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Chapter XV: Prologue: Of Jean De Vignay to His French Translation (a.d. 1360) of (2)

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The only EXISTING COPY is in the Public Library, Cambridge (AB. 8. 48. 4), and was formerly bound, with other pieces, in a volume already described at page 51.

The whole of these fugitive pieces are attributed to the prolific pen of Dan John Lydgate.

NO. 17.--THE HORSE, THE SHEEP, AND THE GOOSE.--VARIOUS STANZAS.--THE
PROPER APPLICATION OF CERTAIN NOUNS SUBSTANTIVE, AND VERBS.
_Quarto. Second Edition. (Ante 1479.)_

COLLATION.--One 4n and one 5n = 18 leaves, of which the first is blank.

TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--These are the same as in the first edition, with the exception of the orthography and the use of a title-line, which in the other edition is altogether wanting, a sufficient reason for attributing this to a later period; for, had the first edition been printed with a head-line, we may certainly assume that the improved appearance would not have been omitted by Caxton in the reprint. In this edition we find the sixth leaf, noticed as wanting in the only known copy of the first edition.

The text begins on the second recto,

~The hors . the shepe & the ghoos.~

~Ontreversies . plees and discordes
Bitwene persones were two or thre
Sought out the groundes be recordes
This was the custom of antiquite~

and ends with ~Explicit~ on the eighteenth recto.

There is a fragment of six leaves in the University Library, Cambridge, and a perfect copy, with the original leaf, in the Cathedral Library, York, a reprint of which was presented by Sir M. M. Sykes to the members of the Roxburgh Club.

NO. 18.--INFANCIA SALVATORIS. _Quarto. Without Printer’s Name, Date,
or Place. (147-?)_

COLLATION.--Eighteen printed leaves, unsigned, with a blank both at beginning and end.

The type is all No. 2. There are 22 lines of uneven length to a full page, and a long line measures 3¾ inches. Without signatures, folios, or catchwords.

The Text begins thus on the recto of the first printed leaf:--

~Hic Jncipit Tractatus qui Jntitulatur
Jnfancia saluatoris .~
~Xijt edictu a Cesare Augusto vt de
~e~ scriberetur vniusus orbis Hec autem
descripcio prima facta est a preside .
Sirie Cirino . Et ibant oms ut pfiterentur
Singuli in ciuitatem sua Ascendit et Joseph~

and ends with a full page on the eighteenth recto.

~Ecclesiastici vij° . Si filii tibi sint . erudi
illos et curva illos a puericia illor’ . Si filie
tibi sint ⸝ serua corpus illar’ et non ostendant
hilarem faciem tuam ad illas . Gregorius .
Quauis q’s iustus sit . tu in hac vita no debet
esse securꝰ qꝫ nescit quo fine sit terminandus .~

This printed tract differs entirely from the MS. in the British Museum, _Royal_ 13 A xiv, “De Xti infantia,” but agrees partially with the “Evangelium Infantiæ” attributed to St. James, and printed in vol. i of the “Codex apocryphus Novi Testamenti,” by Fabricius.

The only EXISTING COPY known is in the Royal University Library, Göttingen. It is in good condition, and was purchased in 1746 of Osborne, for this library, at 15s (?). Ames described this very copy when in the library of Lord Oxford, but neither Herbert nor Dibdin could hear of its existence, nor discover it in the Harleian Catalogue. It is there nevertheless, among the “Libri Latini. Quarto,” and thus described, “Infantia Salvatoris Tractatus, _corio turcico, deaurat_. _Lond. apud Caxton, sine Loco._” (See _Catalogus Bibliothecæ Harleianæ_, vol. v, page 252, No. 7008.)

NO. 19.--THE TEMPLE OF GLASS. _Quarto. Sine ullâ notâ. (Ante 1479.)_

COLLATION.--Three 4ns and one 5n unsigned, or 34 leaves, of which the 1st is (?) blank.

TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The type is No. 2 only. Full lines measure 4 inches, and each page contains 23 lines. Without signatures or catchwords.

After the blank the poem commences on the 2nd recto, with space for a 2-line initial, with director:--

~. The temple of glas .~

~f~ ~Or thought constreynt & greuous heuynes
For pensifhed and high distres
To bed J went now this other nyght~

The Text ends at the foot of the 34th recto,

~J mene that benygne and goodly of face
Now go thy way and put the in her grace~

~. Explicit the temple of glas .~

There seems no doubt that this was one of the less favoured compositions of Dan John, although by some writers it has been attributed to Hawes. It was reprinted by Wynken de Worde.

The only EXISTING COPY is in the Public Library, Cambridge (AB. 8. 48. 5). It is _perfect_, excepting the blank (?) leaf, and was formerly bound with other pieces in a volume already described at page 201. Measurement 8¼ × 5½ inches.

NO. 20.--THE CHORLE AND THE BIRD. _Quarto. First Edition. Sine ullâ
notâ. (Ante 1479.)_

COLLATION.--One 5n, or 10 leaves, of which the 1st is blank.

TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The type used is No. 2 only. Full lines measure 4 inches, and each page contains three verses of “Balad Royal,” or 23 lines, including a blank line between the stanzas. Without signatures or catchwords.

After the blank the poem commences on the 2nd recto, space being left, with a director, for the insertion of a 2-line initial.

The Text begins thus:--

~p~ ~Roblemes of olde liknes and figures
Whiche prouyd ben fructuoꝰ of sentence~

The Text ends on the 10th verso,

~Goo litell quayer and recomande me
Unto my maister with humble affection
Beseke hym lowly of mercy and pyte
Of thy rude makyng to haue compassion
And as touching thy translacion
Out of frenssh / how that hit englisshid be
Alle thing is said vnder correction
With supportacion of his benygnyte~

~. Explicit the chorle and the birde .~

This fable is always included among the compositions of Lydgate. It was reprinted by Pynson, and a copy in the Grenville Library (11226) has the following autograph note:--“The same story is told by Alphonsus in his fable of the labourer and the nightingale, and in Gesta Romanorum, cap. 169.” A perfect copy is at Cambridge, taken from the volume of poems already described at p. 201, and a fragment is in the British Museum.

