Chapter XII: Siberia and Kamchatka 275 (4)

On the Wednesday before the feast of St. Mark the Evangelist, the
king and his army set out to Gadida to protect the city, but found
no one there, for the enemy had taken to flight when they heard of
his coming. On their way back the king attacked a fierce boar, which,
hearing the noise of the party passing by, had come out and stood
in the way. The fierce animal, foaming at the mouth with rage, and
with his shaggy hair bristling up, and his ears erect, seemed to be
collecting all his strength and fury to receive or make an attack. He
did not move from his place when the king shouted; nay, when the king
made a circuit round him, he also turned himself in his astonishment
round in a circle, and kept himself in the same place which he had
first occupied. The king, now making use of his lance for a hunting
spear, moved on to pierce him; and the boar, turning a little to
one side, prepared to meet him. The animal was of enormous size and
terrible aspect, and the lance which was boldly thrust against his
broad breast broke in two, from not being strong enough to bear
the force of both, as they were closing with each other. The boar,
now rendered furious by his wound, rushed with all his might upon
the king, who had not an inch of room, or a moment of time to turn
away; so putting spurs to his horse he fairly leapt over the animal,
unharmed, though the boar tore away the hinder trappings of his
horse, but the activity of the latter frustrated the blow, and the
part of the lance which was fixed in the animal’s breast prevented
him from coming to closer quarters. They then made a simultaneous
attack on each other, and the boar made a rapid movement, as if to
close with the king; but he, brandishing his sword, smote him with it
as he passed, and stunned him with the blow; then wheeled round his
horse, and, cutting the boar’s sinews, he consigned the animal to the
care of his huntsmen.

* * * * *

It also happened ... that while the king was staying there (at
Betnoble) they were much comforted by news which was brought to the
king; for a devout man, the abbat of St. Elie, whose countenance
bespoke holiness, with long beard and head of snow, came to the king
and told him that a long time ago he had concealed a piece of the
Holy Cross, in order to preserve it, until the Holy Land should be
rescued from the infidels and restored entirely to its former state,
and that he alone knew of this hidden treasure, and that he had often
been pressed by Saladin, who had tried to make him discover the Cross
by the most searching inquiries, but that he had always baffled
his questioners by ambiguous replies, and deluded them with false
statements; and that on account of his contumacy, Saladin had ordered
him to be bound, but he persisted in asserting that he had lost the
piece of the Cross during the taking of the City of Jerusalem, and
had thus deluded him notwithstanding his anxiety to find it. The
king, hearing this, set out immediately, with the abbat and a great
number of people, to the place of which the abbat had spoken; and
having taken up the piece of the Holy Cross with humble veneration,
they returned to the army; and, together with the people, they kissed
the Cross with much piety and contrition.

* * * * *

In the mean time our men, having by God’s grace escaped destruction,
the Turkish army returned to Saladin, who is said to have ridiculed
them by asking where Melech Richard was, for they had promised to
bring him a prisoner. “Which of you,” continued he, “first seized
him, and where is he? why is he not produced?” To whom one of the
Turks that came from the furthest countries of the earth, replied:
“In truth, my lord, Melech Richard, about whom you ask, is not here;
we have never heard since the beginning of the world that there ever
was such a knight, so brave, and so experienced in arms. In every
deed at arms he is ever foremost; in deeds he is without a rival, the
first to advance, and the last to retreat; we did our best to seize
him, but in vain, for no one can escape from his sword; his attack is
dreadful; to engage with him is fatal, and his deeds are beyond human
nature.”

V.

HERNANDO CORTES’S LETTERS.

[Sidenote: 1880.]

All this talk about Asia interested the children in the old geography of Asia. They could see, by the map in Col. Yule’s book, how very vague the notion of the eastern shore of Asia was. Marco Polo had sailed down that shore; in fact, he came home that way.

“But,” said Tom Rising, “he knew no more about it than I knew of Cape Ann and the Isle of Shoals, after I went from Boston to Mount Desert in a steamer.”

“Exactly,” said Horace Feltham, “but you knew that there was no land where you sailed over water, and Marco Polo knew the same.”

Then Uncle Fritz showed them a droll old map of the world made by Fra Mauro, from the results of Marco Polo’s discoveries. The southeast shore of Asia had a very suspicious curve, and Africa and Hindostan and the other peninsulas were all squeezed into the same curve. He explained to the children that this was done so that the whole of the three Continents, which we call the Eastern Hemisphere, might be brought up on one round plate, with Jerusalem for the centre.

“And this was the Asia that Columbus was looking for,” said Tom Rising.

“Yes, and this was the Asia Columbus thought he had found.

“He thought so, probably, till he died, and for a generation other men thought so. It seems certain now that the coast of our own United States was put down on the maps before it was really discovered. It is doubtful how far the Cabots traced it. It is wellnigh certain that the supposed discovery by the Verrazzani was all a lie. They found people living stark naked early in March in the latitude of our New Jersey; they found odorous palms and laurels in the same place at the same time; wild roses and lilies in bloom. This is indeed ‘a lie with a circumstance.’

“But all the same the coast of the United States was on the maps, without any Cape Cod, without any Hudson River, without any Chesapeake Bay. It is now supposed that, after Florida was discovered on the south, and the regions around Newfoundland on the north, the geographers were so certain that this was the Asiatic coast of Marco Polo, that they drew it boldly in.”

When Uncle Fritz had explained this to the children, he made Sybil trace the true eastern line of Asia, and compare it with the true eastern line of America, and they were surprised and amused to see how much they resembled each other.

[Sidenote: 1534.]

“When Cortes discovered California,” said Uncle Fritz, “he gave it that name because in a romance of that time, called Esplandian, there was an island called California, inhabited by Amazons, in the east of Asia. Cortes thought he had struck the east of Asia. He thought California was an island, and so he put California down on the map. And it has stayed there long after everybody forgot the romance,--except Don Quixote, and me.”

Some of the children said they liked Cortes better than they did Pizarro.

“And well you may,” said Uncle Fritz. “Neither of them were Christian gentlemen of the type of the nineteenth century. But Cortes was, in every regard, much more of a man than Pizarro. And, of all the numerous accounts of his marvellous adventures, none are better written than those by himself.”

“If only,” cried Clem Waters, “he had written in English! I am always groaning about that.”

This was a constant complaint of Clem’s. But Uncle Fritz told him that in this case his difficulty was solved. Cortes’s letters to the sovereign have now all been translated. They were found in one receptacle or another, in different depositories in Europe, for Charles V. was here or there or everywhere. But now six of them have been found, and have been translated.

He sent Bob for the different editions of Cortes’s letters to the sovereign, and, partly guided by Uncle Fritz’s marks and suggestions, the children read the following passages:--

EXTRACT FROM CORTES’S THIRD AND FOURTH LETTERS.

[Sidenote: 1520.]

The next day, after mass, I sent a messenger to the town of Vera
Cruz to carry the good news that the Christians were alive, and that
I had entered the city, which was quiet. The messenger returned in
half an hour after his departure, covered with bruises and injuries,
crying aloud that all the Indians of the city were in arms, and that
they had raised the bridges; and soon after an attack was made upon
us by so great a multitude of people on all sides, that neither the
streets nor the roofs of the houses were visible on account of the
crowd, from whom proceeded the most violent outcries and terrible
shouts that could be conceived. Stones thrown by slings fell in such
numbers upon the garrison that it seemed as if they came down like
rain from the clouds; and darts and arrows were so thick that the
houses and squares were filled with them, and almost prevented our
walking about. I sallied forth at two or three different points,
where they were engaged stoutly with our men; and at one time,
when a captain had led forth two hundred men, they fell upon them
before he had time to form them in order, and killed four of their
number, besides wounding the captain and several others. I was also
wounded, and many of the Spaniards who were with me engaged in
another quarter. We destroyed few of the enemy, because they took
refuge beyond the bridges, and did us much injury from the roofs of
houses and terraces, some of which fell into our possession and were
burned. But they were so numerous and strong, and so well defended
and supplied with stones and other arms, that our whole force was not
sufficient to take them, nor to prevent the enemy from attacking us
at their pleasure.

The attack on the fortress or garrison was made with such violence
that they succeeded in setting fire to several parts of it, and a
considerable portion of it was burned without our being able to
prevent it, until we cut away the walls and levelled a portion of
the building with the ground, by which we obstructed the progress
of the fire and extinguished it. And had it not been for the great
caution that I used in posting musketeers, archers, and several
pieces of artillery, they would have scaled our walls in broad
daylight without our being able to resist them. Thus we fought all
that day until the darkness of night enveloped us, and even then they
continued to assail us with noises and alarms till daylight. That
night I directed the breaches caused by the fire to be repaired,
together with all other parts of the garrison that seemed to require
it; and I arranged the quarters, determining who were to remain in
them the next day, and who were to be engaged without; at the same
time I caused suitable care to be taken of the wounded, who amounted
to more than eighty in number. As soon as it was daylight, the enemy
renewed the combat with still greater vigor than the day before, for
the number of them was so immense that there was no need of levelling
the guns, but only to direct them against the mass of Indians. And
although the fire-arms did much injury, for we played off thirteen
arquebuses besides matchlocks and cross-bows, they produced so little
impression that their effect scarcely seemed to be felt; since where
a discharge cut down ten or twelve men, the ranks were instantly
closed up by additional numbers, and no apparent loss was perceived.
Leaving in the garrison a sufficient force for its defence, and
as large as I could spare, I sallied forth with the rest, and
took from the enemy several bridges, setting fire to a number of
houses and destroying the people who defended them; but they were
so numerous, that although we did them much injury, the effect was
still imperceptible. Our men were compelled to fight all day long
without cessation, while the enemy were relieved at intervals by
fresh forces, and still had a superabundance of men. But we had none
of our Spanish force killed on this day, although fifty or sixty were
wounded, and we continued the contest till night, when we withdrew
wearied into the garrison. Seeing the great mischief done us by the
enemy in wounding and slaying our people, while they were either
unharmed, or if we caused them any loss, it was immediately repaired
by their great numbers, we spent all that night and the next day in
constructing three engines of timber, each of which would contain
twenty men, covered with thick plank to protect them from the stones
that were thrown from the terraces of houses. The persons to be
conveyed in the machines were musketeers and archers, together with
others provided with spades, pickaxes, and bars of iron, to demolish
the barricades erected in the streets and pull down the houses.
While we were building these machines, the enemy did not cease their
attacks; and so resolute were they, that when we sallied forth
from our quarters they attempted to enter them, and we had trouble
enough to resist their progress. Montezuma, who was still a prisoner
(together with his son and many other persons of distinction, who had
been secured at the beginning of operations), now came forward and
requested to be taken to the terrace of the garrison, that he might
speak to the leaders of his people and induce them to discontinue
the contest. I caused him to be taken up, and when he reached a
battlement projecting from the fortress, and sought an opportunity to
address the people who were fighting in that quarter, a stone thrown
by some one of his own subjects struck him on the head with so much
force that he died in three days after. I then gave his dead body to
two Indians who were amongst the prisoners, and taking it upon their
shoulders they bore it away to his people; what afterwards became of
it I know not. The war, however, did not cease, but increased in
violence and desperation every day. On the same day a cry was heard
in the quarter where Montezuma had been wounded, some of the enemy
calling to me to approach there, as certain of their captains wished
to confer with me. I accordingly did so, and we passed amongst them;
when, after a long parley, I asked them to discontinue their attacks,
since they had no good reason for it, having received many benefits
from me, and having always been treated well. Their answer was, that
I must depart and leave the country, when the war would immediately
cease; otherwise they were all resolved to die, or to destroy us.
This they did, as it appeared, to induce me to leave the fortress,
that they might cut us off at pleasure on our departure from the
city, when we were between the bridges. I answered them that they
need not suppose I asked for peace from fear, but that I was pained
to be under the necessity of injuring them and destroying so fine a
city as theirs. They replied that they should not cease their attacks
until I departed from the city.

After the engines were completed, immediately on the following day, I
sallied forth to gain possession of certain terraces and bridges; and
placing the engines in front, they were followed by four pieces of
artillery, with many bowmen and shield-bearers, and more than three
thousand native Tlascalans, who had come with me as auxiliaries,
subordinate to the Spanish troops. Having reached a bridge, we
brought the engines near to the walls of the terraces, together
with scaling-ladders, by means of which we ascended them. But the
multitude of people was so great that defended the bridge and the
terraces, and such showers of heavy stones were thrown from above,
and the movements of the engines were disconcerted, and a Spaniard
killed and many others wounded, without our being able to make any
progress, although we struggled hard for it, and fought from morning
till mid-day, when we returned sad enough to our quarters.

The enemy were so much encouraged by this unsuccessful movement
on our part, that they advanced almost to our doors, and took
possession of the great temple, to the loftiest and most considerable
tower of which nearly five hundred Indians, apparently persons of
rank, ascended, taking with them a large supply of bread, water,
and other provisions, and a great quantity of stones. Most of
them were armed with lances of large size, having points formed
of flint, broader and not less sharp than ours; and from this
position they did much mischief to the people in the garrison, as
it was very near. The Spanish soldiers attacked this tower two or
three times, and attempted to ascend it; but it was very lofty,
and the passage up difficult on account of its having more than a
hundred steps, and those above were well supplied with stones and
other means of defence, and favored by our not having succeeded in
gaining possession of the neighboring terraces; in consequence of
these circumstances, every time our soldiers attempted the ascent,
they came rolling down, many of them severely wounded; and the
other portions of the enemy’s force, seeing this, took courage,
and penetrated to the very garrison without fear. Being sensible
that if they continued their assaults while in possession of the
tower, besides doing us much harm, they would be encouraged in the
prosecution of the war, I sallied forth from the garrison, although
lame in my left hand from a wound I had received in the engagement
on the first day; and having tied a shield to my arm, I advanced to
the tower, attended by a number of Spanish soldiers, and caused it
to be surrounded at its base by a sufficient number of men, as was
quite practicable. This precaution was not a useless one, as the
troops stationed around the tower were attacked on all sides by the
enemy, who increased in numbers to favor those within; in the mean
time I began to ascend the stairs, followed by certain Spaniards.
While they who were above disputed the ascent with great courage, and
even overturned three or four of my followers, by the aid of God and
his glorious Mother, for whose house this tower had been designated,
and whose image had been placed in it, we succeeded in ascending,
and engaged with the enemy on the upper area, until I compelled them
to leap down to a lower terrace that surrounded it, one pace in
width. Of these terraces the tower had three or four, about sixteen
feet one above the other. Some of the enemy fell to the very bottom,
who, besides the injury received from the fall, were slain by the
Spanish soldiers stationed around the base. Those who remained on the
upper terraces fought so desperately that we were more than three
hours engaged with them before they were all despatched; thus all
perished, not one escaping. And your sacred Majesty may be assured
that so arduous was the attempt to take this tower, that if God had
not broken their spirits, twenty of them would have been sufficient
to resist the ascent of a thousand men, although they fought with the
greatest valor, even unto death. I caused this tower and the others
within the temple to be burned, from which they had removed the
images we had placed in them.

The fierceness of the enemy was somewhat abated by the capture of
this position; and while they relaxed their exertions throughout
the city to a considerable degree, I directed my attention to
the neighboring terrace, and called to the chiefs who had before
conferred with me, but were now somewhat dismayed by what they had
witnessed. They immediately appeared, when I said to them that they
saw their inability to maintain their ground; that we should every
day do them much injury, destroy many lives, burn and lay waste the
city; and that we should persevere until nothing was left of it
or them. They answered, that they were well aware much harm would
befall them, and that many of them would lose their lives; but that
they were still determined to make an end of us, even if they should
all perish in the attempt; that I might see how the streets, public
squares, and terraces were filled with people, who were so numerous
that they had made a calculation that if twenty-five thousand of
them should fall to one of ours, we would be first exterminated, so
small was our number compared with theirs; that all the causeways
leading to the city had been destroyed (which was so far true that
only one of them remained), and thus we had no way of escape but by
water; that they knew well we had few provisions and but little fresh
water, and that ere long we should perish with hunger, even if they
did not kill us. They were, indeed, quite right in saying that had we
nothing else to contend with, hunger and want would soon put an end
to our lives. We exchanged many other words, each party sustaining
his own side. As soon as it was dark, I sallied forth with a number
of Spaniards, and as I found the people were taken by surprise, we
obtained possession of one street, in which we burned more than
three hundred houses. While the enemy were assembling in that quarter
in its defence, I speedily turned into another street, where I also
burned several houses, especially certain terraces that adjoined our
quarters, from which we had experienced much annoyance. Thus the
events of that night struck great terror into the enemy; and during
the same night I caused the engines, that had created confusion in
our ranks the day before, to be repaired and got in readiness.

The next morning, in order to follow up the victory God had granted
us, I sallied forth at break of day into the same street where
they had routed us the day before, and I found the enemy not less
prepared for defence than they were on the former occasion. But as
our lives and honor were now at stake, and as that street led to a
causeway that remained unbroken,[11] extending to the main land,
although interrupted by eight bridges very large and high, and the
street itself was filled with lofty terraces and towers; we put forth
so much resolution and spirit that, with the aid of our Lord, we
secured that day four of the bridges, and burned all of the terraces,
houses, and towers, as far as the last of these bridges. They had
erected during the previous night, on all the bridges, many strong
breastworks of unburnt bricks and clay, so that neither the guns nor
the cross-bows made any impression on them. We filled up the space
occupied by the four bridges with the unburnt bricks and the earth
from the breastworks, together with a great quantity of stones and
timber from the burnt houses, although this was not effected without
danger, and many Spaniards were wounded. The same night I used much
precaution in guarding the bridges, lest the enemy should succeed in
recovering them.

The next day in the morning I made another sally from our quarters,
and God gave us again success and victory, although the enemy
appeared in great numbers, and defended the bridges, protected
by strong entrenchments and ditches which they had formed during
the night; we took them all, and covered them up; and some of our
horsemen followed at the heels of the fugitives in the heat of
victory, and pursued them to the main land. While I was employed in
repairing the bridges and filling them up, messengers came to me in
great haste, reporting that the enemy had attacked the garrison,
and at the same time had sued for peace, several of their leaders
being in waiting to see me. I immediately went with two horsemen to
see what they wanted. These men assured me that if I would engage
not to punish them for what they had done, they would raise the
blockade, replace the bridges that had been destroyed, and restore
the causeways, and that hereafter they would serve your Majesty as
they had before done. They also requested that I would bring them a
priest of theirs whom I had taken prisoner, who was, as it were, the
commander-in-chief of their religion. He came and addressed them, and
brought about an arrangement between me and them; and it appeared
that they immediately despatched messengers to inform the captains
and the people who were in the camp that the attacks on the garrison
and all other offensive operations should cease. Upon this being done
we took leave of them, and I went to the garrison to procure some
food.

