Chapter VIII: The Saturnalia and Kindred Festivals (10)

540 The ceremony referred to is perhaps the one performed on the tenth
day, as described in the text.

541 “Report of a Route Survey by Pundit—from Nepal to Lhasa,” etc.,
_Journal of the Royal Geographical Society_, xxxviii. (1868) pp.
167, 170 _sq._; “Four Years Journeying through Great Tibet, by one
of the Trans-Himalayan Explorers,” _Proceedings of the Royal
Geographical Society_, N.S. vii. (1885) pp. 67 _sq._; W. Woodville
Rockhill, “Tibet, a Geographical, Ethnographical, and Historical
Sketch, derived from Chinese Sources,” _Journal of the Royal Asiatic
Society for 1891_ (London, 1891), pp. 211 _sq._; L. A. Waddell, _The
Buddhism of Tibet_ (London, 1895), pp. 504 _sqq._, 512 _sq._; J. L.
Dutreuil de Rhins, _Mission Scientifique dans la Haute Asie
1890-1895: Récit du Voyage_ (Paris, 1897), pp. 257 _sq._ The
accounts supplement each other, though they differ in some
particulars. I have endeavoured to combine them. According to Mr.
Rockhill’s account, which is drawn from Chinese sources, at one
point of the ceremonies the troops march thrice round the temple and
fire volleys of musketry to drive away the devil. With the like
intent they discharge a great old cannon, which bears the
inscription, “My power breaks up and destroys rebellion.” The same
account speaks of a fencing with battle-axes by a troop of
boy-dancers, a great illumination of the cathedral with lanterns,
and its decoration with figures made out of butter and flour to
represent men, animals, dragons, etc.; also it makes mention of a
horse-race and a foot-race, both run by boys. The clerical invasion
of the capital at this season is graphically described by an
eye-witness. See Huc, _Souvenirs d’un Voyage dans la Tartarie et le
Thibet_, Sixième Édition (Paris, 1878), ii. 380 _sq_.

M170 The Grand Lama, the Jalno, and the King of the Years in their
relations to each other. Probability that of old the Tibetan
scapegoat was put to death as a substitute for the Grand Lama.
M171 General remarks.
M172 First, the immediate and the mediate expulsions of evil are
identical in intention.
M173 Second, the annual expulsion of evil generally coincides with some
well-marked change of season, such as the beginning or end of
winter, the beginning or end of the rainy season, etc.
M174 Third, the annual expulsion of evil is commonly preceded or followed
by a period of general license.

542 In the Dassera festival, as celebrated in Nepaul, we seem to have
another instance of the annual expulsion of demons preceded by a
time of license. The festival occurs at the beginning of October and
lasts ten days. “During its continuance there is a general holiday
among all classes of the people. The city of Kathmandu at this time
is required to be purified, but the purification is effected rather
by prayer than by water-cleansing. All the courts of law are closed,
and all prisoners in jail are removed from the precincts of the
city.... The Kalendar is cleared, or there is a jail-delivery always
at the Dassera of all prisoners.” This seems a trace of a period of
license. At this time “it is a general custom for masters to make an
annual present, either of money, clothes, buffaloes, goats, etc., to
such servants as have given satisfaction during the past year. It is
in this respect, as well as in the feasting and drinking which goes
on, something like our ‘boxing-time’ at Christmas.” On the seventh
day at sunset there is a parade of all the troops in the capital,
including the artillery. At a given signal the regiments begin to
fire, the artillery takes it up, and a general firing goes on for
about twenty minutes, when it suddenly ceases. This probably
represents the expulsion of the demons. “The grand cutting of the
rice-crops is always postponed till the Dassera is over, and
commences all over the valley the very day afterwards.” See the
description of the festival in H. A. Oldfield’s _Sketches from
Nipal_ (London, 1880), ii. 342-351. On the Dassera in India, see J.
A. Dubois, _Mœurs, Institutions et Cérémonies des Peuples de l’Inde_
(Paris, 1825), ii. 329 _sqq._ The Besisi of the Malay Peninsula hold
a regular carnival at the end of the rice-harvest, when they are
said to be allowed to exchange wives. See W. W. Skeat and C. O.
Blagden, _Pagan Races of the Malay Peninsula_ (London, 1906), ii.
70, 76, 145, compare 120 _sq._ Amongst the Swahili of East Africa
New Year’s Day was formerly a day of general license, “every man did
as he pleased. Old quarrels were settled, men were found dead on the
following day, and no inquiry was instituted about the matter.” See
Ch. New, _Life, Wanderings, and Labours in Eastern Africa_ (London,
1873), p. 65; and _The Golden Bough_,2 iii. 250. An annual period of
anarchy and license, lasting three days, is reported by Borelli to
be observed by some of the Gallas. See Ph. Paulitschke,
_Ethnographie Nordost-Afrikas: die geistige Cultur der Danâkil,
Galla und Somal_ (Berlin, 1896), p. 158. In Ashantee the annual
festival of the new yams is a time of general license. See _Spirits
of the Corn and of the Wild_, ii. 62.

M175 Fourth, the use of a divine man or animal as a scapegoat is remarkable. M176 Why a dying god should serve as a scapegoat. M177 The use of a divinity as scapegoat explains an ambiguity in the ceremony of “Carrying out Death.”

543 See _The Dying God_, pp. 233 _sqq._, 264.

544 Above, pp. 186, 189, 201.

545 H. Usener, “Italische Mythen,” _Rheinisches Museum_, N.F. (1875)
xxx. 194; _id._, _Kleine Schriften_, iv. (Leipsic and Berlin, 1913)
p. 105.

M178 Annual expulsion of “the Old Mars” in the month of March in ancient
Rome.

546 Joannes Lydus, _De mensibus_, iii. 29, iv. 36. Lydus places the
expulsion on the Ides of March, that is 15th March. But this seems
to be a mistake. See H. Usener, “Italische Mythen,” _Rheinisches
Museum_, xxx. (1875) pp. 209 _sqq._; _id._, _Kleine Schriften_, iv.
(Leipsic and Berlin, 1913) pp. 122 _sqq._ Again, Lydus does not
expressly say that Mamurius Veturius was driven out of the city, but
he implies it by mentioning the legend that his mythical prototype
was beaten with rods and expelled the city. Lastly, Lydus only
mentions the name Mamurius. But the full name Mamurius Veturius is
preserved by Varro, _De lingua latina_, vi. 45; Festus, ed. C. O.
Müller, p. 131; Plutarch, _Numa_, 13. Mr. W. Warde Fowler is
disposed to be sceptical as to the antiquity of the ceremony of
expelling Mamurius. See his _Roman Festivals of the period of the
Republic_ (London, 1899), pp. 44-50.

547 H. Usener, “Italische Mythen,” pp. 212 _sq._; _id._, _Kleine
Schriften_, iv. 125 _sq._; W. H. Roscher, _Apollon und Mars_
(Leipsic, 1873), p. 27; L. Preller, _Römische Mythologie_3 (Berlin,
1881-1883), i. 360; A. Vaniček, _Griechisch-lateinisches
etymologisches Wörterbuch_ (Leipsic, 1877), p. 715. The three latter
scholars take Veturius as = _annuus_, because _vetus_ is
etymologically equivalent to ἔτος. But, as Usener argues, it seems
quite unallowable to take the Greek meaning of the word instead of
the Latin.

548 Cato, _De agri cultura_, 141.

549 Varro, _De lingua latina_, v. 85.

550 See the song of the Arval Brothers in _Acta Fratrum Arvalium_, ed.
G. Henzen (Berlin, 1874), pp. 26 _sq._; J. Wordsworth, _Fragments
and Specimens of Early Latin_ (Oxford, 1874), p. 158; H. Dessau,
_Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae_, ii. Pars i. (Berlin, 1902) p. 276.