NO. 21.--THE CHORLE AND THE BIRD. _Quarto. Second Edition. Sine ullâ
notâ. (Ante 1479.)_

The similarity of these two editions is exact so far as the number of stanzas, number of lines to a page, and the general state of the text; but there is an evident variation in the typographical minutiæ, such as the omission of the director, the use of full-points and colons as ornamentation, and above all the constant variation in orthography. Take the 1st line as an example:--

Ed. 1. ~p~ ~Roblemes of olde liknes and figures~
Ed. 2. ~roblemes of olde liknes and figures~

and the last line,

Ed. 1. ~. Explicit the chorle and the birde .~
Ed. 2. ~Explicit the Chorle and the birde .:.~

The only known EXISTING COPY is in the Chapter Library at York. It is _perfect_, with the original blank. A reprint from this copy was presented to the Roxburghe Club by Sir M. M. Sykes.

NO. 22.--THE TEMPLE OF BRASS, OR THE PARLIAMENT OF FOWLS. SOME
BALADS. ENVOY OF CHAUCER TO SKOGAN. _Quarto. Sine ullâ notâ.
(Ante 1479.)_

TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The type used is No. 2 only. Full lines measure 3¾ inches, instead of 4 inches, as in the former pieces, and each page contains 23 lines. Without signatures or catchwords.

The Text begins on the first recto, without a blank leaf,--

~he lyf so short the craft so loge to lerne
Thassaye so hard so sharp the conqueryng~

On the 17th recto,

~Explicit the temple of bras~

The Tract ends on 24th verso,

~Was neuer erst scogan blamed for his toge~

Doubtless the poem did not end here, but the copy at Cambridge is imperfect, having only 24 leaves, besides which there are a few leaves at the British Museum, but no perfect copy has yet been discovered.

NO. 23.--THE BOOK OF COURTESY. _Quarto. First Edition. Sine ullâ
notâ. (Ante 1479.)_

COLLATION.--One 4n and one 3n = 14 leaves, of which the last is blank.

TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The type is all No. 2. Full lines measure 3¾ inches. 23 lines to a page, including a blank line between the stanzas. Without signatures or catchwords.

The Text begins thus:--

~l~ ~ytyl John syth your tendre enfancye
Stondeth as yet vnder ⸝ in difference
To vice or vertu to meuyn or applye~

The Text ends on the 13th recto,

~And how to hurte / lyeth euer in a wayte
Kepe your quayer / that it be not ther bayte~

~Explicit the book of curtesye.~

The 13th verso and the 14th leaf are blank.

The only EXISTING COPY is in the Public Library, Cambridge (AB. 8. 48. 7), and was formerly in the volume of tracts described at page 201.

NO. 24.--QUEEN ANELIDA AND FALSE ARCYTE.--THE COMPLAINT OF CHAUCER
TO HIS PURSE. _Quarto. Sine ullâ notâ. (Ante 1479.)_

COLLATION.--One 5n or 10 leaves, all printed.

TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The type is No. 2 only. Full lines measure 3¾ inches, 23 lines to a page. Without signatures or catchwords. Space is left at the commencement for a 2-line initial.

The Text begins:--

~t~ ~hou fiers god of armes / mars the rede
That in the frosty contre called trace
Within thy grysly temple full of drede~

The Text ends on the 9th recto,

~How that arcite / anelida so sore
Hath thirled with the peynt of remebrace~

~Thus endeth the compleynt of anelida~

On the same page is Chaucer’s “Complaint to his Purse,” in three stanzas of “Balad Royal,” the tract ending with

~Et sic est finis .˙.˙~

on the 10th recto.

The only EXISTING COPY known is in the Public Library, Cambridge, and was formerly in the volume of tracts described at page 201.

NO. 25.--BOETHIUS DE CONSOLACIONE PHILOSOPHIÆ, TRANSLATED INTO
ENGLISH BY GEOFFREY CHAUCER. _Folio. “I William Caxton have done
my devoir to enprinte it.” Without Place or Date. (Ante 1479.)_

COLLATION.--Eleven 4ns and one 3n = 94 leaves, of which the first is blank.

TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--Without title-page, signatures, catchwords, or folios. Two types are used, No. 2 for the body and No. 3 for the Latin quotations. The lines are not spaced to one length. Full lines measure 5 inches, and there are 29 to a page. Space has been left at the commencement of chapters for the insertion of 2-line initials.

After a blank leaf the Text commences with the title in Latin in type No. 3, on the 2nd recto, the English translation being uniformly in type No. 2:--

~Boecius de consolacione philosophie~

~Carmina qui quondam studio florente peregi
Flebilis heu mestos cogor inire modos~

~a~ ~Llas I wepying am constrained to begynne vers
of soroufull matere· That whylom in flourisshing
studye made delitable ditees / For lo rendyng muses of~

On the 93rd recto, third line,

~eyen of the Jugge that seeth and also that demeth alle
thynges ⸝ Deo gracias~

~Explicit boecius de
consolacione philosophie~

Caxton has added an interesting epilogue, which occupies the remainder of the recto and the whole of the verso, being followed, on the 94th recto, by the “Epitaphiū Galfridi Chaucer,” printed in type No. 3, which concludes on the verso, and the last few lines of which are:--

~Post obitum Caxton voluit te viuere cura
Willelmi . Chaucer clare poeta tuj
Nam tua non solum compressit opuscula formis
Has quoqz sz laudes . iussit hic esse tuas~

This epitaph was written by a brother poet, Stephen Surigo, Lic. Decr., of Milan, and is most interesting as showing, in connection with the previous epilogue from the pen of Caxton himself, that not only did he perpetuate the memory of the great poet by printing his works, but that he also raised a public monument to his memory before St. Benet’s Chapel, in Westminster Abbey, in the shape of a pillar supporting a tablet upon which the above “Epitaphye” was written.

There are few ancient authors whose works received greater attention in the fifteenth century than those of Boethius. M. Paris gives an account of five different translations of the “De Consolatione” into French verse, all of that age, and contained in the Bib. Imp., Paris.

