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Chapter VIII: Part 8

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‘The devil who had come for the ring took it and vanished; but he who was come for the sword and dagger remained,—but afterward, having seized them, he also vanished. The monk, shortly after, came to where the devils had been, and found the sword and dagger lying flat on the ground, the sword having the point broken,—but he saw the point among some powder, where the devil had laid it. Having waited for half an hour, the other devil returned, and gave him the ring, which to the sight was of the colour of red, nearly scarlet, and said to him, ‘Thou wilt put it into the mouth of a dead man, in the manner thou knowest,’ and then he vanished. The monk obeyed his instructions, thinking to burn the king our lord,—but through the providence of God, and the aid of those most excellent ladies the duchesses of Berry and Burgundy, who were present, he escaped.

‘I shall next show that the duke of Orleans was guilty of the crime of high treason in the first degree, by the alliances he contracted contrary to the interest of the king and kingdom. It is a fact, that when the king our lord and king Richard of England were firmly united in friendship, by the marriage of Richard with the eldest princess of France, king Richard would, at any risk, speak to the king our lord respecting his health; and when they were together, he told him, that the infirmity he was subject to was caused by means used by the dukes of Orleans and of Milan, and entreated him, by the love of God, to be on his guard against them.

‘The king, after this conversation, conceived so great a hatred against the duke of Milan, and not without cause, that the herald who bore his arms dared not appear in his presence. When this came to the ears of the duke of Orleans, he took a mortal dislike to king Richard, and inquired who was the greatest enemy he had in this world. He soon learnt that it was Henry of Lancaster, to whom he made advances, and at length concluded an alliance with him, in order to destroy the king, and to strengthen himself as much as possible, to arrive at his damnable ends.

‘The duke of Orleans and Henry of Lancaster agreed mutually to labour and assist each other to accomplish the deaths of the two kings, that they might obtain the crowns of France and England,—that of France for Louis d’Orleans, and that of England for Henry of Lancaster.

‘Henry succeeded in his attempt, but, thank God! the duke of Orleans has failed. And to confirm the truth of this alliance, the duke of Orleans has ever been favourable to the English, and has assisted Henry with all his power, and particularly in regard to the siege of the castle of Bordes, when he sent to the garrison not to surrender it to the French, for that he would hinder the success of the siege, and afford them sufficient succour when there should be need of it. He also prevented many expeditions from taking place, which were intended against the English.

‘Thus he proved himself a tyrant and disloyal to his prince and to the welfare of the kingdom, and committed high treason of the first degree, in a second manner. In confirmation of this, a fact has just struck me which I will relate to you. At the time when king Richard was a prisoner, and it was the intention of Henry to have him put to death, some of the english lords said to him, that great danger might ensue from the indignation of the French. Henry replied, they need not have any fears on that head, for he had a powerful friend in France, to whom he had allied himself, namely, the duke of Orleans, brother to the king, who would not, for any attempt that might be made on king Richard, suffer the French to attack the English; and to convince them, he made them read the letters that had passed, and the articles of the treaty concluded between them. It appears then, that the duke of Orleans has, in various ways, committed high treason of the first degree.

‘I shall now finish this article of my minor, although there be many other very horrible crimes perpetrated by the duke of Orleans of the first degree of high treason, which my lord of Burgundy reserves to charge him with at a proper opportunity, should there be a necessity for it.

‘I proceed to the second article of my minor, wherein I shall charge the duke of Orleans with being guilty of the crime of high treason, not only in the first, but also in the second degree, which consists in offending the king in the person of the queen his wife.

‘It is a fact, that about four years after the king was attacked by his unfortunate disorder, the profligate duke of Orleans never ceased imagining how he could succeed in his wicked and damnable designs, and thought that if he could prevail on the queen to quit the kingdom with her children, he would the more readily obtain his object. With this intent, he falsely informed her, that the king was very indignant against her,—and advised her, as she regarded her own life and the lives of her children, to quit the presence of the king and to leave the country.

‘He offered to conduct her and them to the duchy of Luxembourg (thinking that when there he could do with them as he pleased), and promised the queen that he would there safely guard her and her children. He added, that should the king recover from his frenzy, and should he perceive that he was no longer angry with her, and that she might safely return, which he engaged to urge to the king with all his power, he would re-conduct her and her children to his majesty. And in case the king should not have changed his opinion concerning her, he would maintain her according to her rank in the duchy of Luxembourg, were any of the nobles, or even the king or others to visit her. The better to colour his wicked designs, he gave the queen to understand that this project must be kept secret, and executed with much caution, lest she and her family should be stopped on the road to Luxembourg. He advised her to undertake a pilgrimage with her children to St Fiacre, and thence to our Lady at Liesse, whence he would escort her to Luxembourg, and give her such an establishment as should be suitable for her and her children’s rank, until the present dispositions of the king should be changed.

‘He frequently pressed the queen on this subject, using nearly the words I have related, all tending to put the queen and her children in his power to do with them as he pleased. They certainly were in great danger,—and it would have increased, if some worthy persons, real friends to the queen, had not informed her, that all she had heard was false, which made her alter her intentions the moment she discovered the wicked and damnable designs of the duke or Orleans. She determined, in consequence, not to undertake this journey.—Thus concludes the second article of my minor, which plainly proves the late duke of Orleans guilty of high treason against the person of the queen of France.