_ 551 Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild_, ii. 42 _sqq._

552 Cato, _De agri cultura_, 83.

_ 553 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, ii. 50 _sq._, 55, 124
_sq._

554 L. Preller, _Römische Mythologie_,3 i. 360; W. H. Roscher, _Apollon
und Mars_, p. 49; _id._, _Lexikon der griech. und röm. Mythologie_,
ii. 2408 _sq._; H. Usener, _op. cit._ The ceremony also closely
resembles the Highland New Year ceremony already described. See
_Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild_, ii. 322 _sqq._

555 But the Biyârs, a mixed tribe of North-Western India, observe an
annual ceremony which they call “burning the old year.” The old year
is represented by a stake of the wood of the cotton-tree, which is
planted in the ground at an appointed place outside of the village,
and then burned on the day of the full moon in the month of Pûs.
Fire is first put to it by the village priest, and then all the
people follow his example, parch stalks of barley in the fire, and
afterwards eat them. Next day they throw the ashes of the burnt wood
in the air; and on the morrow the festival ends with a regular
saturnalia, at which decency and order are forgotten. See W. Crooke,
_Tribes and Castes of the North-Western Provinces and Oudh_
(Calcutta, 1896), ii. 137 _sq._ Compare _id._, _Popular Religion and
Folk-lore of Northern India_ (Westminster, 1896), ii. 319.

556 Propertius, v. 2. 61 _sq._; H. Usener, “Italische Mythen,” p. 210;
_id._, _Kleine Schriften_, iv. 123.

M179 “The Old Mars” seems to have been beaten by the Salii, the dancing
priests of Mars. The dances of the Salii in spring and autumn were
perhaps intended to quicken the growth of the corn sown at these
seasons. The armed processions of the Salii may have been intended
to rout out and expel the demons lurking in the city.

557 Varro, _De lingua latina_, vi. 45 ed. C. O. Müller; Festus, _s.v._
“Mamuri Veturi,” p. 131 ed. C. O. Müller; Ovid, _Fasti_, iii. 389
_sqq._; Plutarch, _Numa_, 13.

558 Servius, on Virgil, _Aen._ vii. 188, “_Cui [scil. Mamurio] et diem
consecrarunt, quo pellem virgis feriunt_”; Minucius Felix,
_Octavius_, 24, “_Nudi cruda hieme discurrunt, alii incedunt
pilleati, scuta vetera circumferunt, pelles caedunt_.” Neither
Servius nor Minucius Felix expressly mentions the Salii, but the
description given by the latter writer (“_pilleati, scuta vetera
circumferunt_”) proves that he alludes to them. The expression of
Minucius Felix _pelles caedunt_ is conclusive in favour of _pellem_
in the passage of Servius, where some would wrongly substitute
_peltam_, the reading of a single MS. That the beating of the
skin-clad representative of Mamurius was done by the Salii was long
ago rightly pointed out by Dr. W. H. Roscher (_Apollon und Mars_, p.
49).

559 Varro, _De lingua latina_, v. 85, “_Saliia salitando, quod facere in
comitio in sacris quotannis et solent et debent_.” Compare Ovid,
_Fasti_, iii. 387, “_Iam dederat Saliis a saltu nomina dicta_”;
Plutarch, _Numa_, 13; Dionysius Halicarnasensis, _Antiquitates
Romanae_, ii. 70.

560 J. Marquardt, _Römische Staatsverwaltung_, iii.2 (Leipsic, 1885) p.
431; G. Wissowa, _Religion und Kultus der Römer_2 (Munich, 1912), p.
144; W. Warde Fowler, _The Religious Experience of the Roman People_
(London, 1911), pp. 96 _sq._

561 Festus, ed. C. O. Müller, p. 325, “_Qui deus in saliaribus Saturnus
nominatur, videlicet a sationibus_.” In this passage Ritschl reads
_Saeturnus_ for _Saturnus_. The best MSS. of the epitome read
_Sateurnus_. See J. Wordsworth, _Fragments and Specimens of Early
Latin_ (Oxford, 1884), p. 405. As to Saturn in this capacity see
below, p. 306.

562 Columella, _De re rustica_, ii. 9. 6 _sq._

_ 563 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, i. 137 _sqq._

564 J. Marquardt, _Römische Staatsverwaltung_, iii.2 (Leipsic, 1885) pp.
427 _sq._

565 L. Preller, _Römische Mythologie_3 (Berlin, 1881-1883), i. 359. As
to the lunar year of the old Roman Calendar see L. Ideler, _Handbuch
der mathematischen und technischen Chronologie_ (Berlin, 1825-1826),
ii. 38 _sqq._

566 As to their number and badge see Aulus Gellius, vi. (vii., ed. M.
Hertz) 7. 8; as to their function see Varro, _De lingua latina_, v.
85, “_Fratres Arvales dicti sunt, qui sacra publica faciunt
propterea ut fruges ferant arva, a ferendo et arvis fratres arvales
dicti_.”

567 Livy, i. 20. 4; Plutarch, _Numa_, 13; Dionysius Halicarnasensis,
_Antiquitates Romanae_, ii. 70. Livy only mentions the shields. From
an ancient relief we learn that the staves of the Salii terminated
in a knob at each end. Hence we may correct the statement of
Dionysius, who describes the weapon doubtfully as λόγχην ἣ ῥάβδον ἤ
τι τοιοῦθ ἕτερον. See J. Marquardt, _Römische Staatsverwaltung_,
iii.2 432, note 6.

568 See above, pp. 113, 116, 117, 132, 139, 141, 147, 158, 159, 161,
163, 165, 166, 186, 191, 196, 200, 204, 214.

569 Livy, i. 20. 4; J. Marquardt, _op. cit._ iii.2 432 _sq._; W. Smith,
_Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities_, Third Edition (London,
1891), vol. ii. p. 590, _s.v._ “Salii.”

570 See above, pp. 111 _sqq._

M180 The demons expelled by the Salii may have been above all the demons
of blight and infertility. This conjecture is supported by analogous
ceremonies performed by savages for the purpose of driving off the
demons that would harm the crops.

571 See above, p. 138.

572 Labat, _Voyage du Chevalier Des Marchais en Guinée, Isles voisines,
et à Cayenne_ (Amsterdam, 1731), ii. 80 (p. 99 of the Paris
edition).

573 Olivier de Sanderval, _De l’Atlantique au Niger par le
Foutah-Djallon_ (Paris, 1883), p. 230. The phrase which I have
translated “for exorcising the spirits” is “_pour conjurer les
esprits_.”

M181 Dances of masked men in India, Borneo, and South America to promote
the growth of the crops.

574 Ludovico di Varthema, _Travels in Egypt, Syria_, etc., translated by
J. W. Jones (Hakluyt Society, London, 1863), pp. 166 _sq._

_ 575 Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild_, i. 95, 186 _sq._

_ 576 Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild_, i. 111 _sq._

M182 Dances in Aracan for the sake of the crops. Dances of the Tarahumare
Indians of Mexico to procure rain for their crops.

_ 577 Annales de la Propagation de la Foi_, liii. (1881) p. 178.

578 C. Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_ (London, 1903), i. 330 _sq._

M183 Dances of the Tarahumare Indians to cause rain to fall, corn to
sprout, grass to grow, and animals to multiply.

579 C. Lumholtz, _Unknown Mexico_ (London, 1903), i. 335 _sqq._, 352
_sq._

M184 Dance of the Cora Indians at the sowing festival.

580 K. Th. Preuss, _Die Nayarit-Expedition_, I. _Die Religion der
Cora-Indianer_ (Leipsic, 1912), pp. xcviii. _sq._, 61-63. As to the
sowing festival of the Mexican Indians, compare K. Th. Preuss, “Die
religiösen Gesänge und Mythen einiger Stämme der mexikanischen
Sierra Madre,” _Archiv für Religionswissenschaft_, xi. (1908) pp.
374 _sqq._

M185 Dances and leaps of European peasants to make the corn grow tall.

_ 581 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, i. 137-139.