Every library of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, of which we have any account, appears to have contained a copy: many had several. In the Ducal Library, Bruges, 1467, was a manuscript with this title, “Boece de Consolacion en englois,” which is not unlikely to have been the translation of Chaucer.

Some writers, and among them Dibdin (“Typ. Ant.” Vol. I, page 306), have doubted whether Chaucer was the real translator of the version under review, but none of the manuscripts attribute it to any other writer; and, not to quote the express mention of it in the “Retractation,” Chaucer himself includes it among his works in the following couplet (line 425) from the “Legend of Good Women:”--

And for to speke of other holynesse
He hath in prose translated Boece.

In this translation Chaucer appears to have chosen the original Latin for his text. He certainly did not take it from any of the French versions noticed above, nor from those described by M. Paris; nor is it, as Dibdin suggests, from the anonymous translation printed by Colard Mansion in 1477. But from whatever source derived, it was, if we may judge from the many copies extant, very favourably received. Our printer especially took great delight in what he terms the “ornate and fayr” language of the poet, and in the epilogue to his edition he has left us a most interesting tribute of his admiration.

There are three copies of this book in the British Museum one at Cambridge, two at the Bodleian, one at Exeter, and one at Magdalen College, Oxford; one at Ripon Minster, one at Sion College, London, and six in private hands. The copy discovered at the St. Alban’s Grammar School was sold to the British Museum, and was remarkable for the largest “find” of printed fragments in the boards with which the book was bound, ever recorded.[15]

NO. 26.--CORDYALE, OR THE FOUR LAST THINGS. _Folio. With Printer’s
Name, but without Place. March 24th, 1479._

COLLATION.--Nine 4ns and one 3n = 78 leaves, of which the 1st and last are blank.

TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. Two types are used, Nos. 2* and 3, the latter for proper names and Latin only. The lines are not spaced out to one length. A full line measures 5 inches. Mostly 29 lines to a page, but sometimes 28. Without signatures, catchwords, or folios. Space left for the insertion of 3 and 4-line initials, with director. Commencing with a blank leaf the prologue of the translator follows on the 2nd recto, space being left for a 4-line ~A~.

The Text begins thus:---

~Prologue of the Translator.~

~L Ingratitude vtterly settyng apart / we owe
~a~ to calle to our myndes the manyfolde gyftes
of grace ⸝ with the benefaittis . that our lorde
of his moost plentiueuse bonte hath ymen vs
wretches m this present transitoire lif . Whiche Remem~

The Text ends with twenty lines on the 77th verso, the last eight of which are--

~lasting permanence in heuen Amen. Whiche werke pre-
sent I began the morn after the saide Purificacionof our
blissid Lady. Whiche was the the daye of Seint Blase
Bisshop and Martir. And fiinsshed on the euen of than
nunciacion of our said bilissid Lady fallyng on the wed
nesday the xxiiij daye of Marche. In the xix yeer of
Kyng Edwarde the fourthe~

The 78th leaf, which closes the volume, is blank.

The French edition of this work (see page 185, _ante_) was, if similarity of workmanship in all points may justify the conclusion, before the printer while at work upon this, the English, edition.

Dr. Dibdin, to whom the French edition was unknown, says that Earl Rivers translated from the Latin; but as all the other productions of the Earl’s pen printed by Caxton were from the French, there would be strong grounds for supposing that this had come through the same channel, were not the fact established by its not being a literal translation of any Latin edition, while it is an accurate reproduction, line for line and almost word for word, of the French edition.

About the date also there has been some confusion. Maittaire and Panzer attribute the printing to 1478, Lewis to 1479, Dibdin to 1480; and Lord Orford thinks Caxton, unless he was two years employed upon it, has made a typographical error in the date. The dates in reality are very plain. Caxton says that Lord Rivers delivered the English translation to him to be printed, upon the day of “The Purification,” which is further stated to have been the 2nd day of February, 1478; but as the year did not then begin until the 25th of March, it would, according to the present reckoning, be February, 1479. The printing was begun the very next day, on the “morning after the said Purification,” and completed upon the 24th day of March, in the nineteenth year of Edward IV. This regnal year was comprised between March 4th, 1479, and March 3rd, 1480, thus again giving the year 1479 for the completion of the book. From this it is evident that instead of taking over two years for the printing it occupied Caxton just seven weeks. The epilogue to this book was written entirely by Caxton.

For the literary history of “Cordyale,” see the remarks on “Les Quatre Derrenieres Choses,” already noticed.

Copies are in the British Museum, Cambridge, Bodleian, and Hunterian Museum, Glasgow. Five are in private libraries.

NO. 27.--FRATRIS LAURENTII GULIELMI DE SAONA MARGARITA ELOQUENTIÆ
CASTIGATÆ AD ELOQUENDUM DIVINA ACCOM- MODATA. _Folio. Sine ullâ
notâ. (1479-80?)_

COLLATION.--One 3n, one sheet, eleven 5ns, and one 3n = 124 leaves.

TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. Type No. 2* only is used. The lines, of which there are 29 to a page, are in most cases of uneven length, although in some pages they are spaced out very regularly. Long lines measure 5 inches. Without signatures or catchwords. Space is left, with a director, for the insertion of initials 3 or 4 lines in depth. The hyphen is in this volume not unfrequently used instead of the / or ⸝ , as a mark of punctuation. Chapters generally commence with a line, or two or three words, in capital letters; and the ends of paragraphs are often ornamented with an array of points; for instance, .:˙:.:˙:.

