Chapter XII: Siberia and Kamchatka 275 (8)

Persons who have not navigated the great rivers of equinoctial
America, for instance, the Orinoco and the Magdalena, can scarcely
conceive how, at every instant, without intermission, you may be
tormented by insects flying in the air, and how the multitude of
these little animals may render vast regions almost uninhabitable.
Whatever fortitude be exercised to endure pain without complaint,
whatever interest may be felt in the objects of scientific research,
it is impossible not to be constantly disturbed by the mosquitos,
zancudos, jejens, and tempraneros, that cover the face and hands,
pierce the clothes with their long, needle-formed suckers, and
getting into the mouth and nostrils occasion coughing and sneezing
whenever any attempt is made to speak in the open air. In the
missions of Orinoco, in the villages on the banks of the river,
surrounded by immense forests, the _plaga de las moscas_, or
the plague of the mosquitos, affords an inexhaustible subject
of conversation. When two persons meet in the morning the first
questions they address to each other are: “How did you find the
zancudos during the night? How are we to-day for the mosquitos?”...
“How comfortable must people be in the moon!” said a Salive Indian to
Father Gumilla. “She looks so beautiful and so clear that she must be
free from mosquitos.”...

INTERLOCKED RIVERS.

During the night we had left the waters of the Orinoco, and at
sunrise found ourselves as if transported to a new country, on
the banks of a river the name of which we had scarcely ever heard
pronounced, and which was to conduct us by the portage of Pimichin
to the Rio Negro, on the frontiers of Brazil. “You will go up,” said
the president of the missions, who resides at San Fernando, “first
the Atabapo, then the Temi, and finally the Tuamini. When the force
of the current of ‘black waters’ hinders you from advancing you
will be conducted out of the bed of the river through forests which
you will find inundated. Two monks only are settled in those desert
places between the Orinoco and the Rio Negro, but at Javita you will
be furnished with the means of having your canoe drawn overland in
the course of four days to Caño Pimichin. If it be not broken to
pieces you will descend the Rio Negro without any obstacle, as far as
the little fort of San Carlos; you will go up the Cassiguiare, and
then return to San Fernando in a month, descending the upper Orinoco
from east to west.” Such was the plan traced for our passage, and
we carried it into effect without danger, though not without some
suffering, in the space of thirty-three days.

X.

A YOUNG MAN’S VOYAGE.

[Sidenote: 1881.]

“Uncle Fritz,” said Horace, “why did you say, when we were talking of Humboldt, that those were the days of boys?”

“Oh, my boy, I am very sorry I said so, if it seemed as if those were more the days of boys than these are. There were never times when young men, well-trained, came to the front more readily than they do now. What I meant to say was, that in just that period of the Napoleon wars, old things had been so thoroughly broken up that boys had chances they had not fifty years before. Those boys have since become old men. They have written their lives and adventures, and so there is a literature of that time about the adventures of youngsters, which we do not have of earlier times, and cannot, as yet, have of later.

“Will you go into Lady Oliver’s sitting-room, take the steps, and look along the books at C till you find two little volumes of Cleveland’s Travels?”

Horace found the book in a moment. It is a miscellaneous collection in that room, and they catalogue themselves by the convenient way, for such a collection, of standing in alphabetical order of the authors.

“Now, here,” continued Uncle Fritz, “is a charming little book of adventures, written at the end of life by a gentleman who was sent out from Salem very young, in command of a vessel which was to go to Mocha for coffee. But they stopped at Havre, in France, first. There the vessel was recalled, and poor Cleveland found himself in a strange port without an adventure.

“What does he do but make one. He bought a little Dover packet-boat of thirty-eight tons. Packet-boats between Dover and Calais were not worth much when France was at war with England. He had fifteen hundred dollars with which to buy a cargo. Two friends contributed each a thousand, on condition that all three should share equally when the voyage was over. This little vessel he meant to take to the Island of Bourbon, knowing well what that market required. See what happened to him.”

A VOYAGE WITH FOUR SAILORS.

[Sidenote: 1797.]

The difficulty of procuring men seemed to increase with each
additional day’s detention. Those whom I engaged one day would desert
the next, alarmed by some exaggerated story of our first attempt. In
the course of three weeks I shipped no less than four different men
as mates, and as many different crews, and each in turn abandoned
me. At length I procured an active and capable young seaman from
a Nantucket ship, one whom the captain recommended, as mate, and
another man and a boy in addition to George, who had held true to
his engagement. I was desirous of procuring one more, but my attempt
to do so was unsuccessful, and, fearing that by any delay for this
purpose I might lose those already on board, I sailed immediately.

Our expedition had become a subject of general conversation in the
town, and the difficulty of getting away the Indiaman (as she was
called) was known to every one. The day, therefore, that we sailed
the pier-head was again thronged with people, who cheered us as
we passed by, wishing us “un bon voyage,” but no small portion of
them considered us as bound to certain destruction. It was now the
21st day of December, a season of the year when the loss of a few
hours only of the easterly wind then blowing might be attended with
disagreeable, if not disastrous consequences. We therefore set all
our sail to improve it, and, while making rapid progress towards
the channel, were brought to by a British frigate, commanded by Sir
R. Strachan. The boarding officer was very civil. He declared our
enterprise to be a very daring one, caused us as little detention as
possible, and, returning to his ship, immediately made the signal
that we might proceed.

It was soon very evident that no person on board, excepting the
mate and myself, was capable of performing the very common and
indispensable business of steering; and though there was no doubt
our men would soon learn, yet, in the mean time, we had the prospect
before us of a tedious, though not very laborious course of duty. As
the wind continued to be favorable, our passage down the Channel was
easy and expeditious, and the day after leaving Havre we passed by
and in sight of the Island of Ushant. We were now in a position to
feel the full effect of the westerly gales, which are so prevalent
at this season of the year; and in order to have plenty of sea-room
in case of encountering one, I directed a course to be steered which
should carry us wide of Cape Ortegal....

A sufficient time had now elapsed since leaving Havre (it being the
third day) to give me a very tolerable knowledge of my crew, whose
characters, peculiarities, and accomplishments were such that a
sketch of them may not be without interest to the reader. My mate,
Reuben Barnes, was a young man of nineteen or twenty, who, having
been engaged in the whale-fishery, had profited by that excellent
school to acquire not only the knowledge of the seaman’s profession,
but also enough of the mechanic arts to fish a spar with dexterity,
to caulk a seam, or to make a bucket or a barrel. The intelligence,
activity, watchfulness, and adroitness of this young man relieved me
from much anxiety and care, and in his conduct with me he evinced all
the steadiness and fidelity which the recommendation he brought, as
well as the place of his birth, had led me to expect.

Decidedly the most important personage of my foremast hands was the
black man, George, who had dared to embark on our second voyage,
after having shared in the disasters of the first. In his capacity
and dialect, George was the veriest negro that can be imagined. For
honesty, fidelity, and courage he may have been equalled, but can
never have been surpassed. He stood about six feet and three inches,
was rather slender, very awkward, and of a much more sable hue than
common, but with an expression of countenance mild and pleasing. With
simplicity of character approximating to folly, he united a degree
of self-conceit which led him to believe that he could do whatever
could be done by another, and, in some cases, to suppose he could
make great improvements,--an instance of which occurred before we
had been out a week. In his previous voyages George had been cook,
and had therefore nothing to do with the compass; but now, having to
take his regular turn at steering, he was greatly puzzled with its
unsteadiness. He could steer in the night with tolerable accuracy,
by giving him a star by which to steer, but the compass appeared to
him to be calculated only to embarrass. With a view of remedying this
difficulty George had taken off the cover to the till of his chest,
on which, having marked the points of the compass, and pierced a
hole in the centre for the pivot, he brought it aft, and with great
appearance of complacency and expectation of applause, placed it on
deck before the helmsman, with the proper point directed forward to
correspond with the course, and then exclaimed: “Dair, massa, dat
compass be teady. George teer by him well as anybody.”

But this simplicity and conceit was more than redeemed by his tried
fidelity and heroic courage, of which the following is a remarkable
instance: George had been a slave to some planter in Savannah; and
one day, being in the woods with his master, they encountered an
Indian, who was hunting. Some dispute arising, the Indian, having the
advantage of being armed, threatened to shoot them. In consequence
of this threat they seized him and took away his gun, but after a
little while, and with urgent entreaties and fair promises from him,
they were induced to return it, first taking the precaution to dip
it into water to prevent an immediate use of it. This served again
to rouse the anger of the Indian, who immediately took the readiest
means for drying it. In the mean time George and his master had
entered a canoe, and, pursuing their way in a narrow river or creek,
had got a long distance from the spot where they had left the Indian,
when, on looking back, they perceived him running after them on the
bank. On arriving abreast of them he immediately took aim, which
George perceiving threw himself as a shield between his master and
the ball, and was so severely wounded that his life was for many
weeks despaired of. After a confinement of six months he entirely
recovered, and, as a reward, his master gave him his liberty.

At the time he engaged with me he had been a sailor about two years,
and had been so invariably cheated out of his wages that he had no
other means of clothing himself than the advance I paid him. Such
treatment had been productive of a tinge of misanthropy, and it
was not until after long acquaintance that he gave me his entire
confidence. As this acquaintance continued for many years (even as
long as he lived), and as he was a sharer of my various adventures, I
shall have frequent occasion to mention his name in connection with
my own while narrating them.

My other man had been a Prussian grenadier. He had served in the
army of the Duke of Brunswick at the time of his invading Holland to
restore the authority of the Stadtholder, and in other campaigns; but
having a dislike to the profession, he had deserted, and had been
about eighteen months a sailor in English vessels. During this time
he had not acquired such a knowledge of steering that we could leave
him at the helm without watching him, and however brave he may have
been in the ranks, he was the veriest coward imaginable when called
to the performance of duties aloft. In addition to this incapacity he
possessed a most ungovernable temper; and, being a powerful man, we
had considerable difficulty in keeping him at all times in a state
of subordination,--a difficulty which was in some degree augmented
by his very imperfect knowledge of our language and the consequent
embarrassment he found in making himself understood.

The last as well as the least of our members was a little French boy
of fourteen years, who possessed all the vivacity peculiar to his
countrymen, and who, having been some time on board the Carmagnole
and other privateers, had acquired many of the tricks of a finished
man-of-war’s man. Some months’ residence in an English prison had
given him the command of a few English words, but they were not of a
selection that indicated much care in the teacher.

It was not uncommon for George, the Prussian grenadier, and the
French boy to get into a warm debate on the relative merits of their
respective countries, for they were all men of great vivacity and
patriotism; and sometimes (probably from not understanding each
other) they would become so angry as to render it necessary for the
mate to interfere to restore tranquillity. At such moments I used to
think that if Hogarth could have been an observer his genius would
have done justice to the group. It may fairly be presumed, however,
that such a ship’s company, for an India voyage, was never before
seen, and, moreover, that we “ne’er shall look upon its like again.”

[Sidenote: 1798.]

For several days after passing the Isle of Ushant, the wind was
light from northwest and west-northwest, accompanied with a heavy
swell from that quarter, and though our progress was in consequence
slow, it was proportionally comfortable. Before we had reached the
latitude of Cape Finisterre the light wind, before which we had been
sailing with all our canvas spread, died away, and left us some hours
becalmed. During this time one of our pigs had got overboard and was
swimming away from the vessel. George, being an excellent swimmer,
did not hesitate to go after him; but when he had caught him, at
the distance from us of about twenty fathoms, a light puff of wind,
termed by seamen a cat’s-paw, took the sails aback, and suddenly
increased our distance from George, who perceiving it and becoming
alarmed let go the pig and swam for the vessel, crying out lustily,
as he approached, “I dead, I dead!” As he had not been long in the
water, nor used such exertion as to cause extraordinary exhaustion,
I was apprehensive that he might be attacked by a shark. We threw
towards him a spar and set immediately about clearing away the boat,
but before we could be ready to launch it George had seized the spar,
and, by its aid, had succeeded in getting alongside. When taken on
board he did not hesitate to express his belief that our going from
him was intentional, and that, had the breeze continued, we should
have left him for the purpose of saving his wages. Nor was it until
after long experience, and repeatedly receiving his wages when due,
that he would acknowledge that he had judged me erroneously.

The day succeeding this adventure we had another, which nearly
brought our voyage to a close. Early in the morning we fell in with
the British frigate, Stag. The wind was so light and its influence
on the manœuvres of the ship so counteracted by a deep and hollow
swell that, getting sternway, her counter came in contact with
our broadside with a tremendous force, which threatened immediate
destruction, and which must have been the result but for the order
instantly given and obeyed to “fill away.” This saved us from a
second shock, and we were happy to perceive we had received no other
damage than that of breaking the rail. The officer of the frigate
very politely offered to send their carpenter on board to repair
this, but I declined, from my desire of not losing a moment’s time in
advancing towards those latitudes where gales of wind were of less
frequent occurrence. When we were released from this visit the mate
immediately set about exercising his ingenuity as carpenter; and,
with great application, he completed the repairs, in a workmanlike
manner, on the third day after meeting the accident.

We had now advanced far into the second week of our departure. The
wind, though light, was fair, and the prospect was favorable for
the continuance of good weather. These encouraging circumstances
led me to hope that we should reach the tropical latitudes without
encountering a gale, and also without meeting what was more to be
dreaded, any one of those Spanish or French privateers, which had
frequented the track we were passing, and whose conduct, in many
instances, to defenceless merchant vessels had nearly equalled that
of the ancient buccaneers.

We had passed by many vessels, but had carefully avoided speaking
with any one. At length, on a very fine morning, as the sun rose,
and when we were about fifty leagues west of Cadiz, we perceived a
small sail in the northwest. At ten o’clock she was equally plain
to be seen, and by noon we were satisfied she was in chase of, and
was gaining on us. We kept steadily on our course, hoping that an
increase of wind would give us an advantage, or that some other
object might divert their attention. But our hopes were fallacious.
The wind rather decreased, and when this was the case we observed
she appeared to approach us faster. By two o’clock we perceived she
had lateen sails, and hence had no doubt of her being a privateer.
Soon after she began to fire at us, but the balls fell much short. As
the wind continued very light it was soon apparent that we could not
escape, as we perceived that her progress was accelerated by means
of a multitude of sweeps. To run any longer would only have been
incurring the risk of irritating the captain of the buccaneer; we
therefore rounded to and prepared to be plundered.

As they came up with us, about five o’clock, they gave such a shout
of “Bonne prise! bonne prise!” as would be expected from banditti
subject to no control; but I felt considerable relief in the
persuasion that, as their flag indicated, they were French, and not
Spanish. After the shouting had ceased I was ordered, in very coarse
terms, to hoist out my boat and come on board with my papers. I
replied that I had not men sufficient to put out the boat. The order
was reiterated, accompanied with a threat of firing into us. I then
sent my men below and waited the result, which was that they got
out their own boat. The officer who came on board I suppose to have
been the captain himself, from the circumstance of his being a very
intelligent man, and from my presence not being required on board
the privateer. A cursory examination of our papers convinced him of
our neutral character, and the exhibition of a passport, with a seal
and signature of one high in authority in the French government,
while it astonished, seemed also to satisfy him that the less trouble
and detention he gave us the better, as he immediately ordered his
ruffians to desist from clearing away for opening the hatches, which
they had already begun, and to go on board their boat, where, after
wishing me a good voyage and regretting the detention he had caused,
he joined them, and they returned to their privateer and sailed in
pursuit of other adventures.

The result of this rencontre was better than I had anticipated,
aware, as I was, of the general insubordination on board of Vessels
of this description. I had feared that, even if the chief had been
disposed to prevent his men from plundering, it would not have been
in his power, and I was much relieved by finding myself mistaken.

Pursuing a course for the Cape de Verde Islands, we came in sight
of them the thirtieth day from leaving Havre. It was my intention
to stop at Port Praya to obtain a supply of fruit and vegetables,
but I was prevented by a gale of wind, in which we lay to twelve
hours, and had a fair opportunity of testing the good properties of
the vessel for this important purpose. This was the only gale of any
severity that we experienced during the passage; and, as evidence
that it was of no inconsiderable violence, a ship came into the Cape
of Good Hope, three days after our arrival there, which had lost her
mizzenmast in the same gale.

It is well known to all who have crossed the ocean, and may easily
be imagined by those who have not, that a passage at sea presents to
the observer little else, from day to day, than the same unbounded
and (in tropical climes) unvaried horizon; the same abyss of waters,
agitated more or less as it is acted upon by the wind; the same
routine of duties to be performed on board, which, in the trade
winds, have seldom even the ordinary excitement caused by reducing
and making sail; and when this monotonous round is interrupted by
speaking a vessel, by catching a porpoise, or by seeing a whale, the
incident is seized with avidity as an important item to be inserted
in the ship’s log-book, or journal of the day’s transaction.

As our experience was of this kind I have only to notice that we
crossed the equator in the longitude of 25°, and that we met with no
occurrence, worthy of note, from the time of our leaving the Cape
de Verde Islands to our arrival at the Cape of Good Hope, excepting
that one night, when going before the wind with a strong breeze, the
Prussian soldier brought over the main boom with such violence as to
part the sheet and rouse all hands from their slumbers. As there was
a considerable sea, it was not without great difficulty and risk that
the boom was again secured.

On passing the equator we discovered that one of our casks of water
had nearly leaked out; and, having failed to fill up the empty ones,
it was doubtful if we had sufficient to carry us to the Isle of
France. This consideration, and the desire of obtaining refreshments
and a short respite from the fatigue and anxiety of such a passage,
determined me to stop at the Cape, as I believed, also, that our
cargo might be sold advantageously there.

Shaping our course accordingly, we came in sight of the Table Mount
on the 21st March, 1798, just three months from the time of our
leaving Havre. We were so near in before dark as to perceive that we
were signalled at the lion’s head, but were not able to reach the
anchorage until between nine and ten o’clock in the evening. We had
scarcely dropped our anchor when we were boarded by a man-of-war’s
boat; the officer of which, finding we were from France, immediately
hurried me ashore, in my sea-garb, to see the Admiral (Sir Hugh C.
Christian), who, surrounded by a group of naval officers, appeared
very earnest for such European news as I could give them. After
passing nearly an hour with the Admiral, who treated me with great
civility, and answering the many questions which were asked by the
company, the officer who took me from my vessel was desired to
convey me on board again; an hour having been previously named by
the Admiral at which I was to meet him, the next morning, at the
government house.

The arrival of such a vessel from Europe naturally excited the
curiosity of the inhabitants of the Cape, and the next morning being
calm, we had numerous visitors on board, who could not disguise
their astonishment at the size of the vessel, the boyish appearance
of the master and mate, the queer and unique characters of the two
men and boy who constituted the crew, and the length of the passage
we had accomplished.

Various were the conjectures of the good people of the Cape as to
the real object of our enterprise. While some among them viewed it
in its true light, that of a commercial speculation, others believed
that under this mask we were employed by the French government for
the conveyance of their despatches, and some even went so far as to
declare a belief that we were French spies, and, as such, deserving
of immediate arrest and confinement. Indeed, our enterprise formed
the principal theme of conversation at the Cape during the week
subsequent to our arrival.

At the hour appointed I presented myself at the government house, and
was introduced to the Governor, Lord Macartney, in whose company I
found, also, the Admiral. There was so much urbanity and affability
in the reception I met with from the Governor as well as the Admiral
that it inspired me with confidence and prevented my feeling any
embarrassment. The Governor very politely handed me a chair; and,
seated between these two distinguished men, I was prepared to
answer, to the best of my knowledge, such questions as they should
ask me, and to give them all the information respecting European
affairs that my residence in that country and my recent departure
enabled me to do. It was just at this period that the flotilla was
assembling in the ports of the Channel for the invasion of England,
and on this subject in particular they were very earnest to obtain
information, seeming to be not without apprehension that an invasion
was really intended. While I related to them what had come under my
own observation with regard to the preparation and what I had heard
from others, I expressed to them the belief, founded on the desperate
nature of the undertaking, that nothing more was intended by it than
to keep England in a state of alarm, and to cause a corresponding
increase of expenses.