‘I shall now show, that the duke of Orleans has been guilty of high treason in the third degree, by three different crimes: the first, by poisons and intoxications; the second, by fallacious deceptions; the third, by his false representations to the pope.

‘In regard to my first charge, I declare the late duke of Orleans guilty of intending the death of the late dauphin by means of a poisoned apple which was given to a child, with orders to offer it to my lord the late dauphin, and to none other, which was done. It chanced as he was carrying this apple, he passed through the gardens of the hôtel de St Pol, where he met the nurse to the children of the duke of Orleans, carrying one of them in her arms. The apple seemed so beautiful that she bade the child give it to her, that she might present it to the infant she was carrying,—but he said he would not give it to any one but my lord the dauphin. Seeing the boy so obstinate, the nurse took the apple from him by force and gave it her child to eat, who soon after fell sick and died.

‘I here ask one question. This innocent died of the poisoned apple: ought the boy who brought it, or the nurse who gave it the child, be punished? I reply, No, neither of them; but the crime must be attributed to those who poisoned it, or caused it to be carried.

‘In regard to my second charge, of fallacious deceptions, I have already touched upon them, in his treacherous conduct and advice to the queen, to quit the kingdom for the duchy of Luxembourg.

‘As to my third charge, it is well known, that the duke of Orleans, persevering in his wicked designs, has personally, and by ambassadors, often practised with the pope to deprive the king of his crown and kingdom. To succeed in this damnable conspiracy, he falsely and wickedly charged the king with crimes affecting his royal progeny, which he gave the pope to understand were such as required him to declare the king and his posterity unworthy to hold or succeed to the crown of France. He also requested the pope to grant absolution to all who should act contrary to the oath of fidelity they had been constrained to take to the king, and to declare the next of his blood the successor to the crown and government of France.

‘The better to secure the pope in his interests, he has always favoured and supported him by divers ways, as is apparent from his conduct, in the cession and restitution of the monies from the hospital of Toulouse.

‘Thus the third article of my minor is made clear, notwithstanding there are very many other horrible crimes of high treason in the third degree, committed by the late duke of Orleans, unnoticed, which my lord of Burgundy has reserved to himself, to bring forward or not as he may see occasion.

‘I now come to the fourth article of my minor, which is, that the late duke of Orleans, has been guilty of high treason in the fourth degree, namely, of offending against the public welfare.

‘Although I have before noticed his alliance with the enemies of the realm, which is acting positively against the public good, I shall show how he has otherwise committed this crime. In the first place, by keeping men at arms in different parts of the realm, who did nothing but plunder the people, rob all travellers, and force women. He moreover, placed their captains in the strongest castles, and at all the passes, bridges and fords of rivers, the better to succeed in his wicked designs, namely, the usurpation of the government.

‘Secondly, He has imposed intolerable taxes on the subjects of the realm, pretending they were for the carrying on the war against the enemy, but giving from their amount large sums to the illwishers to the kingdom, to induce them to become his allies, and support him in his attempt to seize the crown.

‘Thus it appears that I have proved the duke of Orleans guilty of high treason in the fourth degree. There are beside many other facts more wicked and criminal than I have stated; but my lord of Burgundy has reserved them with others, to bring forward, if it be necessary, more strongly to convict the duke of Orleans of having had the design of compassing the king’s death, and the deaths of his royal family, that he might obtain the crown.

‘Now, if my hearers will unite my minor with my major, it will clearly follow, that my lord of Burgundy is not deserving of any blame whatever for what has happened to the criminal duke of Orleans; nor ought the king our lord to be dissatisfied with him, but, on the contrary, he should be pleased with what he had done, and requite him for it in three ways,—namely, in love, honour, and riches, after the example of the rewards given to my lord the archangel St Michael, and to the valiant man Phineas, which I have already mentioned in my major.

‘According to my plain understanding, I think our lord and king ought to declare his attachment to my aforesaid lord of Burgundy, and publish his good fame both within and without the kingdom, by his letters patent, in the manner of epistles or otherwise; and God grant it may be so done, ‘Qui est benedictus in secula seculorum. Amen.’

After master John Petit had finished his harangue, he requested of the duke of Burgundy that he would vouch for all he had said, which the duke granted, and avowed the whole of what master John Petit had laid to the charge of the late duke of Orleans, in the presence of the dauphin, who represented the person of the king, and all the other princes and lords before particularized. The orator, after this, declared that the duke of Burgundy had reserved some charges of a deeper nature to lay before the king personally, when a proper occasion should offer.

The assembly now broke up, and the princes and lords retired to their different hôtels. The duke of Burgundy was escorted to his hôtel d’Artois by a large body of men at arms and archers.

There were great murmurings in Paris among all ranks, for the assembly had been open to all, respecting the charges made against the late duke of Orleans, and various were the opinions concerning them. Those attached to the Orleans-party declared they were all false, whilst the Burgundians maintained the contrary.

Shortly afterward, queen Isabella of France, apprehensive of consequences to herself and children, set out from Paris with her son the duke of Acquitaine and the others, accompanied by Louis duke of Bavaria, her brother, and fixed her residence in the castle of Melun. The king, who had been very ill of his disorder for some time, now recovered: the duke of Burgundy waited on him, and was not only reconciled but obtained letters sealed with the king’s seal and signed with his own hand, by which he was pardoned for what had lately happened to the duke of Orleans, to the astonishment of many great lords and wise men, but at this moment it could not be otherwise.

CHAP. XL.

THE KING OF FRANCE SENDS A SOLEMN EMBASSY TO THE POPE.—THE
ANSWER THEY RECEIVE.—THE POPE EXCOMMUNICATES THE KING
AND HIS ADHERENTS.

About this period, some persons came to the king and the lords then at Paris, to inform them, that the pope and his rival would neither of them resign the popedom, as they had promised in the city of Savona,—but by various deceitful means kept up the schism that had so long hurt the true interests of the church. The king, in consequence, wrote letters to the pope, and sent them by Jean de Château-morant and Jean de Coursen, knights, his ambassadors, to declare, that if peace were not firmly established throughout the Christian church by Ascension day next ensuing, he himself and the clergy, nobles and people of his realm and of Dauphiny, would no longer obey him or his adversary.

Pope Benedict was not well pleased with the contents of these letters, nor with the embassy, although he dissembled with the ambassadors. He made them a short answer, saying he would speedily reply to the letters they had brought, after which they took leave of him and returned to Paris, to make the king and council acquainted with all that had passed. It was not long before a messenger from the pope arrived at Paris, who went to the hôtel de St Pol, and, understanding the king was in his oratory at the commencement of the mass, proceeded thither, and presenting the king with an apostolical letter instantly departed.

When mass was over, the king caused the letter to be opened, and deliberately read, by which he learnt that he himself and all his subjects were excommunicated.

Search was instantly made in Paris after the person who had brought this excommunication, but in vain, for he had quitted the city as secretly and suddenly as he could. The king and his council, noticing the manner and form of this act, in compliance with the exhortations of the university of Paris, the greater part of his council, and the princes of the blood, who were all much angered with the pope, he withdrew himself from his obedience to the holy see.

THE APOSTOLICAL LETTER RECEIVED BY THE KING.

‘Benedict, bishop and servant to the servants of God, to his very dear son in JESUS CHRIST, Charles king of France, sends health and apostolical benediction.

‘Would to God, very dear son, that thou knewest the love and affection we bear to thy noble and potent person, and didst understand the purity of our mind, thou wouldest then be sensible of the great joy we feel in thy prosperity, and of our grief at any tribulations that befal thee. If of this thou hadst knowledge, thou wouldest not listen to those detractors, who by false tales endeavour to set thy heart against us, but love us, as a son should love a father, and then the disturbances in thy kingdom, raised up by thy persecutions against our holy church, would cease.

‘Thou knowest well, glorious prince, and hast also heard from public report, how constantly and diligently we have laboured to restore union to the church; and the advances we have made, in order to obtain peace, toward those who have foolishly encouraged the unfortunate schism, by claiming the right of enjoying the holy see, and more particularly toward Angelo Corrario, who calls himself Gregory, and is at present the adversary to the church. He, however, refuses to perform the promises he had made in various places to resign his pretensions, and prolongs the division in the holy church under frivolous and false pretences. It is, however, notorious, and cannot be denied, that it has not been owing to any fault in us that peace has not been given to the church, and all cause for schism annihilated.

‘Notwithstanding this, there are some, we hear, who are very busy in their endeavours to defame us to thee, and to lessen, in as much as they can, the purity of our good fame. Others, we learn, are weakening thy devotion, and that of the princes of thy blood, by unjustly blaming us, and charging us most falsely with want of diligence in re-establishing the union of the holy church.

‘In truth, such persons should be answered by stating the real facts, which would destroy their fictions and falsehoods; and we believe that they have been the cause why we have not received any thing in our treasury from thy kingdom for the space of two years, an edict having been issued from thy court, which has deprived us of our rights, and we are no longer obeyed in thy realm. We look, however, for consolation and assistance from thee; for thy predecessors, in times past, have laboured to destroy the schisms and errors in the church, and to preserve peace and union. But some in thy kingdom have lately rebelled against the holy see, by appealing from us, against the constitutions of the canon,—and they have been permitted to spread abroad divers errors, contrary to the purity of true religion.

‘In addition to what we have stated, we have been much hurt and affected by the conduct of thy ambassadors in this town, and in our presence. Our very dear sons Jean de Château-Morant and Jean de Coursen, noble men and thy ambassadors, have come to us from thee, and brought us letters sealed with thy seal, by which thou makest known to us, that if by the feast of Ascension next coming, union be not established throughout our holy church, and one pope or pastor of that church be elected, thyself, the clergy, nobles and people of thy realm, and of the duchy of Guienne, will observe a strict neutrality, and will not pay obedience to either of the popes, nor wilt thou suffer thy subjects to pay any attention to our mandates.

‘Thou mayest consider, very dear son, if we had not cause for grief at heart, on reading these harsh expressions. They are little proofs of that love a child owes a father, and have been followed by serious consequences; for when thou and the princes of thy blood make use of such expressions, others may carry their meaning to a farther extent, and may include thee in the perdition that may befal them.

‘Thy good renown has been also wounded by the sin thou hast committed in wishing to set bounds to divine mercy. The union thou thinkest to obtain is sinful, and a perseverance in schism; for our adversary and his followers, swollen up with pride, will not bend nor incline to peace, but will acquire greater obstinacy from the hopes thy conduct will have given them, that we shall be deprived of any power over thy subjects and kingdom. Thus those who were dejected and in despair will, from our oppressions, regain strength and courage.

‘Truly, most dear son, we to whom God has intrusted the care of his people, cannot longer suffer such things as may be injurious to the divine Majesty, and may cause the peril of souls, and tend to keep alive the schism in the holy church, and to invalidate my election and reputation.

‘We grieve much at thy deception, and at the wicked counsels thou hast received,—and we exhort and entreat of thee, in the name of our blessed Saviour, that thou wouldst not listen to such wicked men, who seek their own profit from the losses of the church, and from the quarrels they may excite in thy family.

‘With regard to our proceedings, thou hast had full knowledge of them, from what we have written to thee on the subject. Consider, therefore, coolly with thy council, the purity of our intentions: have the goodness to revoke and annul all edicts that may be injurious to us and to the church, and use thy endeavours to bring thine and all other kingdoms to that obedience originally due to us. We also must tell thee, that we will not act as thou hast written to us, for it does no honour to thy excellent understanding.

‘If thou wilt obey the mandates and exhortations of thy father, thou wilt gain great merit with God, and, by inclining thyself to the holy apostolical see, much praise from man. Beloved son, be on thy guard against deceivers. We will also, that thou shouldst know, and by these presents do make known to thee, that beside the pains and punishments pronounced by the law, we have lately made other constitutions, which we send thee with our bull, by which thyself and all other such delinquents and disobedient children (which God avert!) will be punished. We have done this to preserve thee and other princes from the heinous offence of high treason, so great is our paternal love toward thee and them, in order that at the day of judgment we may be blameless, by endeavouring to prevent, as much as in us lies, any soul from perishing.

‘Given at Porto Venere, in the diocese of Genoa, the 23d day of March, in the 14th year of our papacy.’

THE BULL OF THE POPE DELLA LUNA, BY WHICH HE EXCOMMUNICATES
THE KING OF FRANCE AND OTHERS.

‘Benedict, bishop and servant of the servants of God, in perpetual memory of the increase of wickedness among mankind,—We behold the world daily becoming worse, and the thoughts of mankind so bent on evil that they add crime to crime,—That the good who may be intermixed with the bad may not be corrupted through malice and error, and that the boldness and presumption of vice may be somewhat restrained by fear of punishment.

‘It has come to our knowledge by public report, that certain children of perdition, as well churchmen as seculars, who, ambitious of rising higher than becomes them, may thence dangerously fall, having been deceived by him who changes himself into the form of an angel of light that he may afterward deceive others, have given great scandal to the simple and weak, and much offence to those of firmer minds, from their attempts to destroy and divide the catholic church by schism, and to prevent the re-union of it, which was taking place when we were elected sovereign and apostolical bishop.

‘Two years before this period, when we were of mature age[122], we laboured hard to put an end to this schism, which has divided the church of God for nearly thirty years, to the great grief of all sincere Christians, and it still continues through the perverseness of man.

‘We have declared to Angelo Corrario, (who has thrust himself into the apostolical chair, and is called by those under his obedience by the name of Gregory,) the mode of renunciation frankly and sincerely offered by us, and which in our apostolical letters, given at Marseilles the 2d day of February of the aforesaid year of our papacy, is more fully explained. We have again offered to Angelo Corrario to appear in person at a proper and convenient place, that measures may be the more speedily adopted for the success of so desirable an event as the re-union of the holy church.

‘Notwithstanding this, the sons of iniquity exert all their powers, by means of fraud and hypocrisy, to prevent us and our brother cardinals from executing so salutary an object, despising the bonds of the holy church, and pretending an ardent desire for its union, while they wickedly withdraw themselves from its obedience, and in their defence appealing from us, which, however, they have not the right to do.

‘We have patiently suffered all this, in the hope it may excite in them repentance and a desire to return to their duty: nevertheless, they persevere with greater boldness and presumption.

‘In order, therefore, to check this, we, having duly considered the weightiness of the matter, do, according to the powers vested in us, pronounce sentence of excommunication against all who knowingly shall obstruct the union of the holy church, or shall impede ourself and our venerable brethren the cardinals in the execution of the aforesaid things offered by us, and agreed to by Angelo Corrario or his ambassadors, or all who may appeal against us or our successors, bishops of Rome, legally elected to that dignity, or whoever may countenance and support such appeals, substractions or perturbations, under any pretence or colour.

‘We likewise include in this our sentence those who may perversely affirm they are not bound to obey our mandates, whatever may be their rank, whether cardinal, patriarch, archbishop, bishop, or of imperial or kingly dignity, and of whatever rank in church or state. From this sentence none can be absolved but by the pope, excepting when in ‘articulo mortis.’ And should it happen that any may thus have received absolution, and recover their health, we will and command, that instantly on their recovery, they present themselves before the holy see to receive absolution again, and to make such satisfaction as may appear reasonable and conformable to justice.

‘Should this sentence be endured through obstinacy and hardness of heart for the space of twenty days, by any one of any estate or degree above mentioned, be the same a prince or other secular of any description whatsoever, we subject him to the interdict of the church, with all the lands, towns, cities and castles, and every sort of inheritance that may belong to him. Universities continuing in the same perverseness shall be also subject to this interdict of the holy church.

‘And as it has been found necessary, through the ingratitude of men, sometimes to revoke benefices, all such and each of them, as well churchmen as seculars, who shall give aid or counsel against this sentence, and suffer it to remain for the space of twenty days, shall be deprived of the benefit of all indulgences, privileges, and other graces granted to them by the holy apostolic see. Such clerks will likewise be deprived of all benefices and dignities in the church, whether with or without cure; and should their rank be that of cardinals, patriarchs, archbishops or bishops, or other dignities, we declare them, by full authority and power vested in us, deprived of the same; and their vassals or other dependants, who have been bound on oath to serve them, we declare absolved from such oaths, and their fiefs, honours and dependencies on the church, whether moveable or immoveable, shall revert to the governors thereof, for them to dispose of according to their will and pleasure.

‘No judicial hearing will be granted to the sinners and transgressors above mentioned, and their suits, if proceeded on by public notaries, will be null and void.

‘All persons who may aid and abet, openly or secretly, those who, through perverseness of mind, shall resist this sentence, be they single individuals, cities, castles or places, shall undergo the same punishment of excommunication; and we will and command that the penalties ordained by our predecessors for similar crimes shall have their full effect and force, notwithstanding any constitutions, ordinances, liberties, graces, or apostolical indulgences that may have been formerly granted to these transgressors by us, or by our predecessors the bishops of Rome,—all which we revoke, as being contrary to the tenor of this present bull. It is unlawful, therefore, for any person to oppose or infringe this our declaration, by any way or means whatever; and should any dare attempt it, they shall know that they will incur the indignation of an all-powerful God, and of his blessed apostles St Peter and St Paul.

‘Given at St Victor de Marseilles, the 23d of March, in the 13th year of our papacy.’

[A. D. 1408.]

CHAP. XLI.

THE UNIVERSITY OF PARIS DECLARES AGAINST THE POPE DELLA
LUNA, IN THE PRESENCE OF THE KING OF FRANCE.—KING LOUIS
OF SICILY LEAVES PARIS.—OF THE BORGNE DE LA HEUSE.

At the beginning of this year, the university of Paris declared against pope Benedict, in the manner following, by master Jean Courteheuse, a native of Normandy. The assembly was held in the great hall of the palace, in the presence of the kings of France and Sicily, the dukes of Berry, Burgundy, Bar and Brabant,—the counts de Mortaign[123], de Nevers, de St Pol, de Tancarville[124],—the rector of the university, with deputies from that body,—the earl of Warwick from England, ambassadors from Scotland and Wales, and a great multitude of clergy and people of Paris.

Master Jean Courteheuse took his text from the 7th Psalm: ‘Convertetur dolor in caput ejus, et in verticem ipsius iniquitas ejus descendet.’ Which is, For his travail shall come upon his own head, and his wickedness shall fall on his own pate.

He divided his speech into six conclusions. First, That Pietro della Luna was obstinately schismatic, not to say an heretic, a disturber of the peace and union of the church.

Secondly, That the said Pietro ought not to bear the name of Benedict, pope, cardinal, or any other title of dignity,—and that he ought not to be obeyed as pastor of the church, under penalty of suffering the sentences pronounced against those who favour schismatics.

Thirdly, That the provisions, sentences and declarations of the bull, and the pains and penalties therein threatened, are of no value.

Fourthly, That the contents of the said bull and letter are wicked, seditious, full of deceit, and tending to disturb the king’s peace.

Fifthly, That no one whatever may pay the smallest attention to them, without being guilty of the crime of favouring schismatics.

Sixthly, That such as may favour or support their contents may be lawfully proceeded against in the courts of justice.

After master Jean Courteheuse had made all his conclusions, he offered certain requests on the part of the university of Paris to the king of France. The first was, That great diligence should be used in searching after copies of Pietro della Luna’s letter, and that all who might conceal them should be punished according to their deserts; that many of his supporters existed within the kingdom, whom the university would denounce in due time and place.

The second request was, That henceforward neither the king nor any of his realm would receive letters from Pietro della Luna.

The third, That the king would command his daughter the university to preach the true doctrine throughout the kingdom.

The fourth, That the bishop of St Flour, who had been sent ambassador to the aforesaid Pietro, should be arrested and imprisoned, together with master Pierre de Courselles, Sansien le Leu, the dean of St Germain d’Auxerre, and punished according to their demerits,—and that the bull should be torn to pieces, as injurious and offensive to the royal majesty.

The university declared, that it would proceed to greater objects touching the faith, and demonstrate and explain these things before those whom it might concern in proper time and place.

The king instantly assented to the requests made by the university; and then the bull was torn in pieces by the rector of the university, in the presence of the whole assembly. The dean of St Germain d’Auxerre, being there, was arrested, and put into confinement.