The Text begins on the 1st recto, with the prohemium,--

~Fratris laurencij guilelmi de saona ordinis
mior fac^e theo^e doctois phemiu i noua rthoica~
~c~
~Ogitanti michi sepenumero-ac diligenciꝰ con-
templati q’tu comoditatis q’tuqz splendoris & glorie afferre~

On the 5th verso,

~EXPLJCJT PROHEMJUM .:.~

On the 53rd recto,

~JNCJPJT SECUNDUS LJBER rhe-
torice facultatis : Jn quo specialiter auctor agit de hijs que~

The Second Book ends and the Third begins on the 83rd recto,

~JNCJPJT LJBER tercius rhetorice faculta~

On the 135th recto is a concluding chapter, the Text ending, on the verso of the 136th leaf, thus:--

~in trinitate perfecta uiuit et regnat per infinita secula secu-
lorum. AMEN.~

~Explicit liber tercius : et opus rhetorice facultatis p fra
tre laurentiu Guilelmi de Saona ordinis minor sacre pa
gine pfessore ex dictis testimonijsqꝫ sacratissimar scriptu-
rar / doctorqꝫ pbatissimor compilatu et ꝯfirmatu : quibus
ex causis censuit appellandu fore Margaritam eloquentie
castigate ad eloquendu diuina accomodatam~

~Compilatu ant’ fuit hoc opus in alma uniuersitate Can
tabrigie . Anno dni . 14 ^ 8 die et . 6 . Julii . quo die
festum Sancte Marthe recolit^r. Sub protectione Senissi
mi regis anglorum Eduardi quarti~

REMARKS.--There can be no doubt in the mind of any one acquainted with the Westminster books that this issued from Caxton’s press. It agrees with them not only in character of type, but in length of line, depth of page, and other typographical peculiarities. Nor is there much uncertainty about the date. It was not written till July, 1478, and the first dated book in the types with which it is printed (Type No. 2*) made its first appearance in March, 1479, the latest dated book in the preceding Type (No. 2) being February, 1478. In 1480 Caxton discontinued entirely the practice of leaving his lines of an uneven length, but the majority of pages in this volume have their lines uneven. The book was therefore printed after July, 1478, and before or very early in 1480.

It is worthy of notice, that about the same time that Caxton, at Westminster, was engaged upon this work, the printer-schoolmaster at St. Albans was also making it one of the first essays of his press. There certainly was not a longer period than two years and a half between the two editions, which, so far as the text goes, agree very closely, the St. Alban’s printer having apparently reprinted from the edition by Caxton.

It is also very remarkable that this work should have been known and described for more than 150 years, yet never till October, 1861, recognised as the production of Caxton’s press. In the Public Library, Cambridge, is a volume of documents relating to Corpus Christi College, which was used by Strype for his Life of Archbishop Parker; and among them is a catalogue of the books bequeathed by the Archbishop to the library of that College. At folio 255 is the following entry under the general head of “Books in parchment closures as they lye on heaps on the upmost shelves:”--“_Rethorica nova impressa Canteb. fo. 1478._” Strype, in his Life of Parker, misled by this entry, attributed the book to an early press at Cambridge; and Bagford, writing to Tanner in 1707, says, “I cannot but impart unto you, that very lately good Mr. Strype hath gave me an account of a booke which archbishop Parker gave to the Publick library of Benet college, and is a piece of rethorick, by one Gul. de Saona, a minorit, printed at Cambridge, 1478.” Ames, who only knew the book from these accounts, and a facsimile of the beginning and end sent him by Mr. North, placed this work at the head of the list of Cambridge books in his Typographical Antiquities, 1749, and gave an engraving of North’s facsimile; which led him to state that “the types were much like Caxton’s largest.” Herbert merely repeated the account of Ames; and thus it was reserved for Mr. Bradshaw in consulting the library of Corpus Christi College for another purpose, to examine the volume and to recognise the interesting fact that, although compiled at Cambridge in the year 1478, it was printed with the unmistakeable types of Caxton, and agreed in typographical particulars with the books issued from the Westminster press between 1479-80.

Laurentius Gulielmus de Traversanis, of Saona (or Savona, as it is more commonly called), was born about 1414. His native city, not very far from Genoa, is better known as the birthplace of Christopher Columbus. He entered the Franciscan Convent there under Francesco di Rovere, afterwards Pope Sixtus IV. He studied at the universities of Padua, Bologna, Cambridge, and Paris, and seems finally to have retired to his own convent at Savona, where he died, and to which he was a great benefactor. Wadding (_Scriptores Ord. Min._ folio, Romæ, 1650) mentions several of his works.

Besides the copy mentioned above, there is one at the University Library, Upsala, both being in perfect condition.

NO. 28.--THE DICTES AND SAYINGS OF THE PHILOSOPHERS. _“Emprynted by
me William Caxton at Westmestre.” Folio. Second Edition. Dated
1477, but printed about 1480. With Colophon._

COLLATION.--Eight 4ns, and two 3ns = 76 leaves, of which the 1st is blank.

TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. Type No. 2* only is used. The lines are nearly always spaced out to an even length, and measure 5 inches; 29 lines to a full page. Without signatures, folios, or catchwords. Space is left at the beginning of chapters for the insertion of 3-line initials.

The difference between this and the 1st edition (see page 188, _ante_) is considerable. _That_ was printed from the original fount of type No. 2; _this_ from a re-casting of the same fount, showing many alterations in the punches. (See the remarks on type No. 2, page 102, _ante_.) _That_ has the pages throughout the volume very uneven as to the length of the line; _this_ nearly always even. _That_, with the unique exception of the Althorpe copy, is without the colophon; _this_ has the colophon in every copy. Lastly, the orthography varies throughout the whole volume.

We must here notice the first instance of a practice common among the early printers, and doubtless inherited from the scribes, namely, that of reprinting in subsequent editions the colophons and dates strictly applicable to the 1st edition only. Thus the three editions of “Dictes and Sayings,” which issued from Caxton’s printing office, all bear the same date of imprint, November, 1477, while we know that type No. 2*, in which the 2nd edition is printed, was not used till after February, 1478, and type No. 6, in which the 3rd edition is printed, was not in use till about 1488.

The literary history of “Dictes and Sayings” has been already recounted at page 189, _ante_.

Copies are in the British Museum, Trinity College, Dublin, the library of the Duke of Devonshire, and Göttingen University.

NO. 29.--LETTERS OF INDULGENCE ISSUED BY JOHN KENDAL IN 1480, BY
AUTHORITY OF POPE SIXTUS IV, FOR ASSISTANCE AT THE SIEGE OF
RHODES. _On parchment._

TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--The type is No. 2* only, but from the warping of the skin assumes in many parts a very deceptive appearance. The lines, which are considerably extended, but all of one length, measure 9¼ inches. The large 4-line wooden initial is to be noticed as being in all probability the earliest instance of printed initials in this country; they certainly do not appear in any book for which this type was used. The whole of the document occupies 19 long lines, of which the following are the beginning and end:--

~F~ ~Rater Johannes kendale Turcipelerius Rhodi ac
commissarius A sanctissimso in xpristo patre | et
domino nostro domino Sirto diuina prouidencia
papa quarto et vigore litterarum suarum pro expe- |
ditione contra perfidos turchos xpristiani nominis hostes .
in defensionem insule Rhodi & fidei catholi= | ce facta et
facienda concessarum ad infrascipta p vniuersum orbem
deputatus . Dilect’ nobis in xpo~ | _Symoni Mountfort et
Emme vxori ei^s_ ~Salute in dno sempiterna Prouenit ex tue
deuotionis affectu quo romana | * * * * *
In quor’ fidem has l’ras nostras Sigilli nostri ap |
pensione munitas fieri iussimus atqꝫ mandauimus . Dat’~
_ultimo die Mēsis marcij_ ~Anno domini | Millesimo quad-
ringentesimo octogesimo~

REMARKS.--The following particulars concerning John Kendal are gathered from an article in _Archæologia_, vol. xxvii, page 172, written by Sir F. Madden, and entitled “Documents relating to Perkin Warbeck.”

In a deposition made by one Bernard de Vignoles, at Rouen in 1495, concerning a plot against the king’s life, one of the persons implicated was John Kendal, Grand Prior of the Order of St. John of Jerusalem in England. He is also remarkable as having been the subject of the earliest contemporary English medal in existence, which is dated 1480, the period of the Siege of Rhodes. On this he is styled “Turcopolier,” or General of the Infantry of the Order, the office of which was annexed to that of Grand Prior of England. Yet although the medal so designates him, it is not probable that he was actually present at the siege, as in that very year (_Rymer_, April, 1480) Edward IV ordered all persons to assist John Kendal, in Ireland, in procuring aid and money against the Turks. In this proclamation he is styled “Turcopolier of Rhodes, and _locum tenens_ of the Grand Master in Italy, England, Flanders, and Ireland.” In Browne-Willis (Mit. Abb.) Kendal appears in 1491 and 1501 as Prior of the Hospital of St. John of Jerusalem in London. He was lieutenant of the Grand Master in Italy, England, Flanders, and Ireland, and was amply furnished with indulgences and pardons for all who gave personal service. In this office of recruiting he was occupied at the time of the celebrated Siege of Rhodes in 1480. His arms, impaled with those of England, may still be seen on the walls of an hotel at Rhodes.

In the Numismatic department of the British Museum is a medal connected with John Kendal. _Obv._ Bust of Kendal in armour marked with the cross of the Knights of St. John; head bare; hair straight and long; legend, 10. KENDAL RHODI TVRCVPELARIVS. _Rev._ Arms of Kendal. Cross of St. John in Chief. Legend, ✠ TEMPORE OBSIDIONIS TVRCHORVM MCCCCLXXX.

There are probably two EXISTING COPIES, although but one is at present known. This is in the British Museum (C. 18, e. 2), and was purchased in 1845. The blank space for the name is filled in with “_Symoni Mountfort et Emme vxori ei^s_,” and it is dated the last day of March, 1480.

The Rev. Joseph Hunter noticed the existence of this “Indulgence,” and wrote to Herbert about it, but it was not then recognised as a production of Caxton’s press; and, although from the same types, must have been another copy, as the blanks in that were filled in with the names of Richard Cattlyn and John Cattlyn, April 16th, 1480.

NO. 30.--PARVUS ET MAGNUS CHATO. _Folio. Sine ullâ notâ. With
Woodcuts. Third Edition. (1481?)_

COLLATION.--~a b c 4ns, d 2n~ = 28 leaves, of which ~a j~ is blank.

TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. Two sizes of type occur. No. 2* and No. 3, the latter being used for the Latin couplets as well as the “Incipit” and “Explicit” lines. Length of long lines 4¾ inches; 29 lines to a page. Signatures are met here for the first time, lower-case letters and Roman numerals being used. Without folios or catchwords.

Commencing with a blank leaf the title-line follows, on a ij recto, in Type No. 3. The text begins thus:--

~Hic incipit paruus Chato~

(_Woodcut of Four Pupils, one of whom wears a fool’s cap, kneeling
before a Tutor, who, rod in hand, sits in a high-backed chair._)

~Um aia aduertere quam hoies grauiter errare
Whan J aduerte in my remembraunce
And see how sele folkes erren greuously~

On sig. ~a iiij~ recto,

~Whan ye it rede let not your herte be thence
But doth as this sayth with al your entente
Hic finis parui cathonis~

(_Woodcut of Five Pupils kneeling before their Tutor, who, seated in
a chair, is teaching them from a book upon a lectern before him._)

“Parvus Chato” contains 7 stanzas, and is followed, on sig. ~a iii~ verso, by

~Hic incipit magnus Chato~

The Text ends, on 4th recto of sig. ~d~--

~Here haue J fond that shal ye guyde and lede
Streyght to good fame & leue you in hyr hous~

~Explicit Chato~

REMARKS.--The Text is evidently a reprint from one of the early editions in quarto (see pages 202 and 205, _ante_), and was by no means intended as a kind of “supplement” to the “Cathon glossed,” printed a year or two later by Caxton, as supposed by Dr. Dibdin in _Typ. Ant._, vol. i, page 201.

