Chapter XXV: Appendix: Original Documents (6)

Tlascala, victims from, for sacrifices, i. 96.
Meaning of the word, 111, ii. 188, _note_.
Inimical to Montezuma and the Mexicans, i. 307, ii. 110, 113.
Cortés’ embassy to, ii. 100, 113;
his march towards, 101, 115.
Fortification at the limits of, 102, 111, iii. 205.
First settlement of, ii. 105.
Extent of, 111, _note_.
Its population, 121, _note_, 164, _note_.
Spaniards enter, 164.
Described, 165.
Spaniards go from, 179, 188.
Cortés’ returnto, from Cempoalla, iii. 80;
from Mexico, 207.
Fate of gold and invalids left there, 210.
Refuse an alliance with Aztecs, 222.
Brigantines built there and transported, 233, 245, 254, iii. 283, 297, 299.
Triumphal return to, iii. 244.
Departure from, against Mexico, 259.

Tlascalan allies, ii. 188, 193, 203, 205.
Release captives, 206.
Enter Mexico, 247.
Aztec hatred of, 256, 335.
Join Cortés against Narvaez, iii. 50;
on his return, 80.
Connection of, with the massacre by Alvarado, 90, _note_, 93.
Under Alvarado, 95, _note_.
Quarters of, 108.
In the retreat, 111, 162.
Guide Cortés, 185.
Their fidelity, 188.
In the battle of Otumba, 202.
Return to Tlascala, 208.
Co-operate, 224-229, 253, 302.
Imitate Spaniards, 252.
Burn records, 267.
At the sack of Iztapalapan, 285.
Convey brigantines, 299.
Their hostility to Aztecs, 300.
Booty demanded by, 315.
Noticed, 326, 335, 366.
Efficiency of, at Mexico, iv. 23, 39.
Desertion of, 56.
Their return to, 60.
See _Maxixca_.

Tlascalans, their early history, ii. 104.
Their institutions, 105.
Refuse tribute, and fight, 110.
Their battles with Montezuma, 111.
Battles with the, 116-125, 135-138.
Their treatment of the Cempoallan envoys, 117.
Effect of cannon and fire-arms on the, 124, 136.
Embassies to the camp of, 127, 141, 144.
Treason among the, 138.
Night attack by them, 143, 144.
Embassy from, stopped by Xicotencatl, 145, 146.
Spies from the, 154.
Reception of Spaniards by, 165.
Their character, 168, 169.
Their representations of Montezuma, 176.
Exempted from slavery, iv. 161.

Tlatelolco, i. 116, 157, _note_.
Movements for possessing the market-place of, iv. 35, 37, 40, 46.
Occupied by the besieged, 73, 79.
Distress there, 73.
Entered by Cortés, 79.
Modern name of, 81.
Murderous assault there, 93.
Purification of, 107.
Rebuilt, 152.
See _Market_.

Tlaxcallan, i. 111.
See _Tlascala_.

Tobacco, i. 168, 169, _note_, ii. 304.

Tobillos, lances and, iii. 51.

Toledo in Spain, Cortés at, iv. 218.

Tollan, or Tula, supposed original seat of the Toltecs, i. 12, _note_.
Etymology of the name, 13, _note_.

Toltecs, account of the, i. 12, 100.
Doubtful accounts of their migrations, 20, 253, 267.

Tonatiuh, iii. 172.
See _Alvarado_.

Tools, i. 155, 260.

Toribio de Benavente, i. 132, _note_, ii. 248, _note_, 251,
_note_, 265, _note_.
Account of, and of his writings and labors, 274-276.
Cited, 297, _note_, 321, _note_, 322, _note_, 367, _note_, iii. 234.

Torquemada, i. 11, _note_, 15, _note_.
Notice of, and of his writings, 64, _note_.
Cited, 76, _note_, 81, _note_, 82, _note_, 84, _note_, 86,
_note_, 91, _note_, 93, _note_, 94, _note_, 95, _note_.
Avails himself of a manuscript copy of Sahagun’s Universal
History, 103.
On Mexican intercalation, 129, _note_.
On women, 149, _note_.
Cited, 156, 172, 191, _note_, 194, _note_.
On the Mexican Eve, 236, _note_.
His Aztec and Israelitish analogies, 242, _note_.
On pilgrims to Cholula, ii. 185, _note_.
On the baptism of Montezuma, iii. 148, _note_.

Torres, Juan de, teacher of Totonac converts, ii. 56.

Tortillas, iv. 32, and _note_.

Tortures, i. 91, iii. 345, _note_.
See _Guatemozin_.

Totonacs, ii. 25.
Their fondness for flowers, 37.
Their feelings towards Montezuma, 42.
Exactions of, by Aztec tax-gatherers, 44.
Cortes’ policy as to, 45.
Join Cortés, 46.
Effect on, of Cortés’ interview with Montezuma’s embassy, 51.
Defend their idols, 54.
Their conversion, 55.
Join Cortés’ expedition, 85, 86, _note_.

Trade, i. 164, ii. 312.
See _Traffic_.

Trades, Aztec, i. 161.

Traditions, instances of similar, in the two continents, i. 233.
Argument from, for the Asiatic origin of Aztec civilization, 251.
As authorities, 268.
See _Oral traditions_ and _Predictions_.

Traffic, i. 161, ii. 108.
See _Barter_.

Transportation of vessels, iii. 302, _note_.
See _Brigantines_.

Transubstantiation, ii. 267, _note_.

Travelling, i. 110.
See _Couriers_.

Treasure, Axayacatl’s, discovered,
ii. 333;
disposition of it, iii. 7, 11, 160.
Found after the siege, iv. 109.
See _Gold_.

Trees, size and duration of, in Mexico and Central America, i. 265.
See _Forests_.

Trials, among the Aztecs, i. 45.

Tribes, i. 52, _note_.

Tribute, kinds of, i. 52, 149.
Items of, furnished by different cities, 52, _note_.
Roll respecting, 53, _note_.
Maps for the, 54.
Burdensome exactions of, prepare the way for the Spaniards, 54.
Montezuma’s exaction of, ii. 7, 44.
Tlascalans, refuse, 110.
Collected for the Castilian sovereign, iii. 6.

Trinidad de Cuba, i. 321.

Truth, punishment for violating, i. 186.

Truxillo, Cortés at, iv. 196.

Tudor, William, ii. 89, _note_, 90, _note_, iii. 190, _note_, 259, _note_.