Shortly after, the abbot of Saint Denis, master Jean de Sains, formerly secretary to the king, and many others of name, were imprisoned at the Louvre.

Such diligence was used that the king’s officers overtook the messenger who had brought the bull at Lyons, and brought him back a prisoner to Paris, with the aforesaid Sansien le Leu, who had been taken in the church of Clervaulx; for the king and all the princes were very indignant against the pope della Luna.

This pope, hearing how he had excited the anger of the king of France, of the princes, and of the university of Paris, began to be much alarmed, and, in consequence, embarked at Porto Venere, attended by four cardinals only, and went first to Arragon, and thence to Perpignan.

About this time, king Louis of Sicily took leave of the king of France, and left Paris for Provence, to oppose some who were favourable to his adversary king Ladislaus. The queen of France was still at Melun, whither the king went, and after some days stay returned to Paris, where the ambassadors from Scotland were waiting for him. When they had received a large sum of money from the king to carry on the war against the English, they took leave and returned home.

The king of France also granted to the ambassadors from Wales, for the same object, three hundred men at arms and two hundred cross-bows, to be maintained at his expense for one whole year. They were to be commanded by the borgne de la Heuse, a knight of great renown, and a native of Normandy, to whom the king ordered vessels and money to be delivered, that he might embark for Wales.

CHAP. XLII.

THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY DEPARTS FROM PARIS, ON ACCOUNT OF THE
AFFAIRS OF LIEGE.—THE KING OF SPAIN COMBATS THE SARACEN
FLEET.—THE KING OF HUNGARY WRITES TO THE UNIVERSITY OF
PARIS.

On the 5th day of July, the duke of Burgundy left Paris, attended by his two brothers, to the great vexation of many princes, governors of the realm. The object of his journey was to celebrate in Arras the birth-day of the bishop of that city, whose name was Martin Porée, of the order of Preachers, and also his confessor. He went thence to Ghent to visit his duchess.

He made great preparations to march to the assistance of his brother-in-law John of Bavaria, bishop of Liege, whom the Liegeois had deprived of his bishoprick, and banished their country. He had taken refuge with many gentlemen of his party in the town of Maestricht, wherein he was besieged by his enemies under the command of the lord de Pieruels and his son, whom the Liegeois had elected bishop in his stead.

On the other hand, duke William count of Hainault, brother to John of Bavaria, the count de Conversent[125], lord of Anghien, and many other great lords of the country, assembled a large body of men at arms, who, when joined by the lords de Croy and de Hely with their men, sent by the duke of Burgundy, amounted to a very considerable force.

They marched toward the country of Liege, to make war upon it, for the cause before mentioned, and first burnt a house and farm belonging to a church of the order of Cistercians. They then advanced to Fosse and Florennes[126], where they committed much destruction by fire and sword, as well as throughout the whole country on the banks of the Sambre. They took several forts by storm, and put to death all found therein; nor were the lives of any spared, of whatever sex or rank, in those parts.

On this expedition some new knights were made, among whom were Pierre de Luxembourg count de Conversent, Engilbert d’Anghien, and many more. When duke William had despoiled the country, suspecting the Liegeois would march against him to offer battle, and knowing they were in superior numbers, he retreated homeward, burning every house or village he passed; and his men were loaded with the booty they had made.

When he was returned home, he raised another army in conjunction with the duke of Burgundy, with the intent of marching again toward Liege and offering battle to the Liegeois.

At this time, a severe war was carrying on between the Spaniards and the Saracens of the kingdom of Granada. The king of Spain[127], magnificently attended by his Spaniards, and sir Robinet de Braquemont, a knight from Normandy, embarked on board twenty-four gallies, well provided with men at arms and stores, to combat the Saracens, who were at sea with twenty-two gallies. These last were defeated, and all on board put to death.

At this period also the king of Hungary wrote to the university of Paris a letter, the contents of which were as follows. It was addressed, ‘To the learned, sage and prudent men, the rector and university of Paris, our love and affection.’ Then follows the letter. ‘Noble personages, and very renowned in science throughout the world, we have with pleasure received your epistle, full of sense and eloquence, which no doubt will be very agreeable to our Lord and the Holy Spirit, and most profitable to all true Christians; for such is the abomination at present existing in the church of God, that every sincere and pious Christian should offer up his prayers to God that out of his grace he would provide a remedy, by which this abomination, namely, the schism and division that has existed in the church for thirty years may be destroyed, and put to a final end by the re-union of the whole church.

‘Should not this union be speedily effected, it is to be feared, that from this double division three others may spring up; and it is on this account, and some others, we have sent our orator to that most Christian prince the king of France our lord, in order that the object of our legation to him may not be frustrated by unbelievers and others. We have requested of him by our ambassadors to send us some one of his noble race to aid and counsel us in our affairs, which we hope he will comply with, knowing that, if he grants us this favour, we shall be alway ready, as heretofore, to serve him.—Given at Rome, the 11th day of June, in the 22d year of our reign.’

CHAP. XLIII.

HOW ALL THE PRELATES AND CLERGY OF FRANCE WERE SUMMONED TO
PARIS.—THE ARRIVAL OF THE QUEEN AND OF THE DUCHESS OF
ORLEANS.

In these days, the prelates and clergy, or their procurators, were summoned from the greater part of France and Dauphiny to attend the king and his council, to give their opinions respecting an union of the church, and other matters touching the person of the king and his realm.

They attended in great numbers, and on the vigil of the feast of St Laurence assembled at eight o’clock in the morning in the great hall of the palace. The chancellor of France presided for the king, who was indisposed. When the mass of the Holy Ghost had been solemnly celebrated by the archbishop of Toulouse, a very renowned doctor in theology, of the order of Friars Preachers, harangued notably in the presence of the dukes of Orleans, of Berry, and many great lords, the rector, the university, and a large body of clergy.

He chose for his text, ‘Quæ pacis sunt sectemur, et quæ ædificationis sunt invicem custodiamus,’ Rom. iv. c. That is to say, St Paul tells the Romans, in the 4th chapter of his epistle to them, to follow the things of peace, and be careful of what may bring edification. The doctor harangued much respecting the union of the church, and uttered many invectives against Pietro della Luna, who, he said, from first to last, had opposed this so-much-to-be-desired union, and that he was a schismatic-heretic, obstinate in his wickedness.

He proved this by six arguments; and after declaring that the king of France had formerly been neuter, but had since withdrawn himself from his obedience, on account of the letter and bull lately issued, which was full of falsehoods and deceit, and highly offensive to the royal majesty, he said that it was on this account the assembly was held, that it might be notified to the members of it, for them to consider the business, and on the means of obtaining a solid peace and re-union of the church.

While these things were passing, master Sausien and the messenger from Pietro della Luna, who had brought the letter and bull of excommunication to the king, both of them Arragonians, with mitres on their heads, and having surcoats emblazoned with the arms of Pietro della Luna reversed, were carried most disgracefully in a dung cart from the Louvre to the court of the palace; and shortly after, near the marble table, at the end of the steps, were set on a pillory. They were thus exhibited, for a very long time, to all who wished to see them, having labels on the mitres, on which was written, ‘Disloyal traitors to the church and king.’

They were then carried back in the aforesaid cart to the Louvre; and on the morrow the assembly met again at the palace, when the chancellor of France presided instead of the king.

A celebrated doctor in theology, called master Ursin Talvande, a native of Normandy, harangued the assembly in the name of the university of Paris, and took his text from the hundredth Psalm, ‘Fiat pax in virtute tua.’ He addressed himself to the throne, and to the princes of the blood and other nobles there present, exhorting them to attempt every possible means to restore peace and union to the church, by putting an end to the dangerous schism,—proving to them the wickedness of Pietro della Luna, that he was an incorrigible heretic, and ought not to be styled pope Benedict, nor enjoy the dignity of cardinal or any other,—and that they were not bound to obey him, and indeed could not without incurring the penalties due to favourers of heresy and schismatics.

He brought forward many examples of former popes, which were favourable to his arguments, and the determination of the last council, when it had been resolved, that if Pietro della Luna and his adversary did not establish peace within the church before Ascension-day, as they had promised, the kingdom of France in general, and the inhabitants of Dauphiny would withdraw themselves from his obedience; for such had been the conclusion of the prelates who had attended this council, as was apparent from their letters to the university of Paris,—in consequence of which the aforesaid obedience had been withdrawn by order of the king of France, until one properly-elected head of the church should be chosen. The doctor then proposed the means for granting dispensations and collations to benefices in the interim, as well for Dauphiny as for France, and also other measures proper to be taken during this neutrality.

It was at length concluded, that no one should obey either of the popes after a certain day, under pain of suffering the before mentioned penalties, and without incurring the indignation of the king. The doctor insisted, that the bull of excommunication, and some letters which had been brought from Toulouse, should be publicly destroyed, which was done.

The prelates and clergy were then ordered to proclaim their neutrality throughout their dioceses and parishes, and different documents were given them by the university to teach them how they were to govern themselves respecting the several points of this neutrality. When this had been done, every one retired to his home.

On the morrow, the two Arragonians were again carried through Paris, and pilloried, in the same manner as before. The queen, who had remained some time at Melun, returned to Paris with her son the dauphin. He was mounted on a white horse led by four footmen, and followed the car of the queen. The dukes of Berry, of Brittany and Bourbon, the counts de Mortaign, de Clermont, de Vendôme, and a numerous train of nobles, as well churchmen as seculars, and esquires followed the dauphin. Great rejoicings were made on their return by the Parisians, and carols were sung in many of the streets.

The queen, the dauphin, and the lord Louis of Bavaria her brother, took up their lodgings in the castle of the Louvre. On the morrow, the duchess-dowager of Orleans came likewise to Paris with her daughter-in-law Isabella, eldest daughter to the king of France, accompanied by many noble persons, knights and others, dressed in mourning. All the before-mentioned princes went out of Paris to meet them, and conducted them to the queen and the duke of Acquitaine, to request of them justice and reparation for the melancholy death of the late duke of Orleans, and also permission to make a reply to charges which John duke of Burgundy had publicly brought against her late lord and husband the deceased duke of Orleans,—which last request she at length obtained.

CHAP. XLIV.

THE DUCHESS-DOWAGER OF ORLEANS AND HER SON CAUSE A PUBLIC
ANSWER TO BE MADE, AT PARIS, TO THE CHARGES OF THE DUKE
OF BURGUNDY AGAINST THE LATE DUKE OF ORLEANS, AND
CHALLENGE THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY FOR HIS MURDER.

Eight days after, the duke of Orleans, attended by about three hundred men at arms, came to Paris. He was met by the duke of Berry and other great lords, his relations, without the gate of St Antoine, and went to wait on the queen and the duke of Acquitaine, his cousin-german, at the castle of the Louvre.

Having strongly recommended his cause to them, he took leave and hastened to visit the duchess his mother, and his wife. They were incessant in their petitions to the king and council to do them justice on John duke of Burgundy and his accomplices for the murder of the duke of Orleans, and obtained leave to make any reply they might please against the duke of Burgundy.

In consequence, the duke of Acquitaine, as representative of his father, and the queen, both dressed in royal robes, went, by command of the king, to the great hall of the Louvre, where were present the dukes of Berry, of Brittany, of Bourbon, the counts d’Alençon, de Clermont, de Mortaign, de Vendôme, and many more lords of the council; with numbers of knights, the rector of the university of Paris, and great crowds of common people. The duchess-dowager, attended by her son the duke of Orleans, master Pierre l’Orfevre, his chancellor, master Pierre Cousinet, advocate in parliament, and by a large train of friends and familiars, entered the hall. She then caused to be read aloud by the abbot of Saint Fiacre, of the order of St Benedict, the contents of a book, written in French, which she gave to him publicly, and which were confirmed by quotations from the writings of the prophets, in both the Old and New Testaments, as well as from those of philosophers and historians. The contents of the book were as follows.

‘Most Christian king, most noble and sovereign prince, and fountain of justice, to thee do I address my speech; for thou art competent to display justice to all thy subjects of the realm of France, inasmuch as not only the neighbouring, but even the most distant nations may take example from the conscientiousness of thy judgments, which flow from thee and thy council, as from the fountains of justice and truth. I address myself to thee in the names of my highly honoured and most noble lady the duchess of Orleans and of my lords her children, who in their deplorable state present to thee their complaints with lamentations and tears, seeing that after God there can be no relief but in thy pity and compassion.

‘That what I have to say may not have the smallest appearance of fallacy, but may be perfectly clear, I shall divide my discourse into three parts, or principal divisions. In the first, I shall show, to the utmost of my ability, that kings, as sovereigns, are bounden to do justice to all their subjects, and to maintain peace within their realms.

‘Secondly, That our adversary, John duke of Burgundy, and his abettors, have, by counsel and otherwise, been instrumental in unjustly and disgracefully murdering the late duke of Orleans, whose soul may God receive!

‘Thirdly, That my aforesaid lord, the late duke of Orleans, has been wickedly and unjustly accused of several crimes of high treason of which he has been no way guilty, as shall appear hereafter.

‘It is, beside, my intention to divide these three points into six other divisions: thus, therefore, my discourse will consist of eighteen divisions.

‘In regard to the first point, it appears very clear to me, that the king is singularly obliged to do justice in this case, and especially for six reasons. The first of which constrains him to do justice from the consideration of his power and dignity, which not only binds him to do it of his own will, but as matter of right from his title of office; for kings are so called on account of doing justice, and not for anything else.

‘The second reason is founded on his paternal love,—for, as the common proverb says, ‘Nature cannot belie herself:’ the king, therefore, as sovereign and brother, is bound from reason and justice to support his right.

‘Thirdly, From the melancholy state of my lady of Orleans, now reduced to widowhood and despair, who with her disconsolate young children, and many knights, are overwhelmed with grief by the cruel death of her lord and husband.

‘The fourth reason is, The enormity of the crime, which can scarcely have its parallel found; for all who have heard of this scandalous deed have thought it abominable, and have declared, that if the king did not provide a remedy for it, he could not be considered as sovereign of his kingdom when he is thus forced to humiliate himself before his subjects.

‘Fifthly, If this crime be not punished, innumerable evils will ensue,—such as the destruction of cities and towns, murders, and rebellion of subjects.

‘Sixthly, The wickedness of our enemy, who by force of arms seeks to maintain his crime, and who pleads his cause with a drawn sword in his hand. And in these six reasons consist the grounds of our proceedings.

‘With respect to my second point, I will demonstrate by six reasons, that our adverse party has so greatly sinned that it is impossible for any reparation to make amends.

‘My first reason is, That our opponent had no authority whatever for murdering so great and so noble a person as the late duke of Orleans.

‘Secondly, That he followed no forms of law or justice in putting my late lord to such a death; and even supposing that he had any authority over him, which was not the case, it was illegal to put him to death without hearing what he might have to say in his own defence; and seeing that he had not any authority, his crime will appear so much the deeper.

‘Thirdly, From the alliances formed between these two dukes, I do not mean those of blood, but the engagements mutually entered into, to avoid the inconveniences that might arise from their quarrels, by which they were bounden not to annoy or attack each other without having sent a previous challenge. In confirmation of this, they had several times sworn to the same on the holy Scriptures, and on the cross of our Lord, giving to each other letters signed with their seals.

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The chronicles of Enguerrand de Monstrelet, Vol. 01 [of 13]Chapter VIII: Part 8

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