will succeed in saving Prussia from taking an active share in this defence--that remains the secret of the future, which the King of kings alone possesses!

Albert presents his homage to your Majesty, and I beg to be most cordially remembered, and remain as ever, my dear Brother, your Majesty's faithful Servant and Friend,

VICTORIA R.

[Pageheading: MR GLADSTONE]

_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _21st February 1855_.

I have just seen Mr Gladstone, who received my box so late that I did not wish to detain him more than a few minutes, as the Cabinet was waiting for him. I told him, however, the substance of Lord Palmerston's letter, and of the Queen's answer, the wisdom of which, he said, nobody could doubt for a moment, and added that the choice lying only between many evils, I hoped he and his friends would not strive to obtain an absolute good, and thereby lose the Queen the services of an efficient Government. He begged that I should rest assured that the first and primary consideration which would guide their determination would be the position of the Crown in these critical circumstances. He had had no opportunity of consulting these last days either Mr S. Herbert or Sir James Graham. But for himself he felt the greatest difficulty in letting the House of Commons succeed in what he must consider a most unconstitutional, most presumptuous, and most dangerous course, after which it would be impossible for the Executive ever to oppose again the most absurd and preposterous demands for enquiry.[37]

[Footnote 37: See _post_, 21st February, 1855, note 38.]

I asked, "But can you stop it?"

He answered: I believe Lord Palmerston made a mistake in not grappling with it from the first, and using all the power the Crown had entrusted to him, even ostentatiously, for the purpose. Now it might be most difficult--but it ought not to pass without a solemn protest on the part of the men who were not connected with the Government, and should not be supposed to have any other than the interests of the Country at heart. A Government was powerless in resisting such an encroachment of the House, where the whole Opposition, from personal motives, and the supporters of Government from fear of their constituents, were bent upon carrying it. Such a protest, however, might form a rallying-point upon which future resistance might be based, and the Country, now intoxicated by agitation, might come to its senses.

As to the strength of the Government, he believed it had very little at this moment in the House, and that such would be the case with any Government Lord Palmerston could form, he had foretold him, when Lord Derby had made him the offer to join an Administration of his forming. At this moment the secession of the Peelites would rather strengthen the Government than otherwise, as, from their connection with Lord Aberdeen, they had been decried in the Country with him, and the Whigs looked upon them with all the personal feelings of men deprived of their offices by them.

He agreed with me that in the present disruption of Parties, the difficulty of obtaining any strong Government consists, not in the paucity of men, but in the over-supply of Right Honourable gentlemen produced by the many attempts to form a Government on a more extended base. There were now at least three Ministers for each office, from which the two excluded were always cried up as superior to the one in power. He said this could not be amended until we got back to two Parties--each of them capable of presenting to the Queen an efficient Administration. Now the one Party did not support its Chief from personal rivalry--and the other, from the very feeling of its own incapacity, became reckless as to the course of its political actions.

He concluded by saying he felt it right to reserve his final determination till the last moment at which it would become necessary.

ALBERT.

[Pageheading: RESIGNATION OF THE PEELITES]

_Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._

DOWNING STREET, _21st February 1855_.

Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and feels extreme regret in having to state to your Majesty that Sir James Graham, Mr Gladstone, and Mr Sidney Herbert announced at the Cabinet Meeting to-day their determination to retire from the Government in consequence of their inability to consent to the nomination of Mr Roebuck's Committee.[38] _No other_ Member of the Government has as yet intimated any intention to retire. Viscount Palmerston will assemble the remaining Members of the Government to-morrow at twelve to take into consideration the steps to be taken for supplying the places of the retiring Members.[39]

An endeavour has been made to induce Mr Roebuck to postpone the appointment of the Committee till Monday, but he will not consent to delay it beyond to-morrow, and he will insert in the votes to-night, to be printed to-morrow morning (in accordance with the rules of the House), the proposed list of names which have been settled between the Government and Mr Roebuck, and which seem to be unobjectionable, all things considered....

[Footnote 38: The retirement of the Peelites in a body from
Lord Palmerston's Ministry is a curious instance of the
tenacity of Party ties, since the prosecution of the enquiry
into the conduct of the war affected the Whig as much as the
Peelite section of the Aberdeen Cabinet. In reference to their
reason for resignation (_viz._ that the investigation was a
dangerous breach of a great constitutional principle, and that
similar enquiries could never thenceforward be refused), see
Parker's _Sir James Graham_, vol. ii. pp. 268-272.

The secession of the Peelites, however, did not make the
Ministry a Whig Government. The last Whig Administration was
that which left office early in 1852. Had Lord John Russell
succeeded in his attempt on the present occasion, the Whig
party might have endured _co nomine_; but Palmerston had,
notwithstanding Cobden's distrust, been popular with the
Radicals, and henceforward his supporters must be known as the
Liberal Party.]

[Footnote 39: Sir Charles Wood became First Lord of the
Admiralty (Mr. Vernon Smith succeeding him at the Board of
Control), Sir George Lewis succeeded Mr Gladstone at the
Exchequer, and the Colonial Office was offered to and accepted
by Lord John Russell, who was at the moment in Paris on his
way to attend the Vienna Conference.]

[Pageheading: CRIMEAN HEROES]

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _27th February 1855_.

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Since I last wrote to you, we have again had much trouble, as Van de Weyer will have informed you. We have lost our _three_ best men--certainly from the purest and best of motives--but the result is _unfortunate_. Altogether, affairs are very unsettled and very unsatisfactory. The good people here are really a little _mad_, but I am certain it _will_ right itself; one must only _not_ give way to the nonsense and absurdity one hears.

Lord John's return to office _under_ Lord Palmerston is very extraordinary![40] I hope he may do good in his mission; he is most anxious for it.

Many thanks for your kind letter of the 23rd. The frost has left us, which personally I regret, as it agrees so well with me; but I believe it was very necessary on account of the great distress which was prevalent, so many people being thrown out of employment.

The Emperor's meditated voyage[41]--though natural in him to wish--I think most alarming; in fact, I don't know how things are to go on without him, independent of the great danger he exposes himself to besides. I own it makes one tremble, for _his life_ is of such _immense importance_. I still hope that he may be deterred from it, but Walewski was in a great state about it.

On Thursday we saw twenty-six of the wounded Coldstream Guards, and on Friday thirty-four of the Scotch Fusileers. A most interesting and touching sight--_such_ fine men, and so brave and patient! _so ready_ to go back and "_be at them again_." A great many of them, I am glad to say, will be able to remain in the Service. Those who have lost their limbs cannot, of course. There were two poor boys of nineteen and twenty--the one had lost his leg, quite high up, by the bursting of a shell in the trenches, and the other his poor arm so shot that it is perfectly useless. Both had smooth girls' faces; these were in the Coldstream, who certainly look the worst. In the Scotch Fusileers, there were also two very young men--the one shot through the cheek, the other through the _skull_--but both recovered! Among the Grenadiers there is one very sad object, shot _dreadfully_, a ball having gone in through the cheek and behind the nose and eye and out through the other side! He is shockingly disfigured, but is recovered. I feel so much for them, and am _so fond_ of my dear soldiers--so _proud_ of them! We could not have avoided sending the Guards; it would have been their ruin if they had not gone....

I must now conclude. Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

[Footnote 40: For twenty years Lord John Russell had been
Leader of the Whig Party in the House, and Lord Palmerston
subordinate to him.]

[Footnote 41: The Emperor had announced his intention of
going to the Crimea, and assuming the conduct of the war. The
project was most unfavourably regarded by the Queen and the
Prince, by Lord Palmerston, and by the Emperor's own advisers.
But the intention, which had been carefully matured, was
arrived at in full loyalty to the Alliance with this country,
and had to be tactfully met. Accordingly, it was arranged
that when Napoleon was at the Camp in Boulogne in March, Lord
Clarendon should visit him there, and discuss the question
with him. Eventually, the Foreign Secretary persuaded the
Emperor to relinquish, or at any rate defer, his expedition; a
memorandum of what passed on the occasion was drawn up by the
Prince from the narration of Lord Clarendon, and printed by
Sir Theodore Martin. (_Life of the Prince Consort_, vol. iii.
p. 231.)]

_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Clarendon._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _1st March 1855_.

The Queen thanks Lord Clarendon for his letter received this evening, and will return the enclosures to-morrow.

The Queen gathers from what she has read that the Emperor is bent upon going, and that nothing in the shape of remonstrance or argument will turn him from his purpose.

Should the Emperor's journey take place, Lord Cowley's accompanying him appears to the Queen in all respects a most useful step, and the Queen gives accordingly her permission for him to go.

The Emperor's taking the management of the whole Campaign, as well as the command of our Forces, entirely into his own hands, involves so many considerations that it may be worth considering whether we ought not previously to come to a more direct and comprehensive understanding with him, such as full and verbal discussion would alone afford--to which, in some shape or other, his present stay at Boulogne might afford some facilities.

[Pageheading: DEATH OF THE CZAR]

_From Sir Ralph Abercromby._[42]

THE HAGUE. _2nd March 1855_. (Received 3.45 P.M.)

The Emperor Nicholas died this morning at 1 A.M. of Pulmonic Apoplexy, after an attack of Influenza.[43]

[Footnote 42: Who had married the sister of Lady John
Russell.]

[Footnote 43: Nothing had been known publicly of the Czar's
illness, and the startling news of his death caused a
sensation in England of tragedy rather than of joy. Mr
Kinglake has vividly depicted the feelings of agony and
mortification with which the news of the earlier Russian
reverses had been received by Nicholas. On the 1st of March,
he received the full account of the disaster at Eupatoria,
after which he became delirious, and died on the following
day. He had stated, in referring to the horrors of that
Crimean winter, that Russia had still two Generals on whom
she could rely: Generals Janvier and Fevrier; and Leech, with
matchless art, now made his famous cartoon--"General Fevrier
turned traitor," depicting Death, in the uniform of a Russian
officer, laying his bony hand on the Emperor's heart.]

[Pageheading: THE COMMITTEE OF ENQUIRY]

_Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._

HOUSE OF COMMONS, _2nd March 1855_.

Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty....

The death of the Emperor of Russia may or may not produce important changes in the state of affairs. It is probable that the Grand Duke Hereditary will succeed quietly, notwithstanding the notion that a doubt would be started whether he, as son of the Grand Duke Nicholas, would not be superseded by his younger brother born son of the Czar.[44] It is possible that the new Emperor may revert to that peaceful policy which he was understood to advocate in the beginning of these transactions, but it is possible, on the other hand, that he may feel bound to follow out the policy of his father, and may be impelled by the headstrong ambition of his brother Constantine. At all events, this change at Petersburg should not for the present slacken the proceedings and the arrangements of the Allies.

The House of Commons has been engaged in discussing Mr Roebuck's proposal that the Committee of Enquiry should be a secret one. This proposal was made by the majority of the Committee on the ground that they anticipated a difficulty in conducting their enquiries without trenching on the delicate and dangerous ground of questioning the proceedings of the French. The proposal was objected to by Lord Seymour[45] and Mr Ellice, members of the Committee, by Sir James Graham as unjust towards the Duke of Newcastle, and others whose conduct ought to be enquired into with all the safeguards which publicity secures for justice, and not before a Secret Tribunal in the nature of an Inquisition. The general sense of the House was against secrecy, and Viscount Palmerston expressed an opinion adverse to it, on the ground that it could not be enforced because the Committee could not gag the witnesses, and that the character of secrecy would excite suspicion and disappoint public expectation. Sir John Pakington, a member of the Committee, was for secrecy, Mr Disraeli spoke against it, and the Motion has been withdrawn.

[Footnote 44: The eldest son, the Grand Duke Alexander
(1818-1881), succeeded as Czar Alexander II.]

[Footnote 45: Lord Seymour (afterwards Duke of Somerset)
drafted the Report of the Committee.]

_Queen Victoria to the Princess of Prussia._ [_Translation._]

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _4th March 1855_.

DEAR AUGUSTA,--The astounding news of the death of your poor uncle the Emperor Nicholas reached us the day before yesterday at four o'clock. A few hours previously we had learnt that his condition was hopeless. The news is sudden and most unexpected, and we are naturally very anxious to learn details. His departure from life at the present moment cannot but make a particularly strong impression, and what the consequences of it may be the All-knowing One alone can foresee. Although the poor Emperor has died as our enemy, I have not forgotten former and more happy times, and no one has more than I regretted that he himself evoked this sad war.[46] To you I must address my request to express to the poor Empress, as well as to the family, my heartfelt condolence. I cannot do it officially, but you, my beloved friend, you will surely be able to convey it to your sister-in-law as well as to the present young Emperor in a manner which shall not compromise me. I have a deep, heartfelt desire to express this. To your dear, honoured mother convey, pray, my condolence on the death of her brother....

[Footnote 46: The Queen records, in the _Life of the Prince
Consort_, that she entertained a sincere respect for the
Emperor personally, and received the news of his death with
regret (vol. iii. p. 225, note).]

[Pageheading: THE HOSPITAL QUESTION]

_Queen Victoria to Lord Panmure._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _5th March 1855_.

The Queen is very anxious to bring before Lord Panmure the subject which she mentioned to him the other night, viz. that of Hospitals for our sick and wounded soldiers. This is absolutely necessary, and _now_ is the moment to have them built, for no doubt there would be no difficulty in obtaining the money requisite for this purpose, from the strong feeling now existing in the public mind for improvements of all kinds connected with the Army and the well-being and comfort of the soldier.

Nothing can exceed the attention paid to these poor men in the Barracks at Chatham (or rather more Fort Pitt and Brompton), and they are in that respect very comfortable; but the buildings are bad--the wards more like prisons than hospitals, with the windows so high that no one can look out of them; and the generality of the wards are small rooms, with hardly space for you to walk between the beds. There is no dining-room or hall, so that the poor men must have their dinners in the same room in which they sleep, and in which some may be dying, and at any rate many suffering, while others are at their meals. The proposition of having hulks prepared for their reception will do very well at first, but it would not, the Queen thinks, do for any length of time. A hulk is a very gloomy place, and these poor men require their spirits to be cheered as much as their physical sufferings to be attended to. The Queen is particularly anxious on this subject, which is, he may truly say, constantly in her thoughts, as is everything connected with her beloved troops, who have fought so bravely and borne so heroically all their sufferings and privations.

The Queen hopes before long to visit all the Hospitals at Portsmouth, and to see in what state they are.

_When_ will the medals be ready for distribution?

[Pageheader: LORD DALHOUSIE RESIGNS]

_The Marquis of Dalhousie to Queen Victoria._

OOTACAMUND, _14th March 1855_.

The Governor-General presents his most humble duty to your Majesty; and in obedience to the command, which your Majesty was pleased to lay upon him, that he should keep your Majesty acquainted with the course of public events in India, he has the honour to inform your Majesty that he has now felt it to be his duty to request the President of the Board of Control to solicit for him your Majesty's permission to retire from the office of Governor-General of India about the close of the present year.

The Governor-General begs permission respectfully to represent, that in January next, he will have held his present office for eight years; that his health during the last few months has seriously failed him; and that although he believes that the invigorating air of these hills will enable him to discharge all his duties efficiently during this season, yet he is conscious that the effects of an Indian climate have laid such a hold upon him that by the close of the present year he will be wholly unfit any longer to serve your Majesty.

Lord Dalhousie, therefore, humbly trusts that your Majesty will graciously permit him to resign the great office which he holds before he ceases to command the strength which is needed to sustain it. He has the honour to subscribe himself, your Majesty's most obedient, most humble and devoted Subject and Servant,

DALHOUSIE.

_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Clarendon._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _14th March 1855_.

The Queen returns the letter and Despatches from Vienna. They don't alter her opinion as to our demands. Every concession in form and wording ought to be made which could save Russian _amour-propre_; but this ought in no way to trench upon the _substance_ of our demands, to which Austria must feel herself bound.[47]

[Footnote 47: As has already been stated, the "Four Points"
were the basis of the negotiations at Vienna; the third
alone, which the Allies and Austria had defined as intended
to terminate Russian preponderance in the Black Sea, caused
difficulty.]

[Pageheading: THE VIENNA CONFERENCE]

_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Clarendon._

OSBORNE, _19th March 1855_.

The Queen has read with the greatest interest Lord Cowley's three reports. The changeableness of the French views are most perplexing, although they have hitherto not prevented a steady course from being followed in the end. Lord Cowley seems to have been a little off his guard when he took the proposal of our taking Sinope as a second Malta or Gibraltar, for a mere act of generosity and confidence towards us. We must be careful not to break down ourselves the barrier of the "abnegation clause" of our original treaty.[48] The Austrian proposal can hardly be serious, for to require 1,200,000 men before going to war is almost ridiculous.

The Queen read with much concern the two simultaneous proposals from the King of Prussia's simultaneous Plenipotentiaries--both inadmissible, in her opinion. A very civil answer would appear to the Queen as the best, to the effect that, as Prussia was evidently not now in a mood to resume her position amongst the great Powers with the responsibilities attaching to it, we could not hope to arrive at any satisfactory result by the present negotiations, but shall be ready to treat Prussia with the same regard with which we have always done, when she shall have something tangible to propose.

[Footnote 48: _I.e._ the formal renunciation by the Allies of
any scheme of territorial acquisition.]

[Pageheading: THE BALTIC EXPEDITION]

_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._

OSBORNE, _19th March 1855_.

With regard to the Expedition to the Baltic[49] the Queen concurs in believing it probable that we shall have to confine ourselves to a blockade, but this should be with the _certainty_ of its being done effectually and free from any danger to the squadron, from a sudden start of the Russian fleet. Twenty sail of the Line (to which add five French) would be a sufficient force if supported by the necessary complement of frigates, corvettes, and gunboats, etc., etc.; alone, they would be useless from their draught of water, and if twenty ships only are meant (not sail of the Line), the force would seem wholly inadequate. The Queen would therefore wish, before giving her sanction to the proposed plan of campaign, to have a complete list submitted to her of what it is intended to constitute the Baltic Fleet.[50] We ought likewise not to leave ourselves destitute of any Reserve at home, which the uncertain contingencies of another year's war may call upon at any moment.

The Queen regrets Lord Shaftesbury's declining office, and approves of Lord Elgin's selection in his place.[51]

She thanks Lord Palmerston for the clear and comprehensive explanation of Sir George Lewis's Stamp Duties Bill,[52] and approves of Lord Palmerston's proposal for the adjournment of Parliament for the Easter holidays.

[Footnote 49: The expedition was commanded by Rear-Admiral
Richard Dundas. About the same time Vice-Admiral Sir James
Dundas retired from the Mediterranean Command, in favour of
Sir Edmund Lyons.]

[Footnote 50: The allied fleet comprised 23 line-of-battle
ships, 31 frigates and corvettes, 29 smaller steamers and
gunboats, and 18 other craft.]

[Footnote 51: As Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster; Mr
Matthew Talbot Baines was ultimately appointed.]

[Footnote 52: Imposing a penny stamp upon bankers' cheques,
if drawn within fifteen miles of the place where they were
payable.]

_Queen Victoria to Lord Panmure._

OSBORNE, _22nd March 1855_.

The other day, when the Queen spoke to Lord Panmure on the subject of the distribution of the _Medal_ for the _Crimean_ Campaign amongst the Officers, and those who _are_ in _this_ country, no decision was come to as to how this should be done. The Queen has since thought that the value of this Medal would be greatly enhanced if _she_, were _personally_ to deliver it to the officers and a certain number of men (selected for that purpose). The valour displayed by our troops, as well as the sufferings they have endured, have never been surpassed--perhaps hardly equalled; and as the Queen has been a witness of _what_ they have gone through, having visited them in their hospitals, she would _like_ to be able _personally_ to give them the reward they have earned so well, and will value so much. It will likewise have a very beneficial effect, the Queen doubts not, on the recruiting. The manner in which it should be done, and the details connected with the execution of this intention of hers, the Queen will settle with Lord Panmure, when she sees him in Town.

Will the Medals now be soon ready?

[Pageheading: THE IMPERIAL VISIT]

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _17th April 1855_.

DEAREST UNCLE,--Your kindness will, I know, excuse any description of all that has passed, and _is_ passing, and I leave it to Charles. The impression is very favourable.[53] There is great fascination in the quiet, frank manner of the Emperor, and _she_ is very pleasing, very graceful, and very unaffected, but very delicate. She _is_ certainly very pretty and very uncommon-looking. The Emperor spoke very amiably of you. The reception by the public was _immensely_ enthusiastic. I must end here. Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

[Footnote 53: The Emperor and Empress of the French arrived
on the 16th of April, on a visit to England. They were
enthusiastically received both at Dover (notwithstanding a
dense fog, which endangered the safety of the Imperial yacht)
and on their progress from the South-Eastern terminus to
Paddington. In passing King Street, the Emperor was observed
to indicate his former residence to the Empress.]

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _19th April 1855_.

DEAREST UNCLE,... I have not a moment to myself, being of course entirely occupied with our Imperial guests, with whom I am much pleased, and who behave really with the greatest tact.[54] The Investiture went off very well, and to-day (we came from Windsor) the enthusiasm of the thousands who received him in the City was immense. He is much pleased. Since the time of my Coronation, with the exception of the opening of the great Exhibition, I don't remember anything like it. To-night we go in state to the Opera. In haste, ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

[Footnote 54: A review of the Household troops in Windsor Park
was held on the 17th, and a ball was given at the Castle in
the evening. A Council of War on the 18th was attended by
the Prince, the Emperor, and some of their Ministers; in the
afternoon the Queen invested the Emperor with the Garter. On
the following day the Emperor received an address at Windsor
from the Corporation of London, and lunched at the Guildhall;
the Queen and Prince and their guests paid a State visit to
Her Majesty's Theatre in the evening to hear _Fidelio_. On the
20th the party, with brilliant ceremonial, visited the Crystal
Palace at Sydenham, and were enthusiastically received by an
immense multitude; another important Council, relative to the
future conduct of the war, was held in the evening.]

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _24th April 1855_.

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--Many thanks for your kind letter of the 19th and 20th, by which I am glad to see that you were well. Our great visit is past, like a brilliant and most successful dream, but I think the effect on the visitors will be a good and lasting one; they saw in our reception, and in that of the whole Nation, nothing _put on_, but a warm, hearty welcome to a faithful and steady Ally. I think also that for Belgium this visit will be very useful, for it will increase the friendly feelings of the Emperor towards my dear Uncle, and towards a country in which England takes so deep an interest.

The negotiations are broken off, and Austria has been called upon to act according to the Treaty of the 2nd December. She intends, I believe, to make some proposal, but we know nothing positive as yet. In the meantime I fear the Emperor (I mean Napoleon) _will_ go to the Crimea, which makes one anxious.... Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _25th April 1855_.

The Queen has read the letter of Lady ---- to Lady Palmerston, and now returns it to Lord Palmerston.

She has to observe that it has been with her an invariable rule never to take upon herself the office of sitting in judgment upon accusations or reports against private character. No person therefore can have any reason to suppose that she will by marked neglect or manner appear to pronounce a verdict upon matters in which she is not the proper Court of Appeal.

[Pageheading: THE EMPEROR'S LETTER]

_The Emperor of the French to Queen Victoria._

PALAIS DES TUILERIES, _le 25 Avril 1855_.

MADAME ET BONNE S[OE]UR,--A Paris depuis trois jours, je suis encore aupres de votre Majeste par la pensee, et mon premier besoin est de Lui redire combien est profonde l'impression que m'a laissee son accueil si plein de grace et d'affectueuse bonte. La politique nous a rapproches d'abord, mais aujourd'hui qu'il m'a ete permis de connaitre personnellement votre Majeste c'est une vive et respectueuse sympathie qui forme desormais le veritable lien qui m'attache a elle. Il est impossible en effet de vivre quelques jours dans votre intimite sans subir le charme qui s'attache a l'image de la grandeur et du bonheur de la famille la plus unie. Votre Majeste m'a aussi bien touche par ses prevenances delicates envers l'Imperatrice; car rien ne fait plus de plaisir que de voir la personne qu'on aime devenir l'objet d'aussi flatteuses attentions.

Je prie votre Majeste d'exprimer au Prince Albert les sentiments sinceres que m'inspirent sa franche amitie, son esprit eleve et la droiture de son jugement.

J'ai rencontre a mon retour a Paris bien des difficultes diplomatiques et bien d'autres intervenants au sujet de mon voyage en Crimee. Je dirai en confidence a votre Majeste que ma resolution de voyage s'en trouve presque ebranlee. En France tous ceux qui possedent sont bien peu courageux!

Votre Majeste voudra bien me rappeler au souvenir de sa charmante famille et me permettre de Lui renouveler l'assurance de ma respectueuse amitie et de mon tendre attachement. De votre Majeste, le bon Frere,

NAPOLEON.

[Pageheading: THE QUEEN'S REPLY]

_Queen Victoria to the Emperor of the French._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _le 27 Avril 1855_.

SIRE ET MON CHER FRERE,--Votre Majeste vient de m'ecrire une bien bonne et affectueuse lettre que j'ai recue hier et qui m'a vivement touchee. Vous dites, Sire, que vos pensees sont encore aupres de nous; je puis Vous assurer que c'est bien reciproque de notre part et que nous ne cessons de repasser en revue et de parler de ces beaux jours que nous avons eu le bonheur de passer avec Vous et l'Imperatrice et qui se sont malheureusement ecoules si vite. Nous sommes profondement touches de la maniere dont votre Majeste parle de nous et de notre famille, et je me plais a voir dans les sentiments que vous nous temoignez un gage precieux de plus pour la continuation de ces relations si heureusement et si fermement etablies entre nos deux pays.

Permettez que j'ajoute encore, Sire, combien de prix j'attache a l'entiere franchise avec laquelle Vous ne manquez d'agir envers nous en toute occasion et a laquelle Vous nous trouverez toujours prets a repondre, bien convaincus que c'est le moyen le plus sur pour eloigner tout sujet de complication et de mesentendu entre nos deux Gouvernements vis-a-vis des graves difficultes que nous avons a surmonter ensemble.

Depuis le depart de votre Majeste les complications diplomatiques ont augmente bien peniblement et la position est assurement devenue bien difficile mais le Ciel n'abandonnera pas ceux qui n'ont d'autre but que le bien du genre humain.

J'avoue que la nouvelle de la possibilite de l'abandon de votre voyage en Crimee m'a bien tranquillisee parce qu'il y avait bien des causes d'alarmes en vous voyant partir si loin et expose a tant de dangers. Mais bien que l'absence de votre Majeste en Crimee soit toujours une grande perte pour les operations vigoureuses dont nous sommes convenus, j'espere que leur execution n'en sera pas moins vivement poussee par nos deux Gouvernements.

Le Prince me charge de vous offrir ses plus affectueux hommages et nos enfants qui sont bien flattes de votre gracieux souvenir, et qui parlent beaucoup de votre visite, se mettent a vos pieds.

Avec tous les sentiments de sincere amitie et de haute estime, je me dis, Sire et cher Frere, de V.M.I. la bien bonne S[oe]ur,

VICTORIA R.

[Pageheading: RUSSIA AND THE BLACK SEA]

[Pageheading: AUSTRIAN PROPOSALS]

_Viscount Palmerston to Queen Victoria._[55]

PICCADILLY, _26th April 1855_.

Viscount Palmerston presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and begs to state that the Members of the Cabinet who met yesterday evening at the Chancellor's were of opinion that the Austrian proposal adopted by M. Drouyn de Lhuys, even with his pretended modification, could not be described more accurately than in the concise terms of H.R.H. the Prince Albert, namely, that instead of making to cease the preponderance of Russia in the Black Sea, it would perpetuate and legalise that preponderance, and that instead of establishing a secure and permanent Peace, it would only establish a prospective case for war. Such a proposal therefore your Majesty's Advisers could not recommend your Majesty to adopt; but as the step to be taken seems rather to be to make such a proposal to Austria than to answer such a proposal which Austria has not formally made, and as M. Drouyn's telegraphic despatch stated that he thought that Lord John Russell would recommend such an arrangement to his colleagues, the Cabinet were of opinion that the best course would be simply to take no step at all until Lord John Russell's return, which may be expected to-morrow or next day, especially as Lord Clarendon had already, by telegraphic message of yesterday, intimated to the French Government that such an arrangement as that proposed by M. Drouyn, and which would sanction a Russian Fleet in the Black Sea to any amount short by one ship of the number existing in 1853, could not be agreed to by the British Government. Such an arrangement would, in the opinion of Viscount Palmerston, be alike dangerous and dishonourable; and as to the accompanying alliance with Austria for the future defence of Turkey and for making war with Russia, if she were to raise her Black Sea Fleet up to the amount of 1853, what reason is there to believe that Austria, who shrinks from war with Russia now that the Army of Russia has been much reduced by the losses of the last twelve months--now that her Forces are divided and occupied elsewhere than on the Austrian frontier, and now that England and France are actually in the field with great Armies, supported by great Fleets, what reason is there to believe that this same Austria would be more ready to make war four or five years hence, when the Army of Russia shall have repaired its losses and shall be more concentrated to attack Austria, when the Austrian Army shall have been reduced to its Peace Establishment, and when the Peace Establishments of England and France, withdrawn within their home stations, shall be less ready to co-operate with Austria in war? What reason, moreover, is there for supposing that Austria, who has recently declared that though prepared for war she will not make war for ten sail of the Line more or less in the Russian Black Sea Fleet, will some few years hence, when unprepared for war, draw the sword on account of the addition of one ship of war to the Russian Fleet in the Black Sea?

Such proposals are really a mockery.

[Footnote 55: It had long become evident that Russia
would refuse assent to the Third Point, terminating her
preponderance in the Black Sea, but Austria now came forward
with a proposal to limit the Russian force there to the number
of ships authorised before the war. This was rejected by
Russia, whereupon the representatives of England and France
withdrew from the negotiations. Count Buol, representing
Austria, then came forward again with a scheme the salient
features of which were that, if Russia increased her Black Sea
fleet beyond its existing strength, Turkey might maintain a
force equal to it, and England and France might each have a
naval force in the Black Sea equal to half the Russian force,
while the increase of the Russian fleet beyond its strength
in 1853 would be regarded by Austria as a _casus belli_. These
terms were satisfactory neither to the British Government
nor to the French Emperor, so that it was learned with some
surprise that Lord John Russell and M. Drouyn de Lhuys (the
French Plenipotentiary) had approved of them. Upon the
Emperor definitely rejecting the proposals, M. Drouyn de
Lhuys resigned; he was succeeded as Foreign Minister by Count
Walewski, M. de Persigny becoming Ambassador in London.
Lord John Russell tendered his resignation, but, at Lord
Palmerston's solicitation, and most unfortunately for himself,
he withdrew it.]

_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Clarendon._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _28th April 1855_.

The Queen returns these very important letters. She thinks that it will be of great use to ask the Emperor to send M. Drouyn de Lhuys over here after having discussed the plans of peace with him, in order that he should hear our arguments also, and give us his reasons for thinking the terms acceptable. The influence of distance and difference of locality upon the resolves of men has often appeared to the Queen quite marvellous.

[Pageheading: THE IMPERIAL VISIT]

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _1st May 1855_.

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--On this day, the fifth birthday of our darling little Arthur--the anniversary of the opening of the Great Exhibition--the _once_ great day at Paris, viz. the poor King's name-day--and also the birthday of the dear old Duke--I write to thank you for your kind and affectionate letter of the 27th. The _attentat_[56] on the Emperor will have shocked you, as it did us; it shocked me _the more_ as we had _watched over_ him with such anxiety while he was with us.

It has produced an immense sensation in France, we hear, and many of _his_ political _enemies_, he says, cheered him loudly as he returned to the Tuileries. As you say, he is _very personal_, and _therefore_ kindness _shown_ him _personally_ will make a _lasting_ effect on his mind, peculiarly susceptible to _kindness_. Another feature in his character is that _il ne fait pas de phrases_--and _what_ is said is the result of deep reflection. I therefore send you (in _strict confidence_) a copy of the really very kind letter he wrote me, and which I am sure is _quite sincere_. He felt the simple and kind treatment of him and her _more_ than _all_ the outward homage and display.

Please kindly to return it when you have done with it.

I am sure you would be charmed with the Empress; it is not such great beauty, but such grace, elegance, sweetness, and _nature_. Her manners are charming; the _profile_ and figure beautiful and particularly _distingues_.

You will be pleased (as I was) at the abandonment of the journey to the Crimea, though I think, as regarded the Campaign, it would have been a good thing....

Lord John is returned. I can't say more to-day, but remain, ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

We have a Childs' _Ball_ to-night.

[Footnote 56: An Italian, Giacomo Pianori, fired twice at the
Emperor, while he was riding in the Champs Elysees, on the
29th of April; the Emperor was uninjured.]

[Pageheading: THE QUEEN'S IMPRESSIONS]

[Pageheading: LOUIS PHILIPPE AND NAPOLEON III]

[Pageheading: ISOLATION OF THE EMPEROR]

[Pageheading: THE FRENCH ALLIANCE]

_Memorandum by Queen Victoria._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _2nd May 1855_.

The recent visit of the Emperor Napoleon III. to this country is a most curious page of history, and gives rise to many reflections. A remarkable combination of circumstances has brought about the very intimate alliance which now unites England and France, for so many centuries the bitterest enemies and rivals, and this, under the reign of the present Emperor, the nephew of our greatest foe, and bearing his name, and brought about by the policy of the late Emperor of Russia, who considered himself as the head of the European Alliance against France!

In reflecting on the character of the present Emperor Napoleon, and the impression I have conceived of it, the following thoughts present themselves to my mind:

That he _is_ a very _extraordinary_ man, with great qualities there can be _no_ doubt--I might almost say a mysterious man. He is evidently possessed of _indomitable courage_, _unflinching firmness of purpose_, _self-reliance_, _perseverance_, and _great secrecy_; to this should be added, a great reliance on what he calls his _Star_, and a belief in omens and incidents as connected with his future destiny, which is almost romantic--and at the same time he is endowed with wonderful _self-control_, great _calmness_, even _gentleness_, and with a _power_ of _fascination_, the effect of which upon all those who become more intimately acquainted with him is _most sensibly_ felt.

How far he is actuated by a strong _moral_ sense of _right_ and _wrong_ is difficult to say. On the one hand, his attempts at Strasbourg and Boulogne, and this last after having given a solemn promise never to return or make a similar attempt--in which he openly called on the subjects of the then King of the French to follow him as the successor of Napoleon, the _Coup d'Etat_ of December 1851, followed by great ... severity and the confiscation of the property of the unfortunate Orleans family, would lead one to believe that he is not. On the other hand, his kindness and gratitude towards all those, whether high or low, who have befriended him or stood by him through life, and his straightforward and steady conduct towards us throughout the very difficult and anxious contest in which we have been engaged for a year and a half, show that he is possessed of noble and right feelings.

My impression is, that in all these apparently inexcusable acts, he has invariably been guided by the belief that he is _fulfilling a destiny_ which God has _imposed_ upon him, and that, though cruel or harsh in themselves, they were _necessary_ to obtain the result which he considered _himself_ as _chosen_ to carry out, and _not_ acts of _wanton_ cruelty or injustice; for it is impossible to know him and not to see that there is much that is truly amiable, kind, and honest in his character. Another remarkable and important feature in his composition is, that everything he says or expresses is the _result_ of deep reflection and of settled purpose, and not merely _des phrases de politesse_, consequently when we read words used in his speech made in the City, we may feel sure that he _means_ what he says; and therefore I would rely with confidence on his behaving honestly and faithfully towards us. I am not able to say whether he is deeply versed in History--I should rather think not, as regards it _generally_, though he may be, and probably is, well informed in the history of his own country, certainly fully so in that of the _Empire_, he having made it his special study to contemplate and reflect upon all the acts and designs of his great uncle. He is very well read in German literature, to which he seems to be very partial. It is said, and I am inclined to think with truth, that he reads but little, even as regards despatches from his own foreign Ministers, he having expressed his surprise at my reading them daily. He seems to be singularly ignorant in matters not connected with the branch of his _special_ studies, and to be ill informed upon them by those who surround him.

If we compare him with poor King Louis Philippe, I should say that the latter (Louis Philippe) was possessed of vast knowledge upon all and every subject, of immense experience in public affairs, and of great activity of mind; whereas the Emperor possesses greater judgment and much greater firmness of purpose, but no experience of public affairs, nor mental application; he is endowed, as was the late King, with much fertility of imagination.

Another great difference between King Louis Philippe and the Emperor is, that the poor King was _thoroughly French_ in character, possessing all the liveliness and talkativeness of that people, whereas the Emperor is as _unlike_ a _Frenchman_ as possible, being much more _German_ than French in character.... How could it be expected that the Emperor _should_ have any _experience_ in _public affairs_, considering that till six years ago he lived as a poor exile, for some years even in prison, and never having taken the slightest part in the _public_ affairs of _any_ country?

It is therefore the more astounding, indeed almost incomprehensible, that he should show all those powers of Government, and all that wonderful tact in his conduct and manners which he evinces, and which many a King's son, nurtured in palaces and educated in the midst of affairs, never succeeds in attaining. I likewise believe that he would be incapable of such tricks and over-reachings as practised by poor King Louis Philippe (for whose memory, as the old and kind friend of my father, and of whose kindness and amiable qualities I shall ever retain a lively sense), who in great as well as in small things took a pleasure in being cleverer and more cunning than others, often when there was no advantage to be gained by it, and which was, unfortunately, strikingly displayed in the transactions connected with the Spanish marriages, which led to the King's downfall and ruined him in the eyes of all Europe. On the other hand, I believe that the Emperor Napoleon would not hesitate to do a thing by main force, even if in itself unjust and tyrannical, should he consider that the _accomplishment of his destiny_ demanded it.

The _great advantage_ to be derived for the permanent alliance of England and France, which is of such vital importance to both countries, by the Emperor's recent visit, I take to be this: that, with his peculiar character and views, which are very personal, a kind, unaffected, and hearty reception by us _personally_ in our own family will make a lasting impression upon his mind; he will see that he can rely upon our friendship and honesty towards him and his country so long as he remains faithful towards us; naturally frank, he will see the advantage to be derived from continuing so; and if he reflects on the downfall of the former dynasty, he will see that it arose _chiefly_ from a _breach_ of pledges,... and will be sure, if I be not very much mistaken in his character, to _avoid_ such a course. It must likewise not be overlooked that this kindly feeling towards us, and consequently towards England (the interests of which are _inseparable_ from us), must be increased when it is remembered that _we_ are almost the only people in _his_ own position with whom he has been able to be on any terms of intimacy, consequently almost the only ones to whom he could talk easily and unreservedly, which he cannot do naturally with his inferiors. He and the Empress are in a most isolated position, unable to trust the only relations who are near them in France, and surrounded by courtiers and servants, who from fear or interest do not tell them the truth. It is, therefore, natural to believe that he will not willingly separate from those who, like us, do not scruple to put him in possession of the real facts, and whose conduct is guided by justice and honesty, and this the more readily as he is supposed to have always been a searcher after truth. I would go still further, and think that it is in our power to _keep_ him in the right course, and to protect him against the extreme flightiness, changeableness, and to a certain extent want of honesty of his own servants and nation. We should never lose the opportunity of checking in the bud any attempt on the part of his agents or ministers to play us false, frankly informing him of the facts, and encouraging him to bring forward in an equally frank manner whatever he has to complain of. This is the course which we have hitherto pursued, and as he is France in his own sole person, it becomes of the utmost importance to encourage by every means in our power that very open intercourse which I must say has existed between him and Lord Cowley for the last year and a half, and now, since our personal acquaintance, between ourselves.