Two very rude woodcuts add to the interest of this volume; one being at the beginning and one at the end of the “Parvus Chato.” The same cuts also appear in the “Mirrour of the World,” which raises the question of precedency. Here, at first sight, one would give priority to the “Mirrour,” as the cuts appear newer and cleaner; but this is very deceptive, depending more upon the amount of ink and pressure used than on the condition of the cuts. The breakage of some of the lines in the “Mirrour” is a much more sure sign, and this tells strongly in favour of “Parvus Chato.” The greater appropriateness of the designs to the “Parvus Chato,” a boy’s book, than to the illustration of grammar and logic as in the “Mirrour,” leads to the same conclusion. It is therefore considered that these two cuts were designed originally for the “Parvus Chato,” which in that case must have been printed previously to the “Mirrour,” 1481.

There is nothing to induce us to attribute to foreign artists the production of these woodcuts, which show no amount of skill either in design or execution, which is not far surpassed in the undoubted productions of English scribes and miniature painters of the same period. They may, therefore, be considered as probably the earliest specimens of wood-engraving in England.

Two perfect copies are known: one in St. John’s College, Oxford, and the other at Althorpe.

NO. 31.--THE MIRROUR OF THE WORLD. _Folio. First Edition. Translated
1481. Woodcuts. Without Printer’s Name, Date or Place, but in
1481._

COLLATION.--~a b c d e f g h i k l m~ are 4^{~ns~}, ~n~ is a 2n = 100 leaves, of which ~a~ 1 and the verso of ~n~ 4 are blank.

TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The only type used is No. 2*. A full page contains 29 lines, which are fully spaced out and measure 4¾ inches. Without folios or catchwords. Signatures in lower-case letters and Arabic numerals. The number of woodcuts is 34. After the first (blank) leaf the “Table” commences on sig. ~a~ 2 recto.

The Text begins thus:--

~Here begynneth the table of the rubrices of this presen
te volume named the Mirrour of the world or thymage
of the same~

and ends on the 4th recto of sig. ~n~, the verso being blank,

~helthe, And after this short & transitorye lyf he brynge
hym and vs in to his celestyal blysse in heuene Amen /~

REMARKS.--The origin of this work cannot be traced very satisfactorily; but as showing a much better acquaintance with the cosmology of the world than any previous composition, it may be interesting to examine the evidence of its authorship.

Vincent de Beauvais, of the Order of Preaching Friars, who, from the dedication attached to several of his productions, appears to have flourished in the reign of St. Louis, composed an extensive work in Latin, consisting of four parts--“Speculum Naturale,” “Speculum Doctrinale,” “Speculum Historiale,” and “Speculum Morale.” The whole was entitled “Speculum majus,” for the following reason, given in the third chapter of the First Book, “_Majus_ autem, ad differentiam parvi libelli jamdudum editi, cujus titulus Speculum vel Imago mundi, in quo scilicet hujus mundi sensibilis dispositio et ornatus paucis verbis describitur. M. Daunou thinks that the “parvus libellus” here referred to was the “Imago Mundi” from which “Lymage du Monde” was translated, and that it was a previous composition of Vincent de Beauvais; and Montfauçon quotes a manuscript in the St. Germain Collection (Fonds Latin, 926) in support of the same view, in which we read “Iste liber intitulatus Speculum vel Imago Mundi editus a fratre. Vincentio ordinis fratrum predicatorum.” But Vincent’s reference to a Speculum Mundi, “jamdudum editus,” by no means suggests that he wrote that as well as his own; and unfortunately as no copy is known, the fact even of its agreement with “Lymage du Monde” cannot be verified. The manuscript quoted by Montfauçon is no evidence at all, as M. Paris, on examination, found it to be identical with the “Speculum Historiale,” or the Third Part of Vincent’s “Speculum Majus,” which is by no means “a rational description of the world and its products shortly described.” The compilation of “Speculum Mundi,” from Vincent’s “Speculum Naturale,” as suggested by Greswell, is equally far from the truth. Although no copy of the Latin “Speculum vel Imago Mundi,” referred to by Vincent, is known, there appears little reason to doubt that it existed in the thirteenth century. Perhaps an earlier copy of the Latin manuscript in the Cotton Library, (Vesp. E. III., sæc. xiv.) may have formed the foundation of the French version, although in that case, as in Vignay’s translation of the “Chess Book,” considerable additions have been made. The history of the “Mirrour of the World” may be summed up thus:--Before the middle of the thirteenth century an unknown author wrote in Latin “Speculum vel Imago Mundi;” of this no copy has yet been recognised (_Cotton_, _Vesp._ E III?) In 1245 this was turned into French metre for the Duke of Berry, of which manuscripts in several libraries attest the popularity (_Sloane_ 2435; _Royal_ 20, A III). Shortly afterwards the French metre was turned into French prose, probably by “Maistre Gossouin.” (_Royal_ 19, A. ix; _Bib. Imp._, _Paris_, No. 7070). Here we find the Text used by Caxton for his translation, who even adopted a considerable portion of the French prologue, without the least acknowledgment. Who this “Gossouin” or “Gossevin” was, and whether he was the author or only the scribe, is quite unknown.

The celebrated Cardinal Pierre d’Ailly compiled, in 1409, a work entitled “Tractatus de ymagine mundi” (_Harl._ _MS. 637_), which, however, is principally astronomical, having little in common with the work under review.

The publishing of this book was not a speculation on Caxton’s part. He was employed, as we learn from the prologue, to translate and probably to print it by Hugh Brice, citizen, alderman of London, and in after years mayor, who wished to make a present to Lord Hastings. To adorn, as well as illustrate the pages, the art of the wood-engraver was employed, and we may consider the figures here displayed as some of the earliest specimens of that art in England. The designs were borrowed from the manuscript copy, the illuminations in the French manuscripts showing the same treatment. All the copies issued from Caxton’s press have the words necessary for the explanation of the diagrams inserted with the pen, instead of being engraved on the wood, which may perhaps be an argument for their home execution, as the Flemish artists were certainly well skilled in engraving words in their blocks. They all appear to have been perfected by the same scribe, which probably induced Oldys to assert that they are in Caxton’s autograph. Of this there is no evidence.

Hugh Brice, of the same county as Caxton, where he held the manor of Jenkins (_Lysons_, vol. iv, page 75), was also of the Mercers’ Company, although Stow calls him a goldsmith (_Thoms’s Stow_, page 77). He was knighted about 1472; and in that year accompanied John Russell and others on a trade embassy to Bruges. John Russell was the orator whose celebrated speech, upon the reception of the Order of the Garter by the Duke of Burgundy, is one of the earliest pieces attributed to the press of Caxton. In 1473, Hugh Brice, who is called “Clericus in officio Contrarotulatoris Monetæ nostræ,” was sent on a similar embassy, “De difficultatibus super intercursu Burgundiæ removendis;” and on both occasions would necessarily become personally acquainted with Caxton, who at that time was in the service of the Duchess of Burgundy at Bruges (_Rymer_, edit. 1727, vol. xi, page 738, &c. &c.) He also held the offices of Keeper of the King’s Exchange, London; Governor of the King’s Mint in the Tower, under Lord Hastings; and Mayor of London, 1494. He died in 1496.

Sixteen copies are known: British Museum (2), Cambridge, Bodleian, Windsor, Göttingen, and ten in private libraries.

NO. 32.--THE HISTORY OF REYNARD, THE FOX. _First Edition. Folio.
Translated in the Abbey of Westminster by William Caxton, 1481,
but without Printer’s Name, Place, or Date._

COLLATION.--~a b c d e f g h i~ are 4ns, ~k~ and ~l~ are 3ns, ~a~ 1 and ~l~ 6 being blank. Between the leaves ~h~ 8 and ~i~ 1 is inserted a leaf half printed on both sides. This was probably owing to the accidental omission of a page by the compositor. Total, 84½ leaves, of which the first and last are blank.

TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The type is No. 2*, none other being used throughout the volume. The lines are spaced out to one length, and measure 4¾ inches. A full page has 29 lines. Without folios or catch-words. Arabic figures are used in the signatures. Spaces 2 lines deep are left for the insertion of initials.

The Text begins, on sig. ~a~ 2 recto, thus:--

~This is the table of the historye of reynart the foxe~

ending half-way down sig. a 3 recto,

~How the foxe with his frendes departed nobly fro the
kynge & wente to his castel maleperduys / capitulo xliij~

On the verso begins the story--

~Hyer begynneth thystorye of renard the foxe~

ending half-way down the verso of the 5 th folio of sig. ~l~,

~Where they shal fynde faute / For J haue not added ne
mynusshed but haue folowed as nyghe as J can my copye
whiche was in dutche ⸝ and by me willm Caxton trans-
lated in to this rude & symple englyssh in thabbey of west-
mestre . fynysshed the vj daye of Juyn the yere of our
lord · M . CCCC . Lxxxj . & the xxj yere of the regne of
kynge Edward the iiijth /~

~Here endeth the historye of Reynard the foxe &c~

REMARKS.--The date of printing this book is nowhere stated, though it was probably put to press directly after if not during the translation, which was finished on the 6th of June, 1481. The literary history of this fable is very obscure. It appears to have had great popularity for some centuries previous to Caxton’s time, as quotations from it appear so early as the twelfth century. Caxton’s translation was made from “Die Historie van Reinaert die Vos, ghepreñt ter goude in hollant by mi gheraert leeu Jnt iaer Mcccc en lxxix,” or perhaps from the still earlier edition in Dutch, discovered in 1854, and described in K. Gödike’s Deutsche Wochenschrift for that year, Heft 8, page 256.

Copies are in the British Museum, Eton College, and two private libraries.

NO. 33.--TULLY OF OLD AGE; TULLY OF FRIENDSHIP; THE DECLAMATION OF
NOBLESSE. _Folio. “Emprynted by me symple persone William
Caxton.” No Place. 1481._

COLLATION.--_Old Age_: sigs. 1 and ~a~ are 3ns, with 1 1, and ~a~ 6 blank--~b c d e f g h~ are 4ns--~i~ is a 2n, with ~i~ 4 blank. _Friendship_ and the _Declamation_: ~a b c d e f~ are 4ns, with no blanks. The first section in the “De Senectute” is signed in Arabic numerals only, thus: 1 2--1 3--1 4, the rest of the work being signed in letters and Arabic numerals. The three tracts together have 117 printed and three blank leaves.

TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page to any of the three treatises. The type is all No. 2*, except where Latin quotations or proper names are introduced, when Caxton’s largest type, No. 3, is used. The lines are fully spaced out, and the long lines measure 4¾ inches; 29 lines make a full page. Without folios or catchwords. Space is left at the beginning of the chapters with a director, for the insertion of 2 to 5-line initials. The peculiar ~&c~ belonging to type No. 1 is used in this book.

Although in three distinct treatises, Caxton intended them to form but one volume, as is plainly stated in the epilogue, which renders it difficult to imagine a reason for his printing the volume with two sets of signatures.

After a blank leaf the Text begins on sig. 1 2, space being left for a 2-line initial ~H~ with director,

~h~ ~Ere begynneth the prohemye vpon the reducinge ⸝
both out of latyn as of frensshe in to our englyssh
tongue / of the polytyque book named Tullius de senec-
tute . whiche that Tullius wrote vpon the disputacons &~

The treatise “De Senectute” ends, with the following colophon, at the head of the 3rd recto of sig. ~i~,

~Thus endeth the boke of Tulle of olde age translated
out of latyn in to frenshe by laurence de primo facto at
the comaundement of the noble prynce Lowys Duc of
Burbon / and enprynted by me symple persone William
Caxton in to Englysshe at the playsir solace and reue-
rence of men growyng in to olde age the xij day of Au-
gust the yere of our lord . M . CCCC . lxxxj :~

A blank leaf, and then the “De Senectute” begins with a new series of signatures on ~a j~, the whole work ending on the 8th verso of sig. ~f~,

~that we at our departyng maye departe in suche wyse, that
it maye please our lord god to receyue vs in to his euir-
lastyng blysse . Amen:~

~Explicit per Caxton~

REMARKS.--We learn from Caxton’s own pen, that the translation of Cicero’s “De Senectute” and “De Amicitiâ” into French was made by the command of Louis Duke of Bourbon, in 1405, by Laurence de Premierfait. This learned priest was a native of the city of Troyes, and obtained great celebrity by his numerous translations.

To Jean Mielot we must attribute the French version of “The Declamation,” in which he styles the author “Surse Pistoie, Docteur en Loix, et grand Orateur.” This was one of the first books that issued from the press of Colard Mansion at Bruges.

The English translation of the “De Senectute” was accomplished, as we learn from the first prologue, at the ordinance and desire of Sir John Fastolfe. It has been ascribed by Leland to the Earl of Worcester, and by Anstis to Wyllyam de Wyrcestre; in both cases without evidence. We have seen already that the “Dictes and Sayings of the Philosophers” had been translated in 1450 for Sir John Fastolfe, by Stephen Scrope, his son-in-law (see page 191, _ante_), and this possibly came from the same pen. Whoever the translator may have been he took for his text the work of Laurence Premierfait, of which this version is a most literal translation, notwithstanding his assurance (see the end of the first prologue) that “this book is more amply expounded and more sweeter to the reader, _keeping the just sentence of the Latin_.” The English version of “De Amicitiâ” and the “Declamation” are attributed by Caxton to the Earl of Worcester, a great traveller, a great collector of books, and a great orator. The Earl’s history and acquirements have been described by Fuller, Dr. Henry, and many others; Caxton’s admiration for him is expressed in the most touching and characteristic terms. Probably their love of literature was a friendly bond. The Earl also translated, at a later period, Cæsar’s Commentaries, which Rastell printed.

Of 22 copies extant, twelve are in the chief corporate libraries in England, and ten in private hands.

NO. 34.--THE GAME AND PLAY OF THE CHESS. _Second Edition. Folio.
Woodcuts. “Explicit per Caxton.” Without Place or Date. (1481?)_

COLLATION.--~a b c d e f g h i~ are 4ns, ~k l~ are 3ns = 84 leaves, of which the first is blank.

TYPOGRAPHICAL PARTICULARS.--There is no title-page. The only type used is No. 2.* The lines are spaced out to an even length, and signatures are used. A full page has 29 lines, and a full line measures 4⅞ inches. Space left for the insertion of 2 or 3-line initials, with director. Without folios or catchwords.

After the blank leaf the prologue of Caxton commences on sig. ~a ij~.

The Text begins thus:--

~He holy appostle and doctour of the peple saynt
~t~ Poule sayth in his epystle . Alle that is wryten
is wryten vnto our doctryne and for our ler-
nyng . Wherfore many noble clerkes haue endeuoyred~

The table of chapters follows on the verso, and ends on ~a iij~ recto, the verso being blank. On ~a iiij~ recto, the first chapter commences, and is illustrated with a woodcut representing King Evilmerodach, son of Nebuchadnezzar, “a jolly man without justice who did do hew his father his body into three hundred pieces.”

The Text ends on ~l~ 6 recto, the verso being blank--

~man but as a beste . Thenne late euery man of what
condycion he be that redyth or herith this litel book redde ·
take therby ensaumple to amende hym ·~

~Explicit per Caxton.~

REMARKS.--All the copies of this book show the types thick and worn. Also many double letters and ligatures which occur frequently in earlier books never appear in this.

The woodcuts in this volume number only sixteen, not twenty-four, as Dibdin and other writers say, eight of them being impressions from blocks used for previous chapters. As already noticed, there seems a probability that the two cuts for “Parvus Chato,” third edition, were the earliest used by Caxton. These were soon after printed again, with the addition of many others in the “Mirrour of the World.” The present cuts were perhaps the third essay of Caxton in this department, and for these, judging by the general style, he appears to have employed another artist.

The literary history of the work has been given under the first edition, but we must notice that the original prologue dedicated to the Duke of Clarence, the major portion of which was a translation from the French, has been superseded in this edition by a prologue from Caxton’s own pen, the ideas in which, with the exception of the first few lines, and almost the very words, are often met with in manuscripts of that age.

In the first chapter of the Fourth tractate is a curious interpolation by Caxton respecting “the good old times” of his youth. The original text has this remark: “And truly a royame wythout habundaunce of goodes by whyche hyt may be gouerned and prospere may better be callyd a latrocynye or a nest of theuys than a royame.” To this Caxton adds the following:--“Alas what habundaunce was somme tymes in the royames / and what prosperite / in whiche was Justyce . and euery man in his offyce contente! how stood the cytees that time in worship & renome . how was renomed the noble royame of englond alle the world dradde hit and spake worshyp of hit. How hit now standeth and in what habundaunce I reporte me to them that knowe hit . yf there ben theuys wyth in the royame or on the see . they knowe that laboure in the royame and sayle on the see / I wote wel the fame is grete therof / I pray god saue that noble royame . & sende good trewe and polletique councellours to the gouernours of the same.”

The year in which this edition is generally considered to have been issued seems to me very incorrect. Ames assigns no date to it, but Dibdin, probably misled by Bagford’s observations, thinks it one of Caxton’s earliest efforts, while in some remarks attached to a reprint of this edition by Mr. Figgins, it is considered as the _earliest_ specimen of the Westminster press, and to have been printed from _cut_ metal types. An examination of the work, however, with a typographical eye does not afford a single evidence of very early workmanship. All Caxton’s early books were uneven in the length of their lines--this is quite even. Not one of the early works had any signatures--this is signed throughout. These two features alone are quite sufficient to fix its date of impression at least as late as 1480, when Caxton first began the use of signatures. Probably it was the last book for which Type No. 2* was used.

Copies are in the British Museum; the Pepysian and Trinity, Cambridge; Bodleian and St. John’s, Oxford; Imperial Library, Vienna; and seven in private hands.

FOOTNOTES:

[14] “Ballad Royal” was the title of a seven-line rhythm, each stanza of which rhymed as follows:--_a_--_b_--_a_--_b_--_b_--_c_--_c_.

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The biography and typography of William Caxton, England's first printerChapter XV: Prologue: Of Jean De Vignay to His French Translation (a.d. 1360) of (2)

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