Tula, capital of the Toltecs, i. 15.
Arrival of the Aztecs at, 20.
See _Tollan_.

Tula, the Lady of, i. 215.

Turkeys, i. 169, 191, _note_, ii. 35.

Tylor, Edward B., his account of Mexican remains, ii. 290, _note_.
Cited, i. 14, _note_, 16, _note_, 70, _note_, 77, _note_, ii. 228, _note_.

Tzin, the termination, iii. 249, _note_.

Tzompach, Hill of, ii. 125, 162.

Tzompanco, or Zumpango, iii. 185.

U

Ulloa, discoveries by, iv. 235.

Uxmal, i. 258-266.

V

Valley of Mexico, i. 11, ii. 187, 229, iii. 347.

Vanilla, cultivated, i. 150.

Vater, i. 234, _note_, 249, _note_, 254, _note_, 256, _note_.

Vega, Manuel de la, collection of manuscripts by, iv. 272.

Velasquez, Don Diego, i. 288.
Conqueror and governor of Cuba, 288.
Sends Cordova on an expedition, 289.
Despatches Juan de Grijalva to Yucatan, 291.
Censures Grijalva, 294.
Despatches Olid in search of Grijalva, 295.
Armament of, under Cortés, 296, 311, 313.
Difficulties of, with Cortés, 304-308.
His instructions to Cortés, 315, iv. 284.
Jealous and dissatisfied, i. 317.
Orders the seizure of Cortés, 323, 326.
Partisans of, oppose Cortés, ii. 27, 32, 150.
Tries to intercept despatches, 64.
Gets no redress, 64.
Fits out a fleet against Cortés, 65, iii. 29.
Chaplain of, in Spain, complains against Cortes’ envoys, iii. 25.
Sends to Spain an account of Cortés’ doings, 28, _note_.
His vexation with Cortés, 29.
Made adelantado, 29.
Intrusts his fleet to Narvaez, 30.
Interference with, of the Royal Audience of St. Domingo, 31.
Sustained by Duero, in Spain, 236.
Capture of forces sent to Vera Cruz by, 237.
Ignorant of the fate of his armament, 242.
State of things in Spain, in relation to him and Cortés,
iii. 355, iv. 139, 144, 149.
Fate of, 149.
His character, 149.
See _Narvaez_.

Venezuela, ii. 241, _note_.

Venice, Mexico and, ii. 287.

Vera Cruz, New, i. 365, ii. 48, _note_.
Natives flock to, i. 365.
Built at San Juan de Ulua, iii. 33.
Narvaez at, 33.
Narvaez’s plans for a colony there, 34, 40.
The removal to, iv. 156.

Vera Cruz Vieja, or Antigua, ii. 48, _note_, iv. 156.
See _Villa Rica_.

Verdugo, i. 323, iii. 357.

Vessels, Aztecs aid in building, iii. 21.
See _Armada_.

Vestal fires. See _Fires_.

Veytia, i. 14, _note_, 26, _note_, 130,
_note_, 186, _note_, ii. 180, _note_, 189, _note_.

Villafaña, conspiracy of, iii. 356.

Villa Rica de Vera Cruz, colonization of, ii. 30, 48, iv. 296.
Remarks on, ii. 48, _note_.
Arrival of a Spanish vessel at, 56.
Despatches to Spain from, 57, 62.
Garrisoned, 86.
Grado succeeds Escalante at, 358.
Sandoval commander at, 359.
Rangre commander at, iii. 79.
Reinforcements from, cut off, 210.
Messenger to, 211.
Troops ordered from, 212.
Desire to return to, 213.
Departure from, for Cuba, 236.
Capture of troops sent to, by Velasquez, 237.
Ships at, 237, 238, 323, iv. 62.
Harbor of, iv. 156.
See _Sandoval_ and _Vera Cruz_.

Virgin Mary, i. 71, _note_.
Appears in battle, ii. 340, iii. 145, 203, _note_.
Image of, iii. 16, 132, _note_, 184.
Interposition of, in 1833, 184, _note_.

Volante, escape of, iii. 311.

Volcanoes, remains of, i. 7.
The Orizaba, ii. 34, 89, 187.
The Cofre de Perote, ii. 91.
Popocatepetl, 187, 223, 224.
Use of the word, 224, _note_.
Region of, iii. 332.

Voltaire, i. 99, _note_, iii. 147, _note_.
Anecdote by, of Charles V. and Cortés, iv. 240, _note_.

Vómito, or bilious fever, i. 7, 366, _note_, ii. 48, _note_, 88.

W

Waldeck, i. 258, 259, _note_, 265, _note_, 290, _note_, iii. 224.

Wall of serpents, ii. 320, iii. 87, iv. 14.

War, Aztec ideas respecting, i. 56.
Mode of declaring and conducting, 56, 57.
Great object of, 95.
Tlascalan love of, ii. 107.
Cholulans disqualified for, 182.

Warburton, William, i. 106, _note_, 110, _note_.

War-god. See _Huitzilopochtli_.

Warren, John C., i. 255, _note_.

Water, ablution with, at table, i. 168, ii. 303.
Basins of, at Tezcotzinco, i. 197, 198.
Use of, for religious purification, 241, _note_.
Want of, iii. 336.
See _Aqueducts_ and _Tezcuco lake_.

Water-fowl, ii. 297.

Weeks, division by, i. 126.

Weights, no Mexican, ii. 318, iii. 9.

Wheat, yield of, ii. 188, _note_.

Wheels, chronological, i. 132, _note_.
Gold and silver, ii. 17, 59, _note_.

White, Blanco, ii. 267, _note_.

Wild turkeys, i. 169, 191, _note_, ii. 35.

Wilkinson, J. G., i. 86, 271, _note_.

Wives of Montezuma, ii. 299, iii. 155, iv. 302.

Women, employment and treatment of, in Mexico, i. 149, 167, 172, ii. 311.
Torquemada on, i. 149, _note_.
Sophocles on Egyptian men and, 149, _note_.
Their appearance, 167.
Asiatic, 172.
Sacrificed, 218, _note_.
Totonac, ii. 37.
Protected at the Cholulan massacre, 205, 212.
Dress of, 311.
Accompany the Christian camp, iii. 168.
Heroism of, iv. 58.
Heroism of the Mexican, iv. 75, 93.
Efforts to spare, 94, 99;
to bring into New Spain, 156.
See _Daughters_.

Wooden ware, Mexican, i. 159.

World, tradition of the destruction of the, i. 75, 140.