While I was beginning to take some refreshment, information was
brought me in great haste that the Indians had attacked the bridges
which we had taken the same day, and had killed certain Spaniards.
God only knows with what feelings I received this intelligence,
since I had thought that we had nothing more to trouble us after
having gained the possession of the avenue leading out of the city. I
mounted in the greatest possible haste, and galloped the whole length
of the street, followed by a few horsemen; and without stopping a
moment I dashed in amongst the Indians, and put them to flight whilst
I regained the bridges, and pursued them to the main land. As the
infantry were wearied, wounded, and panic-struck, they did not follow
me, and I saw the dangerous situation in which I was placed from
being unsupported by them. On this account, after having passed the
bridges, when I sought to return I found them in possession of the
enemy, and sunk to a great depth where we had filled them up; and
both sides of the causeway were covered with people, on the land and
water, who galled us with stones and arrows to such a degree that if
God had not been pleased to interpose mysteriously in our behalf, it
would have been impossible for us to escape thence; and, indeed, it
was rumored amongst the people in the city that I was dead. When I
reached the last bridge next the city I found all the cavalry that
had accompanied me fallen in, and one horse without a rider; and as
in this situation I could not pass, I rushed alone against the enemy,
and thus opened a passage by which the horsemen could extricate
themselves. After this I found the bridge free and passed over,
although with some trouble, as I had to leap my horse in one place
nearly six feet from one side to the other; but as I and my horse
were well protected by armor the enemy did us no harm more than to
cause our bodies a little pain.

Thus the enemy that night came off victorious, having regained four
of the bridges. The other four I left well guarded, and returned to
the garrison, where I constructed a bridge of timber that could be
carried by forty men. Seeing the dangerous situation in which we
were now placed, and the very serious injury that the Indians were
doing us every day; and fearing that they would also destroy the
remaining causeway, as they had done the others, and when that was
effected death would be our inevitable fate; and moreover, having
been often entreated by all my companions to abandon the place, the
greater part of whom were so badly wounded as to be disabled from
fighting, I determined to quit the city that night. I took all the
gold and jewels belonging to your Majesty that could be removed and
placed them in one apartment, where I delivered it in parcels to the
officers of your Highness, whom I had designated for this purpose in
the royal name; and I begged and desired the alcaldes, regidores, and
all the people, to aid me in removing and preserving this treasure;
I gave up my mare to carry as much as she could bear; and I selected
certain Spaniards, as well my own servants as others, to accompany
the gold and the mare, and the rest the magistrates above mentioned
and myself distributed amongst the Spaniards, to be borne by them.
Abandoning the garrison, together with much wealth belonging to your
Highness, the Spaniards and myself, I went forth as secretly as
possible, taking with me a son and two daughters of Muteczuma[12]
and Cacamacin, cacique of Aculuacan, with his brother, whom I had
appointed in his place, and several other governors of provinces and
cities that I had taken prisoners.

Arriving at the bridges (now broken up) which the Indians had left,
the bridge that I carried was thrown over where the first of them had
been, without much difficulty, as there was none to offer resistance,
except some watchmen who were stationed there, and who uttered so
loud cries, that before we had arrived at the second an immense
multitude of the enemy assailed us, fighting in every direction, both
by land and water. I sallied across with great speed, followed by
five horsemen and a hundred foot, with whom I passed all the (broken)
bridges swimming, and reached the main land. Leaving the people who
formed this advance party, I returned to the rear, where I found
the troops hotly engaged; it is incalculable how much our people
suffered, as well Spaniards as our Indian allies of Tascaltecal,
nearly all of whom perished, together with many native Spaniards and
horses, besides the loss of the gold, jewels, cotton cloth, and many
other things we had brought away, including the artillery. Having
collected all that were alive, I sent them on before, while with
three or four horse and about twenty foot that dared to remain with
me, I followed in the rear, incessantly engaged with the Indians,
until we at length reached a city called Tacuba (Tlacopan), beyond
the causeway, after encountering a degree of toil and danger, the
extent of which God only knows. As often as I turned against the
enemy, I met a shower of arrows and darts and stones, and there being
water on both sides, they assailed us without exposing themselves,
and without fear; for when we attacked them on the causeway, they
immediately leapt into the water, receiving little hurt, except
some few, who, when the multitude was so great as to trample upon
one another, fell and perished. Thus with great labor and fatigue
I brought off all this portion of our force without any of the
Spaniards or Indians being wounded or slain, except one of the horse
that had gone with me to the rear, where they fought with no less
fury than in front or on the flanks, although the hottest part of the
fight was in the extreme rear, where our men were constantly exposed
to fresh attacks from the inhabitants of the city.

Having reached the city of Tacuba, I found all our people gathered
together in the square, not knowing where to go; I gave immediate
directions to march into the country, before the inhabitants should
collect in greater numbers in the city, and that they should take
possession of the terraces, as the enemy would be likely to do us
much injury from them. Those who had led the van, saying that they
knew not in which direction to leave the city, I bade them remain
with the rear, while I took command of the van until I had led them
out into the open fields, where I waited till the rest came up.
When the rear arrived, I saw that they had suffered some loss, and
that they had left on the road much gold, which the Indians had
seized. I remained there until all our people had arrived, closely
pursued by the enemy. I kept the enemy at bay until the infantry
had taken possession of a hill on which there was a tower with a
strong building, which they took without suffering any loss, and I
maintained my position, not suffering the enemy to advance, until the
hill was taken;[13] and God only knows the toil and fatigue with
which it was accomplished; for of twenty-four horses that remained to
us, there was not one that could move briskly, nor a horseman able to
raise his arm, nor a foot-soldier unhurt who could make any effort.
When we had reached the building, we fortified ourselves in it; and
the enemy invested it, remaining till night without allowing us an
hour of rest.