Having interrogated me to their satisfaction on the political affairs
of France, they adverted to the more humble business of the object
of my enterprise, which the Admiral did not hesitate to declare
he believed to be for the conveyance of despatches for the French
government; and, in this belief, informed me that he should take
measures to prevent my going to the Isle of France. At the same time,
and as an additional evidence of this persuasion, he had ordered
that a search should be made on board my vessel for the supposed
despatches, and that all the letters and papers found on board should
be brought to him. Consequently, my journal, book of accounts, and
private letters and papers were submitted to his inspection, and the
letters I had for French gentlemen in the Mauritius were all broken
open.

On the conclusion of my visit to the Governor, who gave me permission
to dispose of my cargo here if I desired, I went to the house of an
old acquaintance, where I had lodged in a former voyage, and in what
he considered more propitious times. Both he and his family seemed
glad to see me, and invited me to take up lodgings there again; but
the safety of my vessel required my presence on board not less in
port than at sea, and I therefore declined.

The day following my letters and papers were returned to me by the
secretary of the Admiral, and I was surprised by a proposition from
him for the purchase of my vessel. I delayed giving an answer until
the next day, and in the mean time my inquiries led me to believe
that my cargo would sell advantageously, but there was nothing but
specie which would answer my purpose to take away for it, and this
was prohibited. With a provision for the removal of this difficulty,
and a good price for my vessel, I was prepared to negotiate with
the secretary. Meeting him, therefore, at the time appointed, and
both being what in trade is called off-hand men, we soon closed
the bargain by his engaging to pay me, on delivery of the Caroline
and stores, five thousand Spanish dollars, and to obtain for me
permission to export ten thousand. This so far exceeded the cost
of the vessel, and was even so much more than I had expected to
receive at the Isle of France, that I considered myself already well
indemnified for all my trouble and anxiety.

As the Admiral was pressing to have the vessel discharged, it was
my intention to land the cargo, next day, on my own account; but in
the mean time, I contracted with the merchant, at whose house I now
resided, for the whole of it, at a moderate advance on the invoice;
it being agreed that he was to pay the duties, the expense of
landing, etc. My spirits were now much elevated with my success, and
with the prospect of soon being rid of the Caroline and of the care
inseparable from having such a vessel, so circumstanced.

But I was allowed but a short period to my exultation; new and
alarming difficulties awaited me, of which I had no suspicion, and
which were more harassing than the dangers of the winds and the
waves. It appeared that the duties on entries at the custom house
were a percentage on the invoice, and that it was a very common
practice with the merchants to make short entries. The purchaser
was aware that, to stand on equal footing with other merchants,
he must do as they did; but he seems not to have reflected that,
being known to be more hostile to the English government than any
other individual at the Cape, he would be rigidly watched, and, if
detected, would have less indulgence than any other. The consequence
was a detection of the short entry and seizure of vessel and cargo.
The merchant went immediately, in a supplicating mood, to the
collector, in the hope of arranging the affair before it should
become generally known; but it was all in vain.

The only alternative which seemed now to be left me was to appeal to
the highest authority, and I determined to write to Lord Macartney
and prove to him that, by my contract for the sale of the cargo, the
duties were not to be paid by me, and that consequently I should
have derived no benefit had the attempt for evading them succeeded;
but that, on the other hand, if the vessel and cargo were to be
confiscated I should be the sufferer, as it was doubtful if the
merchant could make good the loss. I hoped that he might thus be
induced to advise a less severe course than the collector intended
to pursue. But how to write a suitable letter embarrassed me. I had
no friend with whom to advise. I was entirely ignorant of the manner
of addressing a nobleman, and at the same time was aware of the
necessity of doing it with propriety. In this dilemma I remembered
to have seen, in an old magazine on board, some letters addressed to
noblemen. These I sought as models, and they were a useful guide to
me. After I had completed my letter in my best hand, and enclosed
it in a neat envelope, I showed it to the Admiral’s secretary, who
appeared to be friendly to me. He approved of it, and advised my
taking it myself to his lordship immediately.

As the schoolboy approaches his master after having played truant,
so did I approach Lord Macartney on this occasion. I delivered my
letter to him; and, after hastily reading it, he sternly said,
“he could not interfere in the business; there were the laws, and
if they had been infringed the parties concerned must abide the
consequence,” but added, “he would speak to the collector on the
subject.” This addition, delivered in rather a milder tone, led me
to encourage the hope that the affair would not end so disastrously
as if left entirely to the discretion of the collector. Nor were my
hopes unfounded, as the next day the vessel and that part of the
cargo yet remaining on board were restored to me, while the portion
in the possession of the collector was to be adjudged in the fiscal
court, where it was eventually condemned, to the amount of about two
thousand dollars.[24] The success of my letter was a theme of public
conversation in the town, and was the means of procuring me the
acquaintance of several individuals of the first respectability.

The delay caused by this controversy with the collector was
unfavorable to the views of the Admiral, who began to evince symptoms
of impatience, and would probably have taken out the cargo with
his own men if we had not set about it with earnestness as soon as
the vessel was released from seizure. Having, the day following,
completed the unlading, I delivered the vessel to the officer who was
authorized to take possession. In two days after she was expedited
with a lieutenant and competent number of men (I believe for India);
and, in a subsequent voyage, I learned that she had never been heard
of afterwards.

“Now,” said Uncle Fritz, “that man went to sea at eighteen, at twenty-one he commanded a vessel. See what your friend Richard H. Dana--yes, Two-Years-before-the-Mast Dana--says of such commanders. Here is a scrap from his review of Cleveland’s book.

“‘We do not hesitate to say that an intelligent, firm young man, who, at the age of eighteen or twenty, after some years spent in receiving an education on shore, enters for the first time the nautical service, makes a long voyage before the mast, keeps his watch and carries on duty a year or so in each of the inferior grades of office, by the help of his books and a close practical observation and diligent attention while master, and the acquired habit of commanding others and relying upon himself, will work a ship better at thirty than one of the same age would do who was set adrift at twelve, and has stayed in the forecastle splicing ropes and hauling out ear-rings until he was six-and-twenty.’”

“That advice,” said Tom Rising, “does not seem to favor Bob’s escape from his tyrants by the sheets of his bedroom, and going a-whaling before he knows a vulgar fraction from a noun predicate.”

Uncle Fritz laughed. “If you want to know how these youngsters crossed oceans in boats with such assistants, read what Captain Cleveland wrote at sixty-seven years of age.

“‘To the present sixty-eighth year of my life I have never taken a drop of spirituous liquor of any kind; never a glass of wine, of porter, ale, or beer, or any beverage stronger than tea or coffee; and, moreover, I have never used tobacco in any way whatever, and this not only without injury but, on the contrary, to the preservation of my health. Headache is known to me by name only, and, excepting those fevers which were produced by great anxiety and excitement, my life has been free from sickness.’ Now go on with your story.” So Tom went on.

It is probable that the officer in charge, having been accustomed
only to large and square-rigged vessels, was not aware of the
delicacy of management which one so small and differently rigged
required, and to this her loss may be attributed.

The various drawbacks on my cargo, arising from seizure, some damage,
and some abatement, reduced the net proceeds to about the original
cost. This, with the amount of the vessel, I collected in Spanish
dollars, making together, after my various disbursements, the sum of
eleven thousand dollars, which I kept in readiness to embark in the
first vessel that should enter the bay on her way to India or China.

“But,” said Uncle Fritz, “you must not suppose that these gentlemen found it all sunshine in such enterprise. Look further and you will find my mark at an adventure Cleveland had in Valparaiso. That will show you what is meant in our history by ‘Spanish claims,’ or claims on the Spanish government. It will show you, also, how prompt and how brave these adventurers had to be.”

[Sidenote: 1802.]

On entering the Bay of Valparaiso we were boarded by a naval officer
from a guardacosta, then lying in port. He desired us not to cast
anchor till the captain had presented himself to the Governor and
obtained his permission. Consequently, while Mr. Shaler accompanied
this officer to the Governor, we lay off and on in the bay. More than
an hour had elapsed before his return with a permission to anchor,
and to remain till a reply could be received from the Captain-General
at Santiago to our request for leave to supply our wants, for which a
despatch was to be forwarded immediately.

We were surprised to find no less than four American vessels lying
here, viz.: the ship Hazard of Providence, on a voyage similar to our
own, detained on suspicion of being English, from the circumstance
of being armed; the ship Miantonomo and schooner Oneco of Norwich,
Conn., each with valuable cargoes of seal-skins taken at the Island
of Masafuera, both detained, and finally confiscated on a charge
of having supplied English privateers, then on the coast, with
provisions which they had obtained at Talcahuaua; and the ship Tryal,
of Nantucket, a whaler, also detained for alleged illicit trade. If
we were surprised to meet so many of our countrymen here, we were
equally mortified, and in some degree alarmed for our own safety,
to find them all under seizure. Yet, while we violated no law, and
required no other than the privileges secured to us by treaty, we
could not believe that we should be molested.

On the third day after the Governor’s messenger had been despatched
a reply was received from the Captain-General, the purport of which
was that our passage had been so good that we could not be in want
of provisions if we had provided such quantity in Europe as we ought
to have done. But if it were otherwise, and our wants were as urgent
as represented, the mode by which we proposed paying for them, by
a bill on Paris, was inadmissible; and, therefore, that it was his
Excellency’s order that we should leave the port at the expiration
of twenty-four hours after this notification. On remonstrating with
the Governor, and pointing out to him the inhumanity of driving
us to sea, while in possession of so small a supply of the first
necessaries of life, he very reluctantly consented to our remaining
another post, and even promised to make a more favorable report on
the urgency of our necessities than he had done. But, as the order
was reiterated, we doubted his having performed his promise, and
therefore determined to write directly to the Captain-General. In
conformity with this decision Mr. Shaler addressed a letter to the
Captain-General, in the Spanish language, expressing his surprise at
the order for his departure, without affording him the supplies which
were indispensable, and for which provision had been made by treaty.
“Presuming that his Excellency’s intentions had been misconceived by
the Governor, he had ventured to disobey the order, and to remain
in port till the reception of his Excellency’s reply.” A prompt and
very polite answer to the letter was received, granting us permission
to supply ourselves with everything we desired; and, what was very
extraordinary, giving us further permission, which had not been
asked, of selling so much of the cargo as would be sufficient to pay
for the supplies. After which he desired we would leave the port
immediately, and added that if we entered any other port on the coast
we should be treated as contrabandists.

The latter paragraph of his Excellency’s letter evidently conveyed
a doubt in his mind whether our destination and the object of our
voyage was what we had stated it to be. But, having subjected
ourselves to the mortification of having the correctness of our
statement doubted, there seemed to be no other remedy than patience
and forbearance. At any rate, our embarrassments were more entirely
relieved than we had anticipated. We procured our provisions and
paid for them in manufactures, and were engaged in settling our
accounts preparatory to our departure on the morrow, having already
exceeded a month since our arrival.

But we were unconscious of what a day would bring forth, and entirely
unprepared for a train of unfortunate events, in which every American
in port was more or less involved. It appeared that a part of the
cargo of the ship Hazard consisted of muskets. These were demanded
by the Governor, on pretext of being contraband of war, and were
very properly refused by Captain Rowan, who stated to the Governor
that they were taken on board at a neutral port, that they were not
destined to any port of the enemies of Spain, and that they did not
come under the sixteenth article of the treaty.

During our stay here we had ascertained that the actual Governor of
the place was with his family on a visit to the capital, and that
the person with whom we had been treating, and who represented here
the Majesty of Spain, Don Antonio Francisco Garcia Carrasco, was an
officer of inferior grade, acting as governor during the absence of
his superior. Don Antonio was about sixty years of age, of pleasing
manners, of prepossessing countenance, and apparently of amiable
disposition, but of no decision of character; of contracted mind,
puffed up with vanity, and confounded at the audacity that should
dare to refuse compliance with an order given in the name of his
king; indeed, in his person, character, and capacities, there was
a striking resemblance to the portrait drawn by Cervantes of the
celebrated Governor of Barrataria.

The pride of the Governor was evidently wounded by the refusal of
Rowan to obey his demand of the muskets, and his subsequent measures
to obtain them were calculated to exhibit his folly, and to increase
his mortification and hostile feelings. To suppose, with his feeble
means, that he could coerce a compliance with his demand, was to
suppose the American to be as great a poltroon as himself. As far,
however, as the attempt could prove it, he certainly did expect to do
so.

The troops of the garrison, about thirty in number, with drums
beating and colors displayed, were seen marching from the castle
to the sea-shore, in the afternoon of the day on which the muskets
had been refused. Rowan, who was on the alert, saw them embark in
a large launch, accompanied by the Governor, and prepared himself
for resistance. The launch, which with rowers and soldiers was
excessively crowded, approached the Hazard with the royal colors
flying. When within hail of the ship the Governor stood up, and
demanded if he might come on board. Rowan replied that he should be
happy to be honored with his company, but that he would not permit
any one of his soldiers to come on board. The launch approached
nearer to the ship, to enable the parties to converse with more ease.
The Governor again formally demanded the surrender of the arms, and
was again refused. He remonstrated, and urged the consequences of
resisting the authority of the King’s representative. But it was
all unavailing, and perceiving that neither threats nor persuasion
had the desired effect, that armed sentries were stationed at the
gangways of the ship, and the proper precautions taken against a
_coup de main_, he returned to the shore with his soldiers, deeply
mortified, excessively irritated, and vowing vengeance.

But it is not unusual that what is done in the moment of great
excitement is not of the most judicious character, and that by
suffering ourselves to be controlled by our passions, we commit acts
which increase the absurdity of a ridiculous position, and augment
our embarrassments. This was precisely the case with the Governor,
in this instance. Without adverting to consequences, but influenced
by the violence of his passion, he, immediately on landing, ordered
every American who could be found on shore to be arrested and shut up
in the castle. Shaler, Rouissillon, and myself, being of this number,
were accordingly arrested, and, with four others of our countrymen,
were marched to prison in charge of a file of soldiers, who by their
conversation during the time, evinced that their feelings were in
unison with those of the Governor.

At the same time with the order for our arrest, and as if to
consummate his folly, the Governor made another attempt to
intimidate, by ordering the captain of a large Spanish ship, which
mounted eighteen heavy guns betwixt decks, to bring his broadside to
bear on the Hazard, and order her colors to be hauled down in token
of submission, on penalty of being sunk. After what had occurred,
to make such a threat, without daring to take the responsibility
of executing it, served only to increase the awkwardness of the
Governor’s position. While all, both on shore and on board the
shipping, were watching with intense interest the result of this
threat, a man was observed on board the Hazard engaged in nailing the
colors to the mast. A more significant reply could not possibly be
made. The Governor was foiled, and a calm succeeded the storm, during
the time required to despatch a courier to the Captain-General, and
to receive his instructions in the case.