582 Dr. F. J. Vonbun, _Beiträge zur deutschen Mythologie gesammelt in
Churrhaetien_ (Chur, 1862), p. 21, quoting J. Stumpf and Ulr.
Campell. As the passage is curious and the work probably rare, I
will quote the original in full: “_Sicherlich auch im zusammenhange
mit Donarcultus war ein brauch der leute in der Grub (in
Graubünden)._ ‘_Die landleute in der Grub haben noch etwas anererbte
bräuche, indem dass sie sich zu etlichen jahren (meistens zur zeit
der sonnenwende) besammelten, verbutzten (sich als masken
vermummten) und einander unbekannt machten, legten harnisch und
geweer an, und nahm jeder ein grossen kolben oder knüttel, zugen in
einer rott mit einander von einem dorf zum andern, triben hohe
sprünge und seltsame abentheur.—Sie luffen gestracks laufs
aneinander, stiessen mit kräften je einer den andern, dass es
erhillt, stiessen laut mit ihren grössen stöcken und knütteln,
deswegen sie vom landvolk genannt werden die Stopfer. Diese
thorechte abentheuer triben sie zum aberglauben, dass ihnen das korn
destobas gerathen sölle, haben aber anjetzo abgelassen, und sind
diese Stopfer in keiner achtung mehr_.’ (Joh. Stumpf). _Auch Ulr.
Campell erwähnt dieses volksbrauch (s. 11) und bemerkt_: ‘_mit
diesem gebrauche hing früher der glaube zusammen, dass dessen
ausübung ein fruchtbares jahr bringe._’ ” The word _Stopfer_ means
“stopper,” “rammer,” “crammer,” etc.

M186 Dances of mummers called _Perchten_ in Austria for the good of the
crops. The mythical old woman called Perchta.

583 J. Grimm, _Deutsche Mythologie_4 (Berlin, 1875-1878), i. 226 _sqq._,
iii. 88 _sq._; Fr. Panzer, _Beitrag zur deutschen Mythologie_
(Munich, 1848-1855), i. 247 _sq._, ii. 381; I. V. Zingerle, “Perahta
in Tirol,” _Zeitschrift für deutsche Mythologie_, iii. (Göttingen,
1855), pp. 203-206; _id._, _Sitten, Bräuche und Meinungen des
Tiroler Volkes_2 (Innsbruck, 1871), pp. 128 _sq._, 138 _sq_.; J. M.
Ritter von Alpenburg, _Mythen und Sagen Tirols_ (Zürich, 1857), pp.
46-51, 63-65; _Bavaria, Landes- und Volkskunde des Königreichs
Bayern_ (Munich, 1860-1867), i. 365; A. Wuttke, _Der deutsche
Volksaberglaube_2 (Berlin, 1869), § 25, pp. 25-27; W. Mannhardt,
_Der Baumkultus der Germanen und ihrer Nachbarstämme_ (Berlin,
1875), pp. 542 _sq._; Karl Weinhold, _Weinacht-Spiele und Lieder aus
Süddeutschland und Schlesien_ (Vienna, 1875), pp. 19 _sqq._; E.
Mogk, in H. Paul’s _Grundriss der germanischen Philologie_,2 iii.
(Strasburg, 1900), pp. 280 _sq_. (where it is said that Perchta
“_spendet dem Acker Fruchtbarkeit und lässt das Vieh gedeihen_”); E.
H. Meyer, _Mythologie der Germanen_ (Strasburg, 1903), pp. 424
_sqq._; P. Herrmann, _Deutsche Mythologie_ (Leipsic, 1906), pp. 303
_sqq._; M. Andree-Eysen, _Volkskundliches aus dem
bayrisch-österreichischen Alpengebiet_ (Brunswick, 1910), pp. 156
_sqq._; E. Hoffmann-Krayer, _Feste und Bräuche des Schweizervolkes_
(Zürich, 1913), pp. 118 _sqq._

M187 The running and leaping of the _Perchten_ mummers on Twelfth Night.
The Beautiful _Perchten_ and the Ugly _Perchten_.

584 J. Grimm, _Deutsche Mythologie_,4 i. 231; I. V. Zingerle, _Sitten,
Bräuche und Meinungen des Tiroler Volkes_2 (Innsbruck, 1871), pp.
138 _sq._; W. Mannhardt, _Baumkultus_, pp. 542 _sq._; J. M. Ritter
von Alpenburg, _Mythen und Sagen Tirols_ (Zürich, 1857), pp. 50
_sq._; K. Weinhold, _Weinacht-Spiele und Lieder aus Süddeutschland
und Schlesien_ (Vienna, 1875), pp. 21 _sqq._

M188 The Ugly _Perchten_ in Salzburg. M189 The Beautiful _Perchten_ in Salzburg.

585 Marie Andree-Eysn, _Volkskundliches aus dem
bayrisch-österreichischen Alpengebiet_ (Brunswick, 1910), pp.
156-175.

M190 Mrs. Andree-Eysn on the _Perchten_; according to her, the
processions of Perchten are intended to promote fertility by
banishing the demons that would thwart it.

586 Marie Andree-Eysn, _Volkskundliches aus dem
bayrisch-österreichischen Alpengebiet_ (Brunswick, 1910), pp. 179
_sq._ The authoress kindly presented me with a copy of her valuable
work in May 1910, when I had the pleasure of visiting her and her
husband, the eminent anthropologist, the late Dr. Richard Andree, in
their home at Munich.

M191 The bells worn by the _Perchten_ mummers may be intended to ban
demons. Bells rung to make the grass grow in spring. Bells rung to
make the flax grow. Whips cracked to make the flax grow.

587 See P. Sartori, “Glockensagen und Glockenaberglaube,” _Zeitschrift
des Vereins für Volkskunde_, vii. (1897) pp. 360 _sqq._ The use in
classical antiquity of bells, gongs, and the clash of bronze
generally to ban the demon host has been learnedly illustrated by
Mr. A. B. Cook in his article, “The Gong at Dodona,” _Journal of
Hellenic Studies_, xxii. (1902) pp. 14 _sqq._

588 Rev. A. L. Kitching, _On the Backwaters of the Nile_ (London, 1912),
p. 264. As to the country of the Teso people, who do not belong to
the Bantu stock, see _id._, pp. 26 _sq._

589 Marie Andree-Eysn, _op. cit._ pp. 180-182. As to the custom of
“ringing-out the grass,” see further W. Mannhardt, _Baumkultus_, p.
540; _The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, ii. 343 _sq._

590 Marie Andree-Eysn, _op. cit._ p. 182.

591 Marie Andree-Eysn, _l.c._

592 K. Seifart, _Sagen, Märchen, Schwänke und Gebräuche aus Stadt und
Stift Hildesheim_2 (Hildesheim, 1889), p. 180. For more evidence of
the supposed fertilizing influence of bells, see P. Sartori,
“Glockensagen und Glockenaberglaube,” _Zeitschrift des Vereins für
Volkskunde_, vii. (1897) pp. 363 _sq._

593 I. V. Zingerle, Sitten, _Bräuche und Meinungen des Tiroler Volkes_2
(Innsbruck, 1871), pp. 135 _sq._, 139, § 1196, 1211, 1212.

594 W. Mannhardt, _Baumkultus_, pp. 268 _sq._

M192 Certain features in these processions or races of mummers seem to
shew that the mummers represent beneficent spirits of fertility, who
quicken the seed in the ground and offspring in the wombs of women.
The view of W. Mannhardt.

595 Marie Andree-Eysn, _op. cit._ pp. 182 _sq._

596 W. Mannhardt, _Baumkultus_, p. 548.

597 W. Mannhardt, _l.c._

M193 Confirmations of this view. The use of bells and swords in these
ceremonies.

598 See above, p. 236.

_ 599 Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild_, ii. 325 _sqq._

600 T. F. Thiselton Dyer, _British Popular Customs_ (London, 1876), p.
32; _County Folk-lore, Printed Extracts, No. 3, Leicestershire and
Rutlandshire_, collected and edited by C. J. Billson (London, 1895),
pp. 93 _sq._

601 Mrs. Lilly Grove (Mrs. J. G. Frazer), _Dancing_ (London, 1895), pp.
147 _sqq._; E. K. Chambers, _The Mediaeval Stage_ (Oxford, 1903), i.
195 _sqq._

602 As to the swords carried by the _Perchten_ see above, p. 245; as to
those carried by the dancers on Plough Monday, see J. Brand,
_Popular Antiquities of Great Britain_ (London, 1882-1883), i. 505.
As to the sword-dance in general, see K. Müllenhoff, “Über den
Schwerttanz,” in _Festgaben für Gustav Homeyer_ (Berlin, 1871), pp.
111-147 (who compares the dances of the Salii); Mrs. Lilly Grove,
_op. cit._ pp. 189 _sqq._, 211 _sqq._; E. K. Chambers, _op. cit._ i.
182 _sqq._

603 See below, pp. 331 _sqq._

M194 These masquerades originally intended both to stimulate vegetation
in spring and to expel demons.
M195 Application of these conclusions to the expulsion of “the Old Mars”
in ancient Rome.
M196 Human scapegoats in ancient Greece. The “Expulsion of Hunger” at
Chaeronea.

604 Plutarch, _Quaest. conviv._ vi. 8.

605 See above, pp. 143 _sqq._, 209.

M197 Human scapegoats at Marseilles. Human scapegoats put to death at
Athens. Human scapegoats annually stoned to death at Abdera.

606 Servius on Virgil, _Aen._ iii. 57, following Petronius; Lactantius
Placidius, _Commentarii in Statii Thebaida_ x. 793, p. 452, ed. R.
Jahnke (Leipsic, 1898). According to the former writer, the
scapegoat was cast out (“_projiciebatur_”); according to the latter,
he was stoned to death by the people outside of the walls (“_extra
pomeria saxis occidebatur a populo_”). The statement of some modern
writers that he was killed by being hurled from a height rests on a
reading (“_praecipitabatur_” for “_projiciebatur_”) in the text of
Servius, which appears to have no manuscript authority and to be
merely a conjecture of R. Stephan’s. Yet the conjecture has been
inserted in the text by F. Buecheler in his edition of Petronius
(Third Edition, Berlin, 1882, p. 109) without any intimation that
all the MSS. present a different reading. See the critical edition
of Servius edited by G. Thilo and H. Hagen, vol. i. (Leipsic, 1881),
p. 346.

607 Helladius, in Photius, _Bibliotheca_, p. 534 A, ed. Im. Bekker
(Berlin, 1824); Scholiast on Aristophanes, _Frogs_, 734, and on
_Knights_, 1136; Hesychius, _Lexicon_, _s.v._ φαρμακοὶ; compare
Suidas, _Lexicon_, _s.vv._ κάθαρμα, φαρμακός, and φαρμακούς; Lysias,
_Orat._ vi. 53. That they were stoned is an inference from
Harpocration. See next note. When the people of Cyrene sacrificed to
Saturn (Cronus), they wore crowns of fresh figs on their heads. See
Macrobius, _Saturn_, i. 7. 25.

608 Harpocration, _Lexicon_, _s.v._ φαρμακός, who says δύο ἄνδρας
᾽Αθήνησιν ἐξῆγον καθάρσια ἐσομένους τῆς πόλεως ἐν τοῖς Θαργηλίοις,
ἕνα μὲν ὑπὲρ τῶν ἀνδρῶν, ἕνα δὲ ὑπὲρ τῶν γυναικῶν. He does not
expressly state that they were put to death; but as he says that the
ceremony was an imitation of the execution of a mythical Pharmacus
who was stoned to death, we may infer that the victims were killed
by being stoned. Suidas (_s.v._ φαρμακός) copies Harpocration. As to
the human scapegoats employed by the Greeks at the Thargelia and on
other occasions see W. Mannhardt, _Mythologische Forschungen_
(Strasburg, 1884), pp. 124 _sqq._; J. Töpffer, _Beiträge zur
griechischen Altertumswissenschaft_ (Berlin, 1897), pp. 130 _sqq._;
August Mommsen, _Feste der Stadt Athen im Altertum_ (Leipsic, 1898),
pp. 468 _sqq._; Miss J. E. Harrison, _Prolegomena to the Study of
Greek Religion_, Second Edition (Cambridge, 1908), pp. 95 _sqq._; M.
P. Nilsson, _Griechische Feste_ (Leipsic, 1906), pp. 105 _sqq._; W.
R. Paton, “The φαρμακοί and the Story of the Fall,” _Revue
Archéologique_, iv. Série ix. (1907) pp. 51-57.

609 Ovid, _Ibis_, 467 _sq._:

“_Aut te devoveat certis Abdera diebus_
_ Saxaque devotum grandine plura petant_,”

with the two scholia quoted respectively by M. P. Nilsson,
_Griechische Feste_, p. 108 note 6, and by O. Schneider, in his
_Callimachea_ (Leipsic, 1870-1873), ii. 684. The scholiast refers to
Callimachus as his authority.

M198 Annual human scapegoats in Leucadia. Human scapegoats annually put
to death at the festival of the Thargelia in Asia Minor.

610 Strabo, x. 2. 9, p. 542; Photius, _Lexicon_, _s.v._ Λευκάτης; L.
Ampelius, _Liber Memorialis_, viii. 4; Servius, on Virgil, _Aen._
iii. 279; Ptolemaeus Hephaest., _Nov. Histor._ in Photius,
_Bibliotheca_, cod. 190, p. 153, ed. Im. Bekker; _Mythographi
Graeci_, ed. A. Westermann (Brunswick, 1843), pp. 198 _sq._
According to the manuscript reading in Photius, _l.c._, the priests
flung themselves into the sea; but the reading has been altered by
the editors. As to the Kumaon ceremony see above, pp. 196 _sq._

611 Suidas and Photius, _Lexicon_, _s.v._ περίψημα. The word which I
have translated “offscouring” (περίψημα) occurs in 1 Corinthians iv.
13, where it is similarly translated in the English version. It
means properly that on which something is wiped off, like a sponge
or a duster.

612 J. Tzetzes, _Chiliades_, v. 726-761 (ed. Th. Kiesseling, Leipsic,
1826). Tzetzes’s authority is the satirical poet Hipponax. The tune
which was played by the flutes while the man was being beaten is
mentioned by Hesychius, _s.v._ Κραδίης νόμος. Compare _id._, _s.v._
Κραδησίτης; Plutarch, _De musica_, 8.

613 This may be inferred from the verse of Hipponax, quoted by
Athenaeus, ix. 9, p. 370 B, where for φαρμάκου we should perhaps
read φαρμακοῦ with Schneidewin (_Poetae lyrici Graeci_,3 ed. Th.
Bergk, ii. 763).

M199 Mannhardt’s interpretation of the custom of beating the human
scapegoat on the genitals: it was intended to free his reproductive
energies from any restraint laid on them by demoniacal or other
malignant agency.

614 W. Mannhardt, _Mythologische Forschungen_ (Strasburg, 1884), pp. 113
_sqq._, especially 123 _sq._, 133.

615 Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xx. 101; Dioscorides, _De materia medica_, ii.
202; Lucian, _Necyom._ 7; _id._, Alexander, 47; Theophrastus,
_Superstitious Man_.

616 Theocritus, vii. 106 _sqq._ with the scholiast.

617 Compare Aug. Mommsen, _Heortologie_ (Leipsic, 1864), pp. 414 _sqq._,
_id._, _Feste der Stadt Athen im Altertum_ (Leipsic, 1898), pp. 468
_sq._, 479 _sqq._; M. P. Nilsson, _Griechische Feste_ (Leipsic,
1906), pp. 105, iii _sqq._; W. Mannhardt, _Antike Wald- und
Feldkulte_ (Berlin, 1877), p. 215.

618 At certain sacrifices in Yucatan blood was drawn from the genitals
of a human victim and smeared on the face of the idol. See Diego de
Landa, _Relation des choses de Yucatan_, texte espagnol et
traduction française par l’Abbé Brasseur de Bourbourg (Paris, 1864),
p. 167. Was the original intention of this rite to transfuse into
the god a fresh supply of reproductive energy?

619 Aelian, _Nat. Anim._ ix. 26.

_ 620 The Dying God_, pp. 239 _sq._

_ 621 The Dying God_, p. 114.

M200 W. R. Paton’s view that the human scapegoats at the Thargelia
personated the spirits of fig-trees, and that the ceremony was a
magical rite for the fertilization of fig-trees, being copied from
the process of caprification.

622 On the other hand, W. Mannhardt regarded the victims as representing
the demons of infertility, dearth, and sickness, who in the persons
of their representatives were thus hounded with blows out of the
city. See his _Mythologische Forschungen_, p. 129.

623 W. R. Paton, “The φαρμακοί and the Story of the Fall,” _Revue
Archéologique_, iv. Série, ix. (1907) pp. 51 _sqq._

M201 This theory is confirmed by a comparison with the Roman rites of the
_Nonae Caprotinae_.

_ 624 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, ii. 313 _sqq._

625 Dionysius Halicarnasensis, _Antiquitates Romanae_, ii. 56. 4.
Compare Livy, i. 16. 4; Plutarch, _Romulus_, 27.

_ 626 Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild_, i. 248. Compare _Adonis,
Attis, Osiris_, Second Edition, pp. 331 _sqq._

627 See, for example, Helladius, cited by Photius, _Bibliotheca_, p. 534
_a_, ed. Im. Bekker, καὶ ἐκράτει τὸ ἔθος ἀεὶ καθαίρειν τὴν πόλιν
τοῖς φαρμακοῖς; Harpocration, _s.v._ φαρμακός (vol. i. p. 298, ed.
G. Dindorf), δύο ἄνδρας Ἀθήνησιν ἐξῆγον καθάρσια ἐσομένους τῆς
πόλεως; Scholiast on Aristophanes, _Knights_, 1136, δημοσίους δέ,
τοὺς λεγομένους φαρμακούς, οἵπερ καθαίρουσι τὰς πόλεις τῷ ἑαυτῶν
φόνῳ.

628 Mr. Paton ingeniously suggests that in the Biblical narrative of
Adam and Eve, who for eating a particular fruit were condemned to
death and driven out of the happy garden with aprons of fig-leaves
about their loins (Genesis iii.), we have a reminiscence of a custom
of fertilizing fig-trees by a pair of human scapegoats, who, like
the victims at the Thargelia, assimilated themselves to the tree by
wearing its foliage or fruit. See W. R. Paton, “The φαρμακοί and the
Story of the Fall,” _Revue Archéologique_, iv. Série, ix. (1907) pp.
55 _sq._

M202 Beating as a mode of dispelling evil influences.

629 Above, pp. 2, 186. Compare Plutarch, _Parallela_, 35, where a woman
is represented as going from house to house striking sick people
with a hammer and bidding them be whole.

630 W. Crooke, _Popular Religion and Folk-lore of Northern India_
(Westminster, 1896), i. 99, 155; _id._, _Tribes and Castes of the
North-Western Provinces and Oudh_ (Calcutta, 1896), iii. 333, 441,
445.

631 A. Certeux et E. H. Carnoy, _L’Algérie Traditionnelle_ (Paris and
Algiers, 1884), p. 189.

632 H. Kern, “Een Spanisch schrijver over den godsdienst der heidensche
Bikollers,” _Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van
Nederlandsch-Indië_, xlvii. (1897) pp. 232 _sq._ The Spanish
authority is Father José Castaño. An ancient Egyptian relief from
Saqqarah represents a mummy at the entrance of the tomb, while the
women tear out their hair and the men wave palm-branches, apparently
to drive evil spirits away. The custom has been inherited by the
modern Arabs, who similarly beat off the invisible foes with
palm-branches. See A. Wiedemann, _Herodots Zweites Buch_ (Leipsic,
1890), p. 347. However, in these cases the blows seem to be
administered to the demons and not to the corpse.

M203 Beating people to rid them of clinging ghosts. Exorcism of ghosts by
means of leaves and pig’s blood.

633 J. M. van Baarda, “Ile de Halmaheira,” _Bulletins de la Société
d’Anthropologie de Paris_, Quatrième Série, iii. (1892) p. 545. As
to throwing a banana-trunk into the grave, see _Spirits of the Corn
and of the Wild_, ii. 97.

634 Rev. J. Batchelor, _The Ainu and their Folk-lore_ (London, 1901), p.
550.

_ 635 Revue d’Ethnographie_, iii. (1885) pp. 395 _sq._

636 R. Schomburgk, _Reisen in Britisch-Guiana_ (Leipsic, 1847-1848), ii.
457 _sqq._; Rev. J. H. Bernau, _Missionary Labours in British
Guiana_ (London, 1847), p. 52; C. F. Ph. von Martius, _Zur
Ethnographie Amerika’s, zumal Brasiliens_ (Leipsic, 1867), pp. 694
_sq._; J. Crevaux, _Voyages dans l’Amérique du Sud_ (Paris, 1883),
p. 548.

637 Servius, on Virgil, _Aen._ i. 329. For more evidence see C.
Boetticher, _Der Baumkultus der Hellenen_ (Berlin, 1856), pp. 369
_sqq._

638 See my note on Pausanias, ii. 31. 8, vol. ii. pp. 276 _sqq._

639 V. Solomon, “Extracts from Diaries kept in Car Nicobar,” _Journal of
the Anthropological Institute_, xxxii. (1902) p. 227.

M204 Beating practised by South American Indians and others as a mode of
conveying good qualities.

640 J. de Acosta, _History of the Indies_, vol. ii. p. 375 (Hakluyt
Society, London, 1880). See above, pp. 128 _sqq._

641 P. Lozano, _Descripcion Chorographica del terreno, rios, arboles, y
animales de las dilatadissimas provincias del Gran Chaco, Gualamba_,
etc. (Cordova, 1733), p. 67. The reappearance of the Pleiades
probably marked the beginning of the year for these people. See
_Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild_, i. 307 _sqq._

642 G. Osculati, _Esplorazione delle regioni equatoriali lungo il Napo
ed il fiume delle Amazzoni_ (Milan, 1850), p. 118.

643 H. Coudreau, _Chez nos Indiens: quatre années dans la Guyane
Française_ (Paris, 1895), p. 544.

644 G. H. Loskiel, _History of the Mission of the United Brethren among
the Indians in North America_ (London, 1794), Part i. p. 37.

645 The _Satapatha Brahmana_, v. 4. 4. 7, translated by J. Eggeling,
Part iii. (Oxford, 1894) p. 108 (_Sacred Books of the East_, vol.
xli.).

646 D. Chwolsohn, _Die Ssabier und der Ssabismus_ (St. Petersburg,
1856), ii. 34.

M205 Beating people with instruments which possess and impart special
virtues.

647 On the positive benefits supposed in certain cases to flow from a
beating compare S. Reinach, “La flagellation rituelle,” _Cultes,
Mythes et Religions_, i. (Paris, 1905) pp. 180 _sqq._; E. S.
Hartland, _Primitive Paternity_ (London, 1909-1910), i. 102 _sqq._

648 Ch. Keysser, “Aus dem Leben der Kaileute,” in R. Neuhauss’s _Deutsch
Neu-Guinea_, iii. (Berlin, 1911) p. 124.

649 Father Lambert, “Mœurs et Superstitions de la tribu Bélep,” _Les
Missions Catholique_, xii. (1880) p. 273; _id._, _Mœurs et
Superstitions des Néo-Calédoniens_ (Nouméa, 1900), p. 218.

650 F. J. de Santa-Anna Nery, _Folk-lore Brésilien_ (Paris, 1889), p.
253.

651 R. Temesváry, _Volksbräuche und Aberglauben in der Geburtshilfe und
der Pflege des Neugeborenen in Ungarn_ (Leipsic, 1900), p. 8.
Compare E. S. Hartland, _Primitive Paternity_ (London, 1909-1910),
i. 106.

652 A. C. Kruyt, “Het koppensnellen der Toradja’s van Midden-Celebes, en
zijne beteekenis,” _Verslagen en Mededeelingen der Koninklijke
Akademie van Wetenschappen_, Afdeeling Letterkunde, iv. Reeks, iii.
(Amsterdam, 1899) p. 199.