In this defeat it was ascertained that one hundred and fifty
Spaniards lost their lives, together with forty-five mares and
horses, and more than two thousand Indians, our auxiliaries; amongst
the latter were the son and daughters of Muteczuma, and the other
caciques whom we had taken prisoners. The same night[14] about
midnight, thinking that we were not perceived, we sallied forth
from the building very secretly, leaving in it many lighted fires,
without knowing our route, nor where to go, except that one of the
Tascaltecal Indians who guided us promised to lead us to his country,
if the enemy did not embarrass the route. But guards had been
stationed around who noticed our movements, and gave the alarm to the
multitudes of people dwelling in that vicinity, of whom great numbers
were collected, who pursued us until daylight, when five horsemen
who went before as runners attacked some squadrons of people on the
road, and killed a number of them; these fled, supposing that there
was a greater number of horse and foot than appeared. When I saw
that the number of the enemy was increasing on all sides, I made a
disposition of our force, and out of those remaining unhurt I formed
squadrons, and placed them in front and rear, and on the flanks; I
put the wounded in the centre; and I also arranged the position of
the horse. During the whole of that day we were engaged in fighting
in every direction, so that during the whole night and day we did
not advance more than three leagues. It pleased our Lord when the
night came to show us a tower and a good house on a hill, where we
entrenched ourselves; and that night the enemy left us undisturbed,
except that near the dawn of day there was a sudden alarm that only
sprung from the constant apprehension we all had of the multitude of
people that was continually at our heels.

“You see,” said Uncle Fritz, “that it was not all sunshine with Cortes. Now you shall read something of his resource as an explorer.”

EXTRACT FROM CORTES’S FIFTH LETTER.

[Sidenote: 1520.]

One day the idea struck me that by following down the river of that
village I might perhaps come to the other large river that empties
itself in the sweet gulfs, where I had left my brigantine, as well
as my boats and canoes. I consulted the matter with some of the
prisoners of that village, and they all seemed to agree in saying
that the two rivers communicated; but as they did not understand us
well, and they spoke a language totally different from those we had
hitherto met, no great reliance could be placed in their information.
Through signs, however, and aided by a few words in that language
which I understood, I begged that two of them should accompany ten
of my Spaniards, and show them the meeting of the two rivers. This
they promised to do, adding that the place was near at hand, and that
they would be back on the next day. And so it was, for God permitted
that after marching two leagues through very fine orchards, full of
cacao and other fruit trees, they should guide my men to the banks of
that large river, which they said communicated with the gulf, where
my shipping was. They even went so far as to say that the river’s
name was Apolochic, and that they had often navigated it. On their
return, the next day, I asked them how many days it would take a
canoe to go down the river to the gulfs, and having answered me that
five days were sufficient to accomplish the journey, I determined
upon sending thither two Spaniards, accompanied by one of the guides,
who offered to take them by crossroads known to him to the very spot
on the gulf where my ships were. I gave my men instructions to have
the brigantine, boats, and canoes taken to the mouth of that large
river, and that, leaving the vessel behind, they should try with one
of the canoes and a boat to ascend the river to the spot where the
other one joined it. This being done, and the men despatched on their
errand, I ordered four rafts to be constructed with pieces of timber
and very large bamboos, capable of supporting forty faneagues or
bushels of dried maize, and ten men each, without counting a quantity
of beans, peppers, and cacao, which each Spaniard afterwards threw
into it for his own private supply. The rafts being made, after eight
days’ hard work, and the provisions placed on them, the Spaniards I
had sent to the brigantine came to me and said that, after ascending
the river during six consecutive days, they had found it impossible
for the boat to go on, and had left it behind with ten Spaniards to
guard it; that, prosecuting their journey with the canoe, they had
arrived at a place, about one league down the river, where, worn out
by fatigue, and unable to use their oars, they had left it hidden
among the bushes; that on their way up the river they had met
Indians, and fought occasionally with them, and although they were
then few in number, they had reason to fear that they would come
back in force, and wait for their return. I immediately sent people
to look out for the canoe, and bring it alongside of the rafts; and
having placed on these all the provisions we had collected, chose
among my people those who were most capable of directing those rafts,
and avoiding by means of great poles the many floating timbers and
gigantic trees with which the bed of the river was covered, and
which rendered the navigation extremely dangerous. The remainder
of my people, under a captain appointed for the purpose, I sent to
the gulf by the same route which we had followed in coming up to
Chacujal, with instructions that if they arrived before me they
were to wait at the place of our landing until I should come for
them, and that if, on the contrary, I was before them on the spot,
I would not move until they came. As to myself, I embarked in the
canoe with only two cross-bow men, the only ones disposable in all my
suite. Though the journey I was about to undertake was exceedingly
dangerous, owing to the impetuosity and strength of the current, as
well as the almost certainty that the Indians would wait for us on
our passage, I nevertheless preferred this route by water to the
other by water, because our stock of provisions went this way, and
I could thus watch better over it. And so, trusting myself in the
hands of God, our Saviour, I began descending the river with such
rapidity, owing to the strength and violence of the current, that
in less than three hours’ navigation we came to the spot where the
boat had been left. Here we attempted to lighten the rafts by putting
part of their cargo in the boat, but it was found impracticable, for
no human effort could stop the rafts, driven on as they were by a
rapid current. I then embarked in the boat, and gave orders that the
canoe, well fitted with good oars, should go in front of the rafts,
in order to see whether any Indians lay in ambush, or whether we came
to any dangerous pass in the river; I myself remaining behind with
the boat ready to give assistance to the rafts, as it was clear to me
that, in case of need, I might more easily help from the rear than
if placed in the van. In this order we went down that river, until
about sunset, when one of the rafts struck violently against a piece
of timber that held fast to the bottom. So strong was the shock, that
the raft was almost entirely submerged, and although the violence of
the waters at that spot made it float again, half its cargo was lost.
Three hours later in the night, I heard in front of us the shouting
of some Indians, but not choosing to leave the rafts behind, I did
not go forward to ascertain what it might be. The shouting, however,
ceased, and we heard no more of it for some time. A little later in
the night I again heard the shouts, at what seemed to me a shorter
distance; but I could not ascertain the fact, for the canoe went, as
I have said, in front, and then three of the rafts, and I followed
in the rear with the fourth, which, owing to the accident sustained,
could not go so fast.

In this manner we proceeded for some length of time, until we came
to a turning of the river, where the current was so strong that,
notwithstanding all our efforts, rafts and boat were cast on shore.

Some time before this, hearing no longer those alarming shouts,
confidence had returned to my people, and I myself, taking off my
helmet--for I was ill with fever at the time--had laid my head on my
hand to see if I could rest. It was soon, however, ascertained that
the shouting we had heard in the distance came from that particular
spot, for the Indians, who knew the river well, as inhabiting its
banks, and being almost born on it, had followed us for some time
along the shore, knowing very well that we should be cast by the
current on the very spot where they were waiting in ambush for
us. No sooner, therefore, did the canoe and rafts reach the place
where the Indians lay concealed than we were assailed by a volley
of arrows from the shore that wounded almost every man on board;
though, knowing that most of us remained still behind, the attack
of the Indians was by no means so strong or furious as the one
they afterwards made on us. Thus assailed, the people in the canoe
attempted to come back and give me notice of the danger, but they
never succeeded in porting the helm, owing to the strength of the
current. When, however, it came to our turn to strike the land, the
Indians gave a most terrific shout, and assailed us with such a
volley of arrows and stones that not one man on board escaped without
a wound. I, myself, was struck by a stone on the head, the only part
of my body that was unarmed, having taken off my steel cap some time
before. God, however, permitted that at the spot where this happened
the banks of the river should be high and the waters deep. To this
circumstance we owed our salvation; for the night being dark, some of
the Indians who attempted to leap upon the rafts and boat fell into
the water, and I believe that a good number of them were drowned in
this way. The current itself soon extricated us from the danger, so
that a few minutes after this we scarcely heard their shouts.

The rest of the night passed without encounter of any sort, though
from time to time we still heard in the distance, or from the sides
of the river, the Indian war-cries.

The shores, I observed, were covered with villages and plantations,
and there were, besides, many fine orchards with cacao and other
fruit trees.

At dawn of day we were five leagues from the mouth of that river that
empties itself into the gulf, and where the brigantine was waiting
for us, and about the hour of noon we arrived on the spot, so that in
four-and-twenty hours we ran no less than twenty long leagues down
that river.

Having given orders that the provisions on the rafts should be
transferred immediately to the brigantine, I was informed, to my
great disappointment, that most of the maize was wet, and that if
I could not have it dried I ran a risk of losing the whole stock,
whereby all the trouble we had in procuring it would have proved in
vain. I immediately caused the dry maize to be put aside and stored
in the brigantine, and as to that which had been spoilt by water,
I had it thrown into the two boats and in two canoes, and sent it
in haste to the village for the purpose of drying; the shores of
that gulf being so swampy and low that there was no spot, however
small, where the operation could be effectually carried on. My men,
therefore, went away with the boats and canoes, but I gave them
orders to send the same back to me, the brigantine and one remaining
canoe being sufficient to convey all my people. Soon after their
departure I set sail in the brigantine, and steered towards the
place where it was agreed that I should wait for the people coming
from Chacujal by land. I waited for them three days, at the end of
which they all arrived in good spirits, and with no other loss but
that of a Spaniard, who having eaten of some herbs he saw in the
fields died almost immediately after. They also brought with them an
Indian, whom they had surprised and taken prisoner near the place
where I left them. This Indian was dressed differently and spoke a
language unknown in these parts. I had already begun to interrogate
him by signs, when a man was found among the prisoners who said he
understood a little of his dialect. In this manner we learned that he
was a native of Teculutlan. No sooner did I hear that name pronounced
than I recollected having heard it repeated on other occasions, and
when I returned to the village I consulted certain memoranda of mine,
where I actually found that name written as being that of a place
across the country, between which and the Spanish establishments in
the South Sea, governed by Pedro de Alvarado, one of my captains,
there was only a distance of seventy-eight leagues. The above
memoranda further stated that the village of Teculutlan had been
visited by Spaniards, and as the Indian bore also testimony to the
fact, I was very much pleased at receiving such intelligence.

My people being all congregated together, and the boats not having
yet returned, we consumed all the dry grain we had in store, and
embarked on board the brigantine, though, the vessel being so very
small, we had the greatest difficulty to move. It was my idea to
cross the gulf to that village where we had landed at first, because
I recollected that the maize plantations were very fine and in full
grain, though not sufficiently ripe for our cutting. Five-and-twenty
days had elapsed since that time, and it was to be hoped that a
good deal of it was dry enough for us to keep; and it so happened;
for being one morning in the middle of the gulf we saw the boats
and canoes coming towards us, and, having sailed altogether in that
direction, recognized the place where the village was. Immediately
after landing, all my people, Spaniards as well as Indians, besides
forty native prisoners, went straight forward to the village,
where they found several maize plantations in the finest possible
condition. The natives, if there were any at the place, not having
shown themselves or made any opposition, my men reaped as much of
that maize as they could, every man of us, Christian or Indian,
making that day three journeys, fortunately very short, from the
village to the ship, loaded with as much grain as he could carry. The
brigantine being filled as well as the boats, I went to the village
myself, leaving there all my people engaged in that most providential
harvest; I afterwards sent to them the two boats, and one more
belonging to a vessel from New Spain, and that had been lost in those
waters, and four canoes. In these vessels all my people embarked,
after having, as I said before, brought sufficient provision to last
us all for many a day. It was, indeed, a most providential supply,
and one that compensated us for all our past troubles; for had we not
found it at that moment we should all have perished through hunger.

“How much of the Cortes wonders do you believe, Uncle Fritz?”

This was Horace Feltham’s question.

Uncle Fritz said that there were two sets of opinions about it. For himself, when Cortes squarely said that a thing was thus and so, he took it as probably true, with due allowance for a man’s praise of his own achievements, and for Spanish and travellers’ exaggeration.

But a great deal of what you find in the received accounts of the conquest must be set down as belonging to the same school of romance as in the same days wrote tales of chivalry or lives of saints. Especially where men do not tell what they saw themselves must you be careful when you are dealing with these Spanish authorities.

VI.

FRA MARCO AND CORONADO.

[Sidenote: 1880.]

When the children came in the next week they found Col. Ingham’s large study-table cleared from books and papers, and quite covered with a display of earthenware.

Blanche asked if there were to be an æsthetic wedding; she told him his table seemed to be covered with wedding presents.

“I do not know how the young brides would like my crockery,” said the colonel, laughing, “but you see I could fit out any of you.” There was a gigantic soup-tureen, pitchers of grotesque shapes, curious water-bottles for travellers to carry at their sides, and every sort of cup, of saucer, and tall vases. The material of some was black; of the tureen and most of the larger objects yellow ware, painted with quaint pictures of beasts and of birds and sometimes of men.

He bade them see how closely these things resembled the pottery dug from the western mounds, which he had shown them when they went with him to the Peabody Museum in Cambridge; and, at a nod from him, Tom Rising took down the first volume of Bryant’s History, which is really “Gay’s,” and which is for young people a good history of the United States. Here they found pictures of earthenware from the mounds, and the children engaged eagerly in comparing them with specimens on the table.

Over the sofa was thrown a great rug, woven or knit in black and white wool, and smaller rugs or mats of the same size hung over the chairs.

“Are they from the mounds, Uncle Fritz?”

“These are not,” said he; “these are all modern, so far as I know. Your mother, Blanche, has just now come back from Santa Barbara, and I dare say some of these hard-working people sold her some of their rugs. They keep up their native industries and sometimes come to the stations to sell their work. Through New Mexico and Arizona, the road passes quite near to the pueblos, as they are called, of these industrious Indians, who, under different names, have always held those valleys. They are people who believe in the ‘Together.’ The necessity of uniting to irrigate the land holds them together. They live in these houses, two, three, or four stories high, of which Mr. Cargill has lent us these pictures.”

And then Uncle Fritz showed them some beautiful photographic views of the “pueblos,” or villages. “Pueblos,” which originally means “peoples,” is the name which the Spaniards of Mexico give to any such town.