Our arrest prevented our sailing, as we intended to do, the same
evening. Having passed a most uncomfortable night, without beds, in
the castle, where we were annoyed by myriads of fleas, and having
been without food of any kind since noon of the preceding day, we
wrote to the Governor in the morning, requesting to be provided with
food and beds. Our letter was returned unopened; but about noon, by a
verbal message from the Governor, we were informed that liberty was
given us to go on board our respective ships. We were doubtful of
the propriety of availing ourselves of this liberty, so ungraciously
proffered, till an apology should be made to us for the aggression.
It was finally settled that Shaler, being the most important person,
as master of the vessel, should remain in prison. We therefore sent
to him a bed and provisions. This was a determination for which the
Governor was entirely unprepared, and which seemed to confound him.
With characteristic imbecility, he went to the castle, and greeting
Mr. Shaler with apparent cordiality, begged him to go on board his
vessel, and proceed to sea. This Shaler offered to do, on condition
of receiving a written apology for imprisoning us. He declined giving
it. Permission was then asked to send an express with a letter to the
Captain-General. This he peremptorily and angrily refused, and then
suddenly started off to superintend the preparations which he was
making to compel a surrender of the Hazard, the orders for which he
expected to receive the next day.

Although the ostensible reason for refusing a compliance with
the Governor’s orders to go to sea was to obtain satisfaction,
yet the real cause of our delay was the hope and belief of being
able to render essential service in aiding to extricate Rowan
from his difficulties. It was evident that the Governor desired
only the sanction of the Captain-General to attempt coercion;
and, in expectation of receiving it, he was making the requisite
preparations. The soldiers of the garrison, and the populace, were
busily engaged, under the direction of the Governor, in placing
cannon in every direction to bear on the ship. The inhabitants of
the houses in the vicinity left them, and retired to the hills. The
activity and bustle of business had given place to the preparation
and excitement of war, and the confusion and apprehension could
hardly have been exceeded if the town had been on the point of being
taken by assault.

While Mr. Rouissillon and myself were walking through one of the
streets we encountered the Governor, who saluted us, and asked me if
I was not next in command on board to Mr. Shaler. Answering in the
affirmative, he ordered me to go on board, and proceed to sea. On my
rejoining that I could not go without my captain, he threatened to
seize the vessel, and without waiting for a reply, left us abruptly,
and apparently in an angry mood. In the course of the following day,
being the fourth from the beginning of hostilities, the express
arrived from Santiago, bringing a letter to Captain Rowan from the
Captain-General. It contained such promise of redress, if he would
comply with the requisitions of government by delivering up the arms,
that he was induced to yield. The arms were accordingly delivered
to the order of the Governor, and his receipt taken for them. The
portentous cloud, which had been lowering over the affairs of our
countrymen in this place, appeared to be now dissipated. The colors
of defiance, which had been waving on the ships and at the castle
from the beginning of the dispute, were hauled down; the cannon which
had been transported to the beach were returned to their ancient
position; the sentries were no longer seen at the gangways of the
Hazard; the old women and children returned to their habitations;
and everything indicated peace and repose.

This repose, however, was only the treacherous calm that precedes
the hurricane. The Governor could not brook the indignity he had
suffered. The vengeance he had vowed, and which he had not the
courage to take openly, he determined to execute treacherously; and
his measures, which were taken with great secrecy, and with the
stimulus of plunder, were executed with such success as must have
satisfied his highest ambition, and served as a balm to his wounded
feelings.

On the evening of the day when the muskets were surrendered, Mr.
Rouissillon and myself made a visit to the Governor, and found him
to be as affable and pleasant as was naturally to be expected on
attaining the object of which he had so long been in pursuit. He
hoped we should proceed to sea the next day, and inquired why Rowan
did not come on shore; adding, to our surprise, that if he did not
come voluntarily he should use coercion. We assured him of our belief
that his not having been on shore that day was accidental, and not
from any apprehension of molestation, begged him not to think of
coercion, and offered our guarantee that he should present himself at
the castle in the morning. On leaving the Governor we went on board
the Hazard and reported to Rowan our conversation with the Governor.
He had no hesitation in determining to act in accordance with his
desire by visiting him as early as it was permitted strangers to be
on shore.

BOARDING THE HAZARD.

Fearing, in this instance, a too ready compliance, in which case the
opportunity for revenge would escape him, the Governor must have had
everything planned and prepared in the evening, probably while we
were with him, to execute his cowardly design in the morning, before
it was permitted to Rowan to come on shore. The launches, which were
used to transport wheat from the shore to the large ship before
mentioned, passed and repassed near the Hazard while thus engaged;
consequently, they would excite no suspicion when approaching the
ship. An enterprize involving so little risk, and which promised so
golden a harvest of plunder, had not to wait for the requisite number
of men. About two hundred ruffians, armed with pistols, swords, and
knives, embarked in the launches used for carrying wheat, and boarded
the Hazard on each side, while her men were entirely off their guard,
unsuspicious of any cause of hostility. To save their lives, such of
the crew as were able made a hasty retreat to the hold. But there
were two poor fellows lying sick in their hammocks, and these were
both dangerously wounded. Rowan was screened from the vengeance of
the banditti by the interference of an officer, taken immediately on
shore, and sent to the castle.