653 E. Beardmore, “The Natives of Mowat, Daudai, New Guinea,” _Journal
of the Anthropological Institute_, xix. (1890) p. 464.

M206 Custom in Morocco of beating people with the skins of sacrificed
sheep or goats.

654 E. Westermarck, “The Popular Ritual of the Great Feast in Morocco,”
_Folk-lore_, xxii. (1911) pp. 163-165.

655 See below, pp. 298, 302, 304.

656 E. Westermarck, _op. cit._ pp. 165 _sq._, 170, 178. The purificatory
character of the rite is duly recognised by Dr. Westermarck (_op.
cit._ p. 178).

M207 European custom of beating cattle with branches to make them healthy
or drive away the witches from them. The rowan-tree as a protection
against witchcraft.

657 J. G. v. Hahn, _Albanesische Studien_ (Jena, 1854), i. 155.

658 W. H. D. Rouse, “Folk-lore from the Southern Sporades,” _Folk-lore_,
x. (1899) p. 179.

659 K. Bartsch, _Sagen, Märchen und Gebräuche aus Mecklenburg_ (Vienna,
1879-1880), ii. p. 258, § 1348.

660 J. F. L. Woeste, _Volksüberlieferungen in der Grafschaft Mark_
(Iserlohn, 1848), pp. 25 _sq._; A. Kuhn, _Die Herabkunft des Feuers
und des Göttertranks_2 (Gütersloh, 1886), pp. 161 _sqq._ The
ceremony takes its name of “quickening” from _Quieke_ or
_Quickenbaum_, a German name for the rowan-tree. Quicken-tree is
also an English name for the rowan.

_ 661 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, ii. 52 _sqq._

662 Rev. W. Gregor, _Notes on the Folk-lore of the North-east of
Scotland_ (London, 1881), p. 188.

663 A. Wuttke, _Der deutsche Volksaberglaube_2 (Berlin, 1869), p. 106, §
145.

664 J. F. L. Woeste, _Volksüberlieferungen in der Grafschaft Mark_
(Iserlohn, 1848), p. 26. Compare A. Kuhn, _Die Herabkunft des Feuers
und des Göttertranks_2 (Gütersloh, 1886), p. 179.

M208 European custom of beating people with branches at Easter to do them
good: “Easter Smacks.”

665 F. S. Krauss, _Kroatien und Slavonien_ (Vienna, 1889), p. 108.

666 W. Mannhardt, _Baumkultus_, p. 257.

667 Th. Vernaleken, _Mythen und Bräuche des Volkes in Österreich_
(Vienna, 1859), pp. 300 _sq._; O. Freiherr von
Reinsberg-Düringsfeld, _Fest-Kalender aus Böhmen_ (Prague, preface
dated 1861), pp. 163-167; A. Peter, _Volksthümliches aus
Österreichisch-Schlesien_ (Troppau, 1865-1867), ii. 285; J. A. E.
Köhler, _Volksbrauch, Aberglauben, Sagen und andre alte
Überlieferungen im Voigtlande_ (Leipsic, 1867), pp. 173 _sq._; M.
Toeppen, _Aberglauben aus Masuren_2, (Danzig, 1867), pp. 69 _sq._;
A. Wuttke, _Der deutsche Volksaberglaube_2 (Berlin, 1869), p. 70, §
83; W. Mannhardt, _Der Baumkultus_ (Berlin, 1875), pp. 258-263; W.
Müller, _Beiträge zur Volkskunde der Deutschen in Mähren_ (Vienna
and Olmütz, 1893), pp. 322, 399 _sq._; Dr. F. Tetzner, “Die
Tschechen und Mährer in Schlesien,” _Globus_, lxxviii. (1900) p.
340; P. Drechsler, _Sitte, Brauch und Volksglaube in Schlesien_
(Leipsic, 1903-1906), pp. 100 _sq._; Alois John, _Sitte, Brauche und
Volksglaube im deutschen Westböhmen_ (Prague, 1905), pp. 67 _sq._
Mannhardt’s whole discussion of what he calls “the Blow with the Rod
of Life” (“_Der Schlag mit der Lebensrute_”) deserves to be studied.
See his _Baumkultus_, pp. 251-303; and compare his treatment of the
same theme, “Der Schlag mit dem Februum,” _Mythologische
Forschungen_ (Strasburg, 1884), pp. 113-153. The custom of “Easter
Smacks” can be traced back to the twelfth century, when the practice
was for women to beat their husbands on Easter Monday and for
husbands to retaliate on their wives on Easter Tuesday. See J.
Belethus, _Rationale Divinorum Officiorum_, cap. 120, appended to G.
Durandus’s _Rationale Divinorum Officiorum_ (Lyons, 1584), p. 546
recto: “_Notandum quoque est in plerisque regionibus secundo die
post Pascha mulieres maritos suos verberare, ac vicissim viros eas
tertio die quemadmodum licebat servis in Decembri dominos suos
impune accusare._”

M209 European custom of beating people with branches in the Christmas
holidays (Holy Innocents’ Day, etc.) to do them good.

668 Alois John, _Sitte, Brauch und Volksglaube im deutschen Westböhmen_
(Prague, 1905), pp. 5, 23 _sq._, 25, 28. Compare Th. Vernaleken,
_Mythen und Bräuche des Volkes in Österreich_ (Vienna, 1859), pp.
301 _sq._

669 J. A. E. Köhler, _Volksbrauch, Aberglauben, Sagen und andre alte
Überlieferungen im Voigtlande_ (Leipsic, 1867), p. 174; W.
Mannhardt, _Baumkultus_, pp. 264 _sq._

670 August Witzschel, _Sagen, Sitten und Gebräuche aus Thüringen_
(Vienna, 1878), pp. 181 _sq._; W. Mannhardt, _Baumkultus_, p. 265.
Compare G. Bilfinger, _Unterschungen über die Zeitrechnung der alten
Germanen_, ii., _Das Germanische Julfest_ (Stuttgart, 1901), pp. 85
_sq._

M210 The intention of beating people with fresh green leaves is to renew
their life and vigour.
M211 Hence the custom of beating the human victims at the Thargelia with
fig-branches and squills was probably a charm to increase their
reproductive energies.

_ 671 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, ii. 24 sq. It is highly
significant that the heathen of Harran celebrated the marriage
festival of all the gods and goddesses in the very month (March) in
which the artificial fertilization of the date-palm was effected (D.
Chwolsohn, _Die Ssabier und der Ssabismus_, St. Petersburg, 1856,
ii. 36, 251). The frequency with which the artificial fertilization
of the palm-tree by a mythical winged figure is represented on
Assyrian monuments furnishes strong evidence of the religious and
economic importance of the ceremony.

M212 Hence the human victims at the Thargelia may have primarily
represented spirits of vegetation.
M213 Parallel between the human sacrifices at the Thargelia and the
bloody ritual of the Arician Grove.

_ 672 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_, i. 40 _sqq._, ii. 376
_sqq._

M214 The custom of sacrificing human representatives of the gods among
the Aztecs of Mexico.

673 J. de Acosta, _The Natural and Moral History of the Indies_ (London,
Hakluyt Society, 1880), ii. 323. I have modernized the spelling of
the old English translator, whose version was originally published
in 1604. Acosta resided both in Peru and Mexico, and published his
work at Seville in 1590. It was reprinted in a convenient form at
Madrid in 1894. Compare A. de Herrera, _General History of the Vast
Continent and Islands of America_, translated by Captain John
Stevens (London, 1725-1726), iii. 207 _sq._

M215 Sacrifice of a man in the character of the great god Tezcatlipoca at
the festival of Toxcatl in the fifth Aztec month.

674 B. de Sahagun, _Histoire Générale des Choses de la
Nouvelle-Espagne_, traduite par D. Jourdanet et R. Siméon (Paris,
1880), pp. 61 _sq._: “_On appelait le cinquième moi_ toxcatl. _Au
premier jour on faisait une grande fête en l’honneur du dieu appelé_
Titlacauan, _autrement dit_ Tezcatlipoca, _que l’on croyait être le
dieu des dieux. C’était en son honneur que l’on tuait, le jour de sa
fête, un jeune homme choisi.... Cette fête était la principale de
toutes, comme qui dirait la Pâque, et, en réalité, elle se célébrait
aux environs de la Pâque de résurrection, ou quelques jours après_.”
Compare J. de Torquemada, _Monarquia Indiana_, lib. x. cap. 14, vol.
ii. p. 256 (Madrid, 1723). As to Tezcatlipoca, the greatest of the
Mexican gods, see J. G. Müller, _Geschichte der amerikanischen
Urreligionen_ (Bâle, 1867), pp. 613 _sqq._; H. H. Bancroft, _The
Native Races of the Pacific States_ (London, 1875-1876), iii. 199
_sqq._, 237 _sqq._; E. Seler, _Altmexikanische Studien_, ii.
(Berlin, 1899) pp. 125 _sqq._ (_Veröffentlichungen aus dem
königlichen Museum für Völkerkunde_, vol. vi. Heft 2/4).

675 On the twenty-third of April according to the Spanish text of
Sahagun’s work as translated in French by D. Jourdanet and R. Simeon
(p. 52); the twenty-seventh of April according to the Aztec text of
Sahagun’s work as translated into German by Professor E. Seler
(_Altmexikanische Studien_, ii. 194).

676 J. de Acosta, _Natural and Moral History of the Indies_ (Hakluyt
Society, London, 1880), ii. 378, 380; Diego Duran, _Historia de las
Indias de Nueva España_ (Mexico, 1867-1880), ii. 99, 101; _Manuscrit
Ramirez, Histoire de l’Origine des Indiens qui habitent la Nouvelle
Espagne selon leurs traditions_, publié par D. Charnay (Paris,
1903), pp. 159, 160 _sq._ According to Clavigero, the fifth Mexican
month, in which the sacrifice of the human representative of
Tezcatlipoca took place, began on the 17th of May (_History of
Mexico_, translated by C. Cullen, London, 1807, i. 299); but this
must be an error.

677 E. Seler, _Altmexikanische Studien_, ii. (Berlin, 1899) pp. 117 note
1, 121-125, 153 _sq._, 166 _sq._ (_Veröffentlichungen aus dem
königlichen Museum für Völkerkunde_, vol. vi. Heft 2/4).

678 J. de Acosta, _op. cit._ ii. 380; Diego Duran, _op. cit._ ii. 101;
_Manuscrit Ramirez, Histoire de l’Origine des Indiens qui habitent
la Nouvelle Espagne selon leurs traditions_, publié par D. Charnay
(Paris, 1903), p. 160; J. de Torquemada, _Monarquia Indiana_, lib.
x. cap. 14, vol. ii. p. 257 (Madrid, 1723). I have modernized the
spelling of Acosta’s old translator (Edward Grimston).

M216 The training and equipment of the human god. The manner of the
sacrifice.

679 B. de Sahagun, _Histoire Générale des Choses de la Nouvelle
Espagne_, traduite par D. Jourdanet, et R. Siméon (Paris, 1880), pp.
61 _sq._, 96-99, 103; E. Seler, _Altmexikanische Studien_, ii.
(Berlin, 1899), pp. 116-165, 194-209 (the latter passage contains
the Aztec text of Sahagun’s account with a German translation); J.
de Acosta, _The Natural and Moral History of the Indies_ (Hakluyt
Society, London, 1880), pp. 350 _sq._; _Manuscrit Ramirez, Histoire
de l’Origine des Indiens qui habitent la Nouvelle Espagne selon
leurs traditions_, publié par D. Charnay (Paris, 1903), pp. 157
_sqq._, 180 _sq._; Diego Duran, _Historia de las Indias de Nueva
España_ (Mexico, 1867-1880), ii. 98-105; J. de Torquemada,
_Monarquia Indiana_, lib. x. cap. 14, vol. ii. pp. 256 _sqq._
(Madrid, 1723); F. S. Clavigero, _History of Mexico_, translated by
Charles Cullen, Second Edition (London, 1807), i. 300; Brasseur de
Bourbourg, _Histoire des Nations civilisées du Mexique et de
l’Amérique-Centrale_ (Paris, 1857-1859), iii. 510-512; H. H.
Bancroft, _The Native Races of the Pacific States_ (London,
1875-1876), iii. 319 _sq._ According to Torquemada the flesh of the
human victim was eaten by the elders “as a sacred and divine flesh”;
but this is not mentioned by the other authorities of the sixteenth
century cited above. Elsewhere (_Spirits of the Corn and of the
Wild_, ii. 92 _sq._) I cited this cannibal banquet as an example of
a sacramental communion with the deity; but the silence of most
early writers on the point makes it doubtful whether the custom has
been correctly reported by Torquemada and later writers.

M217 Sacrifice of a man in the character of the great Mexican god
Vitzilopochtli (Huitzilopochtli) in the month of May.

680 B. de Sahagun, _Histoire Générale des Choses de la Nouvelle
Espagne_, traduite par D. Jourdanet et R. Siméon (Paris, 1880), pp.
99-104; E. Seler, _Altmexikanische Studien_, ii. (Berlin, 1899) pp.
159-165, 202-209; F. S. Clavigero, _History of Mexico_, translated
by Ch. Cullen, Second Edition (London, 1807), i. 301-303; Brasseur
de Bourbourg, _Histoire des Nations civilisées du Mexique et de
l’Amérique-Centrale_, iii. 512-516; H. H. Bancroft, _The Native
Races of the Pacific States_, ii. 321-324. As to the dances of the
maidens wearing garlands of maize, see also J. de Acosta, _Natural
and Moral History of the Indies_ (London, 1880), ii. 380.

M218 Sacrifice of a man in the character of the great Mexican god
Quetzalcoatl in the month of February.

681 J. de Acosta, _The Natural and Moral History of the Indies_ (Hakluyt
Society, London, 1880), ii. 321; Diego Duran, _Historia de las
Indias de Nueva España_ (Mexico, 1867-1880), ii. 118-120; _Manuscrit
Ramirez, Histoire de l’Origine des Indiens qui habitent la Nouvelle
Espagne selon leurs traditions_, publié par D. Charnay (Paris,
1903), pp. 182 _sq._ Acosta’s description of the idol is abridged.
As to the Mexican god Quetzalcoatl, worshipped especially by the
people of Cholula, see J. G. Müller, _Geschichte der amerikanischen
Urreligionen_ (Bâle, 1867), pp. 577 _sqq._; H. H. Bancroft, _The
Native Races of the Pacific States_ (London, 1875-1876), iii. 248
_sqq._

682 J. de Acosta, _The Natural and Moral History of the Indies_ (Hakluyt
Society, London, 1880), ii. 384-386. I have modernized the old
translator’s spelling. The accounts of Duran and the anonymous
author of the Ramirez manuscript agree verbally with that of Acosta.
It is plain that Acosta and Duran drew on the same source, which may
be the Ramirez manuscript. However, Duran is the only one of the
three who gives the date of the festival (the third of February).
See Diego Duran, _Historia de las Indias de Nueva España_ (Mexico,
1867-1880), ii. 120 _sq._; _Manuscrit Ramirez, Histoire de l’Origine
des Indiens qui habitent la Nouvelle Espagne selon leurs
traditions_, publié par de Charnay (Paris, 1903), pp. 182 _sqq._
Compare A. de Herrera, _The General History of the Vast Continent
and Islands of America_, translated by Captain John Stevens (London,
1725-1726), iii. 218 _sq._; J. G. Müller, _Geschichte der
amerikanischen Urreligionen_ (Bâle, 1867), pp. 589 _sq._; H. H.
Bancroft, _The Native Races of the Pacific States_ (London,
1875-1876), iii. 286.

M219 Sacrifice of a woman in the character of the Mexican Goddess of Salt
in the month of June.

683 B. de Sahagun, _Histoire Générale des Choses de la Nouvelle
Espagne_, traduite par D. Jourdanet et R. Siméon (Paris, 1880), pp.
64, 115-117; J. de Torquemada, _Monarquia Indiana_ (Madrid, 1723),
lib. x. cap. 18, vol. ii. p. 268. Compare F. S. Clavigero, _History
of Mexico_, translated by C. Cullen (London, 1807), i. 305; Brasseur
de Bourbourg, _Histoire des Nations Civilisées du Mexique et de
l’Amérique-Centrale_, iii. 517 _sq._; H. H. Bancroft, _The Native
Races of the Pacific States_, ii. 325-327.

M220 Sacrifice of a woman in the character of the Mexican Goddess of the
Young Maize about Mid-summer.

684 B. de Sahagun, _Histoire Générale des Choses de la Nouvelle
Espagne_, traduite par D. Jourdanet R. Siméon (Paris, 1880), pp. 65
_sq._, 118-126; J. de Torquemada, _Monarquia Indiana_ (Madrid,
1723), lib. x. cap. 19, vol. ii. pp. 269-271; E. J. Payne, _History
of the New World called America_, i. (Oxford, 1892) pp. 421-423.
Compare Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Histoire des Nations civilisées du
Mexique et de l’Amérique-Centrale_, iii. 518-520; H. H. Bancroft,
_The Native Races of the Pacific States_, ii. 326 _sq._ I have
followed Torquemada (vol. ii. p. 269) and the French translators of
Sahagun (p. 65, note 2) in deriving the name of Xilonen from
_xilotl_ in the sense of “young cobs of maize.” But according to E.
J. Payne, the word _xilotl_ means “hair,” and Xilonen is “Hairy
Mother” (_Mater comata_) with reference to the hair-like fibres or
tassels that shoot from the maize-cobs. See E. J. Payne, _op. cit._
i. 417. On either interpretation the goddess is a personification of
the young maize. The goddess of the maize in general was called
Cinteotl or Centeotl (Centeutl), a name which, according to
Torquemada, is derived from _centli_, “maize-cob” (_Monarquia
Indiana_, lib. vi. cap. 25, vol. ii. p. 52). But E. J. Payne, while
he regards Cinteotl as the maize-goddess, explains her name
differently. He says (_op. cit._ i. 416 _sq._): “The Totonacs
worshipped the corn-spirit under names which were translated into
Mexican as Tzinteotl (goddess of beginning or origin) and
Tonacayohua (provider of our food). They considered her to be the
wife of the sun, their supreme god. Theoretically subordinated to
him, the maize-goddess was in practice the chief deity of the
Totonacs: it was to her service that the principal warriors,
quitting their wives and children, dedicated themselves in their old
age.” Similarly Clavigero, who lived many years in Mexico and
learned the Mexican language, explains Cinteotl (Tzinteotl) to mean
“original goddess”; he adds that the Maize Goddess changed her name
“according to the different states of the grain in the progress of
its growth” (_History of Mexico_, translated by C. Cullen, i. 253
note p). Another name applied to the Maize Goddess Cinteotl was
Chicomecohuatl or “Seven Snakes.” See J. de Torquemada, _Monarquia
Indiana_, lib. x. cap. 13, vol. ii. p. 255; J. G. Müller,
_Geschichte der amerikanischen Urreligionen_ (Bâle, 1867), pp. 491
_sqq._; E. Seler, _Altmexikanische Studien_, ii. (Berlin, 1899) pp.
108 _sq._, 112. Some have held that Cinteotl was a Maize God rather
than a Maize Goddess. See H. H. Bancroft, _The Native Races of the
Pacific States_, iii. 349 _sqq._

M221 Sacrifice of a woman in the character of the Mexican goddess “Our
Mother” on Christmas Day.

685 The Mexican year of three hundred and sixty-five days was divided
into eighteen months of twenty days each, with five supplementary
days over. See J. de Torquemada, _Monarquia Indiana_, lib. x. cap.
36, vol. ii. p. 300 (Madrid, 1723); B. de Sahagun, _Histoire
Générale des Choses de la Nouvelle Espagne_, traduite par D.
Jourdanet et R. Simeon (Paris, 1880), p. lxvii.; F. S. Clavigero,
_History of Mexico_, translated by C. Cullen (London, 1807), i. 290
_sq._

686 B. de Sahagun, _Histoire Générale des Choses de la Nouvelle
Espagne_, traduite par D. Jourdanet et R. Simeon (Paris, 1880), pp.
75, 158-160; J. de Torquemada, _Monarquia Indiana_, lib. x. cap. 29,
vol. ii. pp. 284 _sq._ (Madrid, 1723). Compare F. S. Clavigero,
_History of Mexico_, translated by C. Cullen (London, 1807), i. 312;
Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Histoire des Nations Civilisées du Mexique
et de l’ Amérique-Centrale_, iii. 535 _sq._; H. H. Bancroft, _The
Native Races of the Pacific States_, ii. 337 _sq._

M222 Sacrifice of a woman in the character of the Mexican goddess the
Mother of the Gods at the end of August or beginning of September.
M223 The farewell to the market. The skin of the sacrificed woman flayed
and worn by a man who personated the goddess.

687 B. de Sahagun, _Histoire Générale des Choses de la Nouvelle
Espagne_, traduite par D. Jourdanet et R. Simeon (Paris, 1880), pp.
18 _sq._, 68 _sq._, 133-139: J. de Torquemada, _Monarquia Indiana_
(Madrid, 1723), lib. x. cap. 23, vol. ii. pp. 275 _sq._; Diego
Duran, _Historia de las Indias de Nueva España_ (Mexico, 1867-1880),
ii. 185-191. Compare Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Histoire des Nations
civilisées du Mexique et de l’Amérique-Centrale_, iii. 523-525; H.
H. Bancroft, _The Native Races of the Pacific States_, iii. 353-359;
E. J. Payne, _History of the New World called America_, i. (Oxford,
1892), pp. 470 _sq._ A statue of basalt, about half the size of
life, said to have come from Tezcuco, represents a man clothed in a
human skin which he wears on his body, his arms, and his face; his
own skin is painted bright red, the other skin a dirty white. See H.
H. Bancroft, _op. cit._ iv. 522; Marquis de Nadaillac, _L’Amérique
Préhistorique_ (Paris, 1883), p. 295, fig. 119. In the Art Museum
(_Kunst-Museum_) at Bâle there is a statuette of the same sort. It
is labelled: “_Xipe. Der in einer Menschenhaut gekleidete Gott.
Gesch. v. H. Luk. Vischer (1828-1837)._” The figure is about
eighteen inches high and appears to be made of a porous stone. It
represents a man seated on his haunches with his feet crossed in
front of him and his hands resting on his knees. His own skin, of
which the legs, feet, hands, wrists, neck and part of the face are
visible, is coloured a terra-cotta red. The rest of his body is
covered by the representation of the skin of a human victim, of a
greyish colour, quite distinct from that of the wearer, and this
skin is also worn like a mask on his face. At his back the jacket of
human skin only partially meets, displaying the wearer’s red skin
under it for some distance; it is as if the skin of the human victim
had been split up the back and then drawn together and fastened at
the back of the wearer like an ill-fitting and imperfectly buttoned
coat. The hands of the human victim are represented dangling at the
wrists of the seated figure. I saw this remarkable statuette in the
Museum at Bâle on July 25th, 1912, but I was not able to remove it
from the case for closer examination. As to Xipe, the Mexican god
clad in a human skin, whom the statuette represents, see below, pp.
296 _sqq._

M224 Young girl chosen to personate the Mexican Goddess of the Maize,
Chicomecohuatl.

688 As to this name for the Maize Goddess, see above, p. 286, note 1.

M225 Adoration of the girl who personated the Goddess of the Maize.
M226 The girl who personated the Goddess of the Maize carried in
procession and worshipped with offerings of human blood. The human
representative of the Maize Goddess put to death on a heap of corn
and her skin flayed and worn by a priest.