Wounds, want of medicaments for, iv. 32, _note_.

X

Xalacingo, ii. 100, _note_.

Xalapa, Spaniards at, ii. 88.

Xaltocan, assault on, iii. 305.

Xaramillo, Don Juan, iv. 191.

Xicotencatl, the elder, ii. 114, 165, iii. 220.
Converted, iii. 244.
Ominous words of, cited, iv. 55.

Xicotencatl, the younger, a Tlascalan commander, ii. 114, 121, 124, 128.
His standard, 132.
Facts respecting, 138, 141, 145, 146, 154, 156, 157.
Countenances jealousies, iii. 216.
Favors an embassy from Mexico, 221.
Leads against Tepeacans, 224.
Imitates Spaniards, 253.
Joins Cortés, iii. 366.
Leaves the army, 369.
Hung, 371.
Remarks on, 372.

Ximenes, Cardinal, destruction of manuscripts by, i. 116.
His administration, 279, iii. 355.
Commission by, to redress Indian grievances, i. 286, ii. 73.

Xochicalco, lake, ii. 240.

Xochicalco, ruins of the temple or fortress of, i. 257, 261, _note_, 263.

Xochimilco, iii. 338, 346, iv. 19.

Xoloc, Fort, ii. 249.
Stormed, iii. 348.
Fleet at, iv. 6.
Headquarters at, 7.
Barracks built there, 31.

Xuarez, Catalina, intimacy and marriage of Cortés with, i. 304, 308.
Joins her husband, iv. 158.
Fate of, 159, _note_, 226, and _note_.

Y

Years, Aztec, i. 126.
On divisions of time into, 128.
Hieroglyphics for, 129-131, _note_.
On the names of, 247, _note_.

Yucatan, mentioned, i. 258, iv. 178.
Resemblances to the architecture of, i. 261.
Expedition to, 290.
The word, 290, and _note_.
Called New Spain, 292.
Ordaz despatched to, to liberate Christians, 333, 339.
Canoe from, with Aguilar, 339.
See _Tabasco_.

Yxtacamaxtitlán, ii. 100, and _note_.

Z

Zacatecas, silver from, iv. 232.

Zacatula, fleet at, iv. 155, 169.

Zacotollan, copper from, i. 154.

Zahuatl, the river, ii. 167.

Zodiacal signs, coincidences as to, i. 246.

Zoltepec, massacre at, iii. 210, 298.

Zuazo, i. 87, _note_, 151, _note_.
On mantles of feathers, ii. 311, _note_.
On the Aztec _cuisine_, 316, _note_.
Urges Cortés to return to Mexico, iv. 200.

Zumárraga, Don Juan de, i. 94.
First archbishop of Mexico, destroys manuscripts, 115.
Image destroyed by, 197, _note_.
Demolishes the Statue of the Sun, iii. 193.

Zumpango, or Tzompanco, iii. 185.

Zuñiga, Doña Juana de, second wife of Cortés, iv. 223, 235.

Zurita, i. 39, _note_, 43, _note_, 62, _note_, 185 _note_.

THE END

FOOTNOTES:

[1] “It was a beautiful victory,” exclaims the Conqueror. “É entrámoslos de tal manera, que ninguno de ellos se escapó, excepto las Mugeres, y Niños; y en este combate me hiriéron veinte y cinco Españoles, pero fué muy hermosa Victoria.” Rel. Terc., ap. Lorenzana, p. 241.

[2] About five hundred boats, according to the general’s own estimate (Ibid., loc. cit.); but more than four thousand, according to Bernal Diaz (Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 150); who, however, was not present.

[3] “Y como yo deseaba mucho, que el primer reencuentro, que con ellos obiessemos, fuesse de mucha victoria; y se hiciesse de manera, que ellos cobrassen mucho temor de los bergantines, porque la llave de toda la Guerra estaba en ellos.” Rel. Terc., ap. Lorenzana, pp. 241, 242.

[4] “Plugo á nuestro Señor, que estándonos mirando los unos á los otros, vino un viento de la Tierra muy favorable para embestir con ellos.” Ibid., p. 242.

[5] Rel. Terc., ap. Lorenzana, loc. cit.--Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 48.--Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva-España, MS., lib 12, cap. 32.--I may be excused for again quoting a few verses from a beautiful description in “Madoc,” and one as pertinent as beautiful:

“Their thousand boats, and the ten thousand oars,
From whose broad bowls the waters fall and flash,
And twice ten thousand feathered helms, and shields,
Glittering with gold and scarlet plumery.
Onward they come with song and swelling horn;
... On the other side
Advance the _British_ barks; the freshening breeze
Fills the broad sail; around the rushing keel
The waters sing, while proudly they sail on,
Lords of the water.”
MADOC, Part 2, canto 25.

[6] “Y era tanta la multitud,” says Cortés, “que por el Agua, y por la Tierra no viamos sino Gente, y daban tantas gritas, y alaridos, que parecia que se hundia el Mundo.” Rel. Terc., p. 245.--Oviedo, Hist, de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 23.--Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., MS., cap. 95.--Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva-España, MS., lib. 12, cap. 32.

[7] Rel. Terc. de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, pp. 246, 247.--Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 150.--Herrera, Hist, de las Ind., dec. 3, lib. 1, cap. 17.--Defensa, MS., cap. 28.

[8] Así como fué de dia se dixo vna misa de Espíritu Santo, que todos los Christianos oyéron con mucha devocion; é aun los Indios, como simples, é no entendientes de tan alto misterio, con admiracion estaban atentos notando el silencio de los cathólicos y el acatamiento que al altar, y al sacerdote los Christianos toviéron hasta recevir la benedicion.” Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 24.

[9] [This street, which is now called the Calle del Rastro, and traverses the whole city from north to south, leading from the Calle del Relox to the causeway of Guadalupe or Tepeyacac, was known at the period immediately following the Conquest as the Calle de Iztapalapa, which name was given to it through its whole extent. In the time of the ancient Mexicans its course was intercepted by the great temple, the principal door of which fronted upon it. After this edifice had been demolished, the street was opened from one end to the other. Conquista de Méjico (trad. de Vega), tom. ii. p. 157.]

[10] Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva-España, MS., lib. 12, cap. 32.--Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., MS., cap. 95.--Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 23.--Rel. Terc. de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, pp. 247, 248.

[11] Rel. Terc. de Cortés, ubi supra.--Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., MS., cap. 95.--Here terminates the work last cited of the Tezcucan chronicler; who has accompanied us from the earliest period of our narrative down to this point in the final siege of the capital. Whether the concluding pages of the manuscript have been lost, or whether he was interrupted by death, it is impossible to say. But the deficiency is supplied by a brief sketch of the principal events of the siege, which he has left in another of his writings. He had, undoubtedly, uncommon sources of information in his knowledge of the Indian languages and picture-writing, and in the oral testimony which he was at pains to collect from the actors in the scenes he describes. All these advantages are too often counterbalanced by a singular incapacity for discriminating--I will not say, between historic truth and falsehood (for what is truth?)--but between the probable, or rather the possible, and the impossible. One of the generation of primitive converts to the Romish faith, he lived in a state of twilight civilization, when, if miracles were not easily wrought, it was at least easy to believe them.

[12] [In the street of Santa Teresa. Conquista de Méjico (trad. de Vega), tom. ii. p. 158.]

[13] [Which forms what is called “El Empedradillo.” Ibid.]

[14] [This wall, adorned with serpents, and crowned with the heads, strung together on stakes, of the human victims sacrificed in the temple, formed the front of the Plaza on the south side, extending from the corner of the Calle de Plateros east, towards the chains that enclose the cemetery of the cathedral. Ibid.]

[15] “I con todo eso no se determinaban los Christianos de entrar en la Plaça; por lo qual diciendo Hernando Cortés, que no era tiempo de mostrar cansancio, ni cobardía, con vna Rodela en la mano, appellidando Santiago, arremetió el primero.” Herrera, Hist. general, dec. 3, lib. 1, cap. 18.

[16] Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva-España, MS., lib. 12, cap. 32.

[17] Ixtlilxochitl, in his Thirteenth Relacion, embracing among other things a brief notice of the capture of Mexico, of which an edition has been given to the world by the industrious Bustamante, bestows the credit of this exploit on Cortés himself. “En la capilla mayor donde estaba Huitzilopoxctli, que llegáron Cortés é Ixtlilxuchitl á un tiempo, y ambos embistiéron con el ídolo. _Cortés cogió la máscara de oro que tenia puesta este ídolo_ con ciertas piedras preciosas que estaban engastadas en ella.” Venida de los Españoles, p. 29.

[18] “Los de Caballo revolvian sobre ellos, que siempre alanceaban, ó mataban algunos; é como la Calle era muy larga, hubo lugar de hacerse esto quatro, ó cinco veces. É aunque los Enemigos vian que recibian daño, venian los Perros tan rabiosos, que en ninguna manera los podiamos detener, ni que nos dejassen de seguir.” Rel. Terc. de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, p. 250.--Herrera, Hist. general, dec. 3, lib. 1, cap. 18.--Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva-España, MS., lib. 12, cap. 32.--Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 23.

[19] The great mass of the Otomies were an untamed race, who roamed over the broad tracts of the plateau, far away to the north. But many of them, who found their way into the Valley, became blended with the Tezcucan, and even with the Tlascalan nation, making some of the best soldiers in their armies.

[20] [The Otomies inhabited all the country of Tula on the west, where their language is well preserved. Conquista de Méjico (trad. de Vega), tom. ii. p. 161.]

[21] “Istrisuchil [Ixtlilxochitl], que es de edad de veinte y tres, ó veinte y quatro años, muy esforzado, amado, y temido de todos.” (Rel. Terc. de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, p. 251.) The greatest obscurity prevails among historians in respect to this prince, whom they seem to have confounded very often with his brother and predecessor on the throne of Tezcuco. It is rare that either of them is mentioned by any other than his baptismal name of Hernando; and, if Herrera is correct in the assertion that this name was assumed by both, it may explain in some degree the confusion. (Hist. general, dec. 3, lib. 1, cap. 18.) I have conformed in the main to the old Tezcucan chronicler, who gathered his account of his kinsman, as he tells us, from the records of his nation, and from the oral testimony of the contemporaries of the prince himself. Venida de los Españoles, pp. 30, 31.

[22] “Daban ocasion, y nos forzaban á que totalmente les destruyessemos. É de esta postrera tenia mas sentimiento, y me pesaba en el alma, y pensaba que forma ternia para los atemorizar, de manera, que viniessen en conocimiento de su yerro, y de el daño, que podian recibir de nosotros, y no hacia sino quemalles, y derrocalles las Torres de sus Ídolos, y sus Casas.” Rel. Terc. de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, p. 254.

[23] [The ruins of this building were brought to light in the process of laying the foundations of the houses recently constructed on the southern side of the street of Santa Teresa, adjoining the convent of the Conception. Conquista de Méjico (trad. de Vega), tom. ii. p. 162.].

[24] “Y desde las azoteas deshonrarle llamándole de traidor contra su patria y deudos, y otras razones pesadas, que á la verdad _á ellos les sobraba la razon_; mas Ixtlilxuchitl callaba y peleaba, que mas estimaba la amistad y salud de los Cristianos que todo esto.” Venida de los Españoles, p. 32.

[25] Ibid., p. 29.

[26] For the preceding pages relating to this second assault, see Rel. Terc. de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, pp. 254-256,--Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva-España, MS., lib. 12, cap. 33,--Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 24,--Defensa, MS., cap. 28.

[27] Rel. Terc., ap. Lorenzana, p. 259.

[28] Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 151.--According to Herrera, Alvarado and Sandoval did not conceal their disapprobation of the course pursued by their commander in respect to the breaches: “I Alvarado, i Sandoval, por su parte, tambien lo hiciéron mui bien, culpando á Hernando Cortés por estas retiradas, queriendo muchos que se quedara en lo ganado, por no bolver tantas veces á ello.” Hist. general, dec. 3, lib. 1, cap. 19.

[29] “Porque como era de noche, no aguardauan mucho, y desta manera que he dicho velauamos, que ni porque llouiesse, ni vientos, ni frios, y aunque estauamos metidos en medio de grandes lodos, y heridos, allí auiamos de estar.” Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 151.

[30] [That is to say, the more violent part of the rainy season, which lasts, in fact, from May or June to October. Conquista de Méjico (trad. de Vega), tom. ii. p. 165.]

[31] “Porque nouenta y tres dias estuuímos sobre esta tan fuerte ciudad, cada dia é de noche teniamos guerras, y combates; é no lo pongo aquí por capítulos lo que cada dia haziamos, porque me parece que seria gran proligidad, é seria cosa para nunca acabar, y pareceria á los libros de Amadis, é de otros corros de caualleros.” Hist. de la Conquista, ubi supra.

[32] Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, ubi supra.--Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva-España, MS., lib. 12, cap. 33.

[33] Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 151.--Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva-España, MS., lib. 12, cap. 34.

[34] I recollect meeting with no estimate of their numbers; nor, in the loose arithmetic of the Conquerors, would it be worth much. They must, however, have been very great, to enable them to meet the assailants so promptly and efficiently on every point.

[35] Defensa, MS., cap. 28.--Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva-España, MS., lib. 12, cap. 34.--The principal cities were Mexicaltzinco, Cuitlahuac, Iztapalapan, Mizquiz, Huitzilopochco, Colhuacan.

[36] “Y como aquel dia llevabamos mas de ciento y cincuenta mil Hombres de Guerra.” Rel. Terc., ap. Lorenzana, p. 280.

[37] “Y vea Vuestra Magestad,” says Cortés to the emperor, “que tan ancha puede ser la Calzada, que va por lo mas hondo de la Laguna, que de la una parte, y de la otra iban estas Casas, y quedaba en medio hecha Calle, que muy á placer á pie, y á caballo ibamos, y veniamos por ella.” Rel. Terc., ap. Lorenzana, p. 260.

[38] The greatest difficulty under which the troops labored, according to Diaz, was that of obtaining the requisite medicaments for their wounds. But this was in a great degree obviated by a Catalan soldier, who by virtue of his prayers and incantations wrought wonderful cures both on the Spaniards and their allies. The latter, as the more ignorant, flocked in crowds to the tent of this military Æsculapius, whose success was doubtless in a direct ratio to the faith of his patients. Hist. de la Conquista, ubi supra.

[39] Diaz mourns over this unsavory diet. (Hist. de la Conquista, loc. cit.) Yet the Indian fig is an agreeable, nutritious fruit; and the _tortilla_, made of maize flour, with a slight infusion of lime, though not precisely a _morceau friand_, might pass for very tolerable camp fare. According to the lively Author of “Life in Mexico,” it is made now precisely as it was in the days of the Aztecs. If so, a cooking receipt is almost the only thing that has not changed in this country of revolutions.{*}

{*} [Corn is placed in water, to which a little lime is added, and soaked over night. Or it is allowed to simmer over a slow fire. The husk is then easily separated and the grain is mashed or ground. The paste is then formed with the hands into a very thin cake which is cooked on an earthen pan placed over the fire. It is eaten with boiled beans and a mixture of Chile and lard.

Another common article of diet is the _tamale_. This is a mixture of chopped meat, Chile, and onions, covered with corn paste, then wrapped in corn or plantain leaves and boiled or baked.--M.]

[40] “Quo strages,” says Martyr, “erat crudelior, eo magis copiose ac opipare cœnabant Guazuzingui & Tascaltecani, cæterique prouinciales auxiliarii, qui soliti sunt hostes in prœlio cadentes intra suos ventres sepelire; nec vetare ausus fuisset Cortesius.” (De Orbe Novo, dec. 5, cap. 8.) “Y los otros les mostraban los de su Ciudad hechos pedazos, diciéndoles, que los habian de cenar aquella noche, y almorzar otro dia, como de hecho lo hacian.” (Rel. Terc. de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, p. 256.) Yet one may well be startled by the assertion of Oviedo, that the carnivorous monsters fished up the bloated bodies of those drowned in the lake to swell their repast! “Ni podian ver los ojos de los Christianos, é Cathólicos, mas espantable é aborrecida cosa, que ver en el Real de los Amigos confederados el continuo exercicio de comer carne asada, ó cocida de los Indios enemigos, é aun de los que mataban en las canoas, ó se ahogaban, é después el agua los echaba en la superficie de la laguna, ó en la costa, no los dexaban de pescar, é aposentar en sus vientres.” Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 24.

[41] “I confidently expected both on that and the preceding day that they would come with proposals of peace, as I had myself, whether victorious or otherwise, constantly made overtures to that end. But on their part we never perceived a sign of such intention.” Rel. Terc. de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, p. 261.

[42] Such is the account explicitly given by Cortés to the emperor. (Rel. Terc., ap. Lorenzana, p. 264.) Bernal Diaz, on the contrary, speaks of the assault as first conceived by the general himself. (Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 151.) Yet Diaz had not the best means of knowing; and Cortés would hardly have sent home a palpable misstatement that could have been so easily exposed.

[43] This punctual performance of mass by the army, in storm and in sunshine, by day and by night, among friends and enemies, draws forth a warm eulogium from the archiepiscopal editor of Cortés: “En el Campo, en una Calzada, entre Enemigos, trabajando dia, y noche, nunca se omitia la Missa, páraque toda la obra se atribuyesse á Dios, y mas en unos Meses, en que incomodan las Aguas de el Cielo; y encima del Agua las Habitaciones, ó malas Tiendas.” Lorenzana, p. 266, nota.

[44] In the treasurer’s division, according to the general’s Letter, there were 70 Spanish foot, 7 or 8 horse, and 15,000 or 20,000 Indians; in Tápia’s, 80 foot, and 10,000 allies; and in his own, 8 horse, 100 infantry, and “an infinite number of allies.” (Ibid., ubi supra.) The looseness of the language shows that a few thousands more or less were of no great moment in the estimate of the Indian forces.

[45] “Otro dia de mañana acordé de ir á su Real para le reprehender lo pasado.... Y visto, no les imputé tanta culpa, como antes parecia tener, y platicado cerca de lo que habia de hacer, yo me bolví á nuestro Real aquel dia.” Rel. Terc, de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, pp. 263, 264.

[46] “Y hallé, que habian pasado una quebrada de la Calle, que era de diez, ó doce pasos de ancho; y el Agua, que por ella pasaba, era de hondura de mas de dos estados, y al tiempo que la pasáron habian echado en ella madera, y cañas de carrizo, y como pasaban pocos á pocos, y con tiento, no se habia hundido la madera y cañas.” Rel. Terc. de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, p. 268.--See also Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 48.

[47] Gomara, Crónica, cap. 138.--Ixtlilxochitl, Venida de los Españoles, p. 37.--Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 26.--Guatemozin’s horn rang in the ears of Bernal Diaz for many a day after the battle. “Quatemuz, y manda tocar su corneta, [~q] era vna señal q quando aquella se tocasse, era q auian de pelear sus Capitanes de manera, q hiziessen presa, ó morir sobre ello; y retumbaua el sonido, q se metia en los oidos, y de q lo oyéro aquellos sus esquadrones, y Capitanes: saber yo aquí dezir aora, con q rabia, y esfuerço se metian entre nosotros á nos echar mano, es cosa de espanto.” Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 152.

[48] “É como el negocio fué tan de súpito, y ví que mataban la Gente determiné de me quedar allí, y morir peleando.” Rel. Terc., ap. Lorenzana, p. 268.

[49] Ixtlilxochitl, who would fain make his royal kinsman a sort of residuary legatee for all unappropriated, or even doubtful, acts of heroism, puts in a sturdy claim for him on this occasion. A painting, he says, on one of the gates of a monastery of Tlatelolco, long recorded the fact that it was the Tezcucan chief who saved the life of Cortés. (Venida de los Éspañoles, p. 38.) But Camargo gives the full credit of it to Olea, on the testimony of “a famous Tlascalan warrior,” present in the action, who reported it to him. (Hist. de Tlascala, MS.) The same is stoutly maintained by Bernal Diaz, townsman of Olea, to whose memory he pays a hearty tribute, as one of the best men and bravest soldiers in the army. (Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 152, 204.) Saavedra, the poetic chronicler,--something more of a chronicler than poet,--who came on the stage before all that had borne arms in the Conquest had left it, gives the laurel also to Olea, whose fate he commemorates in verses that at least aspire to historic fidelity:

“Túvole con las manos abraçado,
Y Francisco de Olea el valeroso,
Vn valiente Español, y su criado
Le tiró vn tajo brauo y riguroso:
Las dos manos á cercen le ha cortado,
Y él le libró del trance trabajoso
Huuo muy gran rumor, porque dezian,
Que ya en prision amarga le tenian.

“Llegáron otros Indios arriscados,
Y á Olea matáron en vn punto,
Cercáron á Cortés por todos lados,
Y al miserable cuerpo ya difunto;
Y viendo sus sentidos recobrados,
Puso mano á la espada y daga junto.
Antonio de Quiñones llegó luego,
Capitan de la guarda ardiendo en fuego.”
EL PEREGRINO INDIANO, Canto 20.

[50] “É aquel Capitan que estaba con el General, que se decia Antonio de Quiñones, díxole: Vamos, Señor, de aquí, y salvemos vuestra Persona, pues que ya esto está de manera, que es morir desesperado atender; é sin vos, ninguno de nosotros puede escapar, que no es esfuerzo, sino poquedad, porfiar aquí otra cosa.” Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 26.

[51] It may have been the same banner which is noticed by Mr. Bullock as treasured up in the Hospital of Jesus, “where,” says he, “we beheld the identical embroidered standard under which the great captain wrested this immense empire from the unfortunate Montezuma.” Six Months in Mexico, vol. i. chap. 10.

[52] For this disastrous affair, besides the Letter of Cortés, and the Chronicle of Diaz, so often quoted, see Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva-España, MS., lib. 12, cap. 33,--Camargo, Hist. de Tlascala, MS.,--Gomara, Crónica, cap. 138,--Torquemada, Monarch. Ind., lib. 4, cap. 94,--Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 26, 48.

[53] “El resonido de la corneta de Guatemuz.”--Astolfo’s magic horn was not more terrible:

“Dico che ’l corno è di sì orribil suono,
Ch’ ovunque s’ oda, fa fuggir la gente.
Non può trovarsi al mondo un cor sì buono,
Che possa non fuggir come lo sente.
Rumor di vento e di tremuoto, e ’l tuono,
A par del suon di questo, era niente.”
ORLANDO FURIOSO, Canto 15, st. 15.

[54] “Por [~q] yo no lo sé aquí escriuir [~q] aora [~q] me pongo á pensar en ello, es como si visiblemente lo viesse, mas bueluo á dezir, y ansí es verdad, [~q] si Dios no nos diera esfuerço, segun estauamos todos heridos: él nos saluo, [~q] de otra manera no nos podiamos llegar á nuestros ranchos.” Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 152.

[55] This renowned steed, who might rival the Babieca of the Cid, was named Motilla, and, when one would pass unqualified praise on a horse, he would say, “He is as good as Motilla.” So says that prince of chroniclers, Diaz, who takes care that neither beast nor man shall be defrauded of his fair guerdon in these campaigns against the infidel. He was of a chestnut color, it seems, with a star in his forehead, and, luckily for his credit, with only one foot white. See Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 152, 205.

[56] The cavaliers might be excused for not wantonly venturing their horses, if, as Diaz asserts, they could only be replaced at an expense of eight hundred or a thousand dollars apiece: “Porque costaua en aquella sazon vn cauallo ochocientos pesos, y aun algunos costauan á mas de mil.” Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 151. See, also, _ante_, Book II. chap. 3, note 14.

[57] “Mira pues veis que yo no puedo ir á todas partes, á vos os encomiendo estos trabajos, pues veis [~q] estoy herido y coxo; ruego os pongais cobro en estos tres reales; bien sé [~q] Pedro de Alvarado, y sus Capitanes, y soldados aurán batallado, y hecho como caualleros, mas temo el gran poder destos perros no les ayan desbaratado.” Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 152.

[58] “Vn atambor de muy triste sonido, enfin como instrumento de demonios, y retumbaua tanto, que se oia dos, ó tres leguas.” Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, loc. cit.

[59] Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, ubi supra.--Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 48.--“Sacándoles los corazones, sobre una piedra que era como un pilar cortado, tan grueso como un hombre y algo mas, y tan alto como medio estadio; allí á cada uno echado de espaldas sobre aquella piedra, que se llama Techcatl, uno le tiraba por un brazo, y otro por el otro, y tambien por las piernas otros dos, y venia uno de aquellos Sátrapas, con un pedernal, como un hierro de lanza enhastado, en un palo de dos palmos de largo, le daba un golpe con ambas manos en el pecho; y sacando aquel pedernal, por la misma llaga metia la mano, y arrancábale el corazón, y luego fregaba con él la boca del Ídolo; y echaba á rodar el cuerpo por las gradas abajo, que serian como cinquenta ó sesenta gradas, por allí abajo iba quebrando las piernas y los brazos, y dando cabezasos con la cabeza, _hasta que llegaba abajo aun vivo_.” Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva-España, MS., lib. 12, cap. 35.

[60] At least, such is the honest confession of Captain Diaz, as stouthearted a soldier as any in the army. He consoles himself, however, with the reflection that the tremor of his limbs intimated rather an excess of courage than a want of it, since it arose from a lively sense of the great dangers into which his daring spirit was about to hurry him! The passage in the original affords a good specimen of the inimitable _naïveté_ of the old chronicler: “Digan agora todos aquellos caualleros, que desto del militar entienden, y se han hallado en trances peligrosos de muerte, á que fin echarán mi temor, si es á mucha flaqueza de animo, ó á mucho esfuerço, porque como he dicho, sentia yo en mi pensamiento, que auia de poner por mi persona, batallando en parte que por fuerça auia de temer la muerte mas que otras vezes, y por esto me temblaua el coraçon, y temia la muerte.” Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 156.

[61] Herrera, Hist. general, dec. 3, lib. 2, cap. 20.--Ixtlilxochitl, Venida de los Españoles, pp. 41, 42.--“Y nos dezian, que de aí á ocho dias no auia de quedar ninguno de nosotros á vida, porque assí se lo auian prometido la noche antes sus Dioses.” Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 153.

[62] Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva-España, MS., lib. 12, cap. 36.--Ixtlilxochitl, Venida de los Españoles, pp. 41, 42.--The Castilian scholar will see that I have not drawn on my imagination for the picture of these horrors: “Digamos aora lo que los Mexicanos hazian de noche en sus grandes, y altos Cues; y es, [~q] tañian su maldito atambor, que dixe otra vez que era el de mas maldito sonido, y mas triste [~q] se podia inuētar, y sonaua muy lexos; y tañian otros peores instrumentos. En fin, cosas diabólicas, y teniā grandes lumbres, y dauā grādíssimos gritos, y siluos, y en aquel instāte estauan sacrificando de nuestros cōpañeros, de los [~q] tomárō á Cortés, que supímos [~q] sacrificáron diez dias arreo, hasta que los acabáron, y el postrero dexárō á Christoual de Guzman, [~q] viuo lo tuuiéron diez y ocho dias, segun dixérō tres Capitanes Mexicanos [~q] prēdímos.” Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 153.

[63] “Que no era bien, que Mugeres Castellanas dexasen á sus Maridos, iendo á la Guerra, i que adonde ellos muriesen, moririan ellas.” (Herrera, Hist. general, dec. 3, lib. 1, cap. 22.) The historian has embalmed the names of several of these heroines in his pages, who are, doubtless, well entitled to share the honors of the Conquest: Beatriz de Palacios, María de Estrada, Juana Martin, Isabel Rodriguez, and Beatriz Bermudez.

[64] Ibid., ubi supra.

[65] And yet the priests were not so much to blame, if, as Solís assures us, “the Devil went about very industriously in those days, insinuating into the ears of his flock what he could not into their hearts.” Conquista, lib. 5, cap. 22.

[66] “Y teniamos necesidad antes de ser socorridos, que de dar socorro.” Rel. Terc. de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, p. 272.

[67] “God knows,” says the general, “the peril in which we all stood; pero como nos convenia mostrar mas esfuerzo y ánimo, que nunca, y morir peleando, disimulabamos nuestra flaqueza assí con los Amigos como con los Enemigos.” Rel. Terc. de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, p. 275.

[68] Tápia’s force consisted of 10 horse and 80 foot; the chief alguacil, as Sandoval was styled, had 18 horse and 100 infantry. Ibid., loc. cit.--Also Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 26.

[69] “Pólvora y Ballestas, de que teniamos muy estrema necesidad.” (Rel. Terc. de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, p. 278.) It was probably the expedition in which Ponce de Leon lost his life; an expedition to the very land which the chivalrous cavalier had himself first visited in quest of the Fountain of Health. The story is pleasantly told by Irving, as the reader may remember, in his “Companions of Columbus.”

[70] The calm and simple manner in which the _Conquistador_, as usual, states this in his _Commentaries_, has something appalling in it from its very simplicity: “Acordé de tomar un medio para nuestra seguridad, y para poder mas estrechar á los Enemigos; y fué, que como fuessemos ganando por las Calles de la Ciudad, que fuessen derrocando todas las Casas de ellas, del un lado, y del otro; por manera, que no fuessemos un paso adelante, sin lo dejar todo asolado, y lo que era Agua, hacerlo Tierra-firme, aunque hobiesse toda la dilacion, que se pudiesse seguir.” Rel. Terc., ap. Lorenzana, p. 279.

[71] “Porque era la mas hermosa cosa del Mundo.” Ibid., p. 278.

[72] “Mas antes en el pelear, y en todos sus ardides, los hallabamos con mas ánimo, que nunca.” Ibid., p. 279.

[73] Yet we shall hardly credit the Tezcucan historian’s assertion that a hundred thousand Indians flocked to the camp for this purpose: “Viniesen todos los labradores con sus coas para este efecto con toda brevedad: ... llegáron _mas de cien mil de ellos_.” Ixtlilxochitl, Venida de los Españoles, p. 42.

[74] Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 153.

[75] Sahagun, who gathered the story from the actors, and from the aspect of the scene before the devastation had been wholly repaired, writes with the animation of an eye-witness: “La guerra por agua y por tierra fué tan porfiada y tan sangrienta, que era espanto de verla, y no hay posibilidad, para decir las particularidades que pasaban; eran tan espesas las saetas, y dardos, y piedras, y palos, que se arrojavan los unos á los otros, que quitavan la claridad del sol; era tan grande la vocería, y grita, de hombres y mugeres, y niños que voceaban y lloraban, que era cosa de grima; era tan grande la polvareda, y ruido, en derrocar y quemar casas, y robar lo que en ellas habia, y cautivar niños y mugeres, _que parecia un juicio_.” Hist. de Nueva-España, MS., lib. 12, cap. 38.

[76] The flesh of the Christians failed to afford them even the customary nourishment, since the Mexicans said it was intolerably bitter; a miracle considered by Captain Diaz as expressly wrought for this occasion. Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 153.

[77] Ibid., ubi supra.--When dried in the sun, this slimy deposit had a flavor not unlike that of cheese, and formed part of the food of the poorer classes at all times, according to Clavigero. Stor. del Messico, tom. ii. p. 222.{*}

{*} [This was the _ahuahutle_ before described. See _ante_, vol. ii. p. 290, note.--M.]

[78] Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 154.

[79] “Mas como el Guatemuz era mancebo, _y muy gentil-hombre_ y de buena disposicion.” Ibid., ubi supra.

[80] “Mira primero lo que nuestros Dioses te han prometido, toma buen consejo sobre ello y no te fies de Malinche, ni de sus palabras, que mas vale que todos muramos en esta ciudad peleando, que no vernos en poder de quiē nos harán esclauos, y nos atormentarán.” Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 154.

[81] “Y entonces el Guatemuz medio enojado les dixo: Pues assi quereis que sea, guardad mucho el maiz, y bastimentos que tenemos, y muramos todos peleando: y desde aquí adelante ninguno sea osado á me demandar pazes, si no yo le mataré: y allí todos prometiéron de pelear noches, y dias, y morir en la defensa de su ciudad.” Ibid., ubi supra.

[82] “Los de la Ciudad como veian tanto estrago, por esforzarse, decian á nuestros Amigos, que no ficiessen sino quemar, y destruir, que ellos se las harian tornar á hacer de nuevo, porque si ellos eran vencedores, ya ellos sabian, que habia de ser assí, y si no, que las habian de hacer para nosotros.” Rel. Terc. de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, p. 286.

[83] Rel. Terc. de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, pp. 282-284.--Herrera, Hist. general, dec. 3, lib. 1, cap. 22; lib. 2, cap. 2.--Gomara, Crónica, cap. 140.--Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 28.--Ixtlilxochitl, Venida de los Españoles, p. 43.

[84] “No se entendió sino en quemar, y hallanar Casas, que era lástima cierto de lo ver; pero como no nos convenia hacer otra cosa, eramos forzado seguir aquella órden.” Rel. Terc. de Cortés, p. 286.

[85] “No tenian agua dulce para beber, ni para de ninguna manera de comer; bebian del agua salada y hedionda, comian ratones y lagartijas, y cortezas de árboles, y otras cosas no comestibles; y de esta causa enfermáron muchos, y muriéron muchos.” Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva-España, MS., lib. 12, cap. 39.--Also Rel. Terc. de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, p. 289.

[86] “Y es verdad y juro amen, que toda la laguna, y casas, y barbacoas estauan llenas de cuerpos, y cabeças de hombres muertos, que yo no sé de que manera lo escriua.” (Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 156.) Clavigero considers that it was a scheme of the Mexicans to leave the dead unburied, in order that the stench might annoy and drive off the Spaniards. (Stor. del Messico, tom. iii. p. 231, nota.) But this policy would have operated much more to the detriment of the besieged than of the besiegers, whose presence in the capital was but transitory. It is much more natural to refer it to the same cause which has led to a similar conduct under similar circumstances elsewhere, whether occasioned by pestilence or famine.

[87] Gonzalo de las Casas, Defensa, MS., cap. 28.--Martyr, De Orbe Novo, dec. 5, cap. 8.--Ixtlilxochitl, Venida de los Españoles, p. 45.--Rel. Terc. de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, p. 289.--Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 29.

[88] “Muchas cosas acaeciéron en este cerco, que entre otras generaciones estobieran discantadas é tenidas en mucho, en especial de las Mugeres de Temixtitan, de quien ninguna mencion se ha fecho. Y soy certificado, que fué cosa maravillosa y para espantar, ver la prontitud y constancia que tobiéron en servir á sus maridos, y en curar los heridos, é en el labrar de las piedras para los que tiraban con hondas, é en otros oficios para mas que mugeres.” Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 48.

[89] Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 29.--Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 155.--Rel. Terc. de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, pp. 287-289.

[90] _Ante_, vol ii. p. 312.--The _tianguez_ still continued of great dimensions, though with faded magnificence, after the Conquest, when it is thus noticed by Father Sahagun: “Entráron en la plaza ó Tianguez de esta Tlaltilulco (lugar muy espacioso mucho mas de lo que ahora es), el cual se podia llamar emporio de toda esta nueva España: al cual venian á tratar gentes de toda esta nueva España, y aun de los Reinos á ella contiguos, y donde se vendian y compraban todas cuantas cosas hay en toda esta tierra, y en los Reinos de Quahtimalla y Xalisco (cosa cierto mucho de ver), yo lo ví por muchos años morando en esta Casa del Señor Santiago aunque ya no era tanto como antes de la Conquista.” Hist. de Nueva-España, MS., lib. 12, cap. 37.

[91] “É yo miré dende aquella Torre, lo que teniamos ganado de la Ciudad, que sin duda de ocho partes teniamos ganado las siete.” Rel. Terc. de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, p. 289.

[92] Toribio, Hist. de los Ind., MS., Parte 3, cap. 7.--The remains of the ancient foundations may still be discerned in this quarter, while in every other _etiam periêre ruinæ_!

[93] Bustamante, the Mexican editor of Sahagun, mentions that he has now in his possession several of these military spoils. “Toda la llanura del Santuario de nuestra Señora de los Ángeles y de Santiago Tlaltilolco se ve sembrada de fragmentos de lanzas cortantes, de macanas, y flechas de piedra obsidiana, de que usaban los Mexicanos ó sea Chinapos, y yo he recogido no pocos que conservo en mi poder.” Hist. de Nueva-España, lib. 12, nota 21.

[94] “Y como comenzó á arder, levantóse una llama tan alta que parecia llegar al cielo, al espectáculo de esta quema, todos los hombres y mugeres que se habian acogido á las tiendas que cercaban todo el Tianguez comenzáron á llorar á voz en grito, que fué cosa de espanto oirlos; porque quemado aquel delubro satánico luego entendiéron que habian de ser del todo destruidos y robados.” Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva-España, MS., lib. 12, cap. 37.

[95] Vestiges of the work are still visible, according to M. de Humboldt, within the limits of the porch of the chapel of St. Jago. Essai politique, tom. ii. p. 44.

[96] Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 155.--Rel. Terc. de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, p. 290.--Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva-España, MS., lib. 12, cap. 37.

[97] “Estaban los tristes, Mejicanos, hombres y mugeres, niños y niñas, viejos y viejas, heridos y enfermos, en un lugar bien estrecho, y bien apretados los unos con los otros, y con grandísima falta de bastimentos, y al calor del Sol, y al frio de la noche, y cada hora esperando la muerte.” Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva-España, MS., lib. 12, cap. 39.

[98] Torquemada had the anecdote from a nephew of one of the Indian matrons, then a very old man himself. Monarch. Ind., lib. 4, cap. 102.

[99] Torquemada, Monarch. Ind., ubi supra.--Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 156.

[100] “De los niños, no quedó nadie, que las mismas madres y padres los comian (que era gran lástima de ver, y mayormente de sufrir).” (Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva-España, MS., lib. 12, cap. 39.) The historian derived his accounts from the Mexicans themselves, soon after the event.--One is reminded of the terrible denunciations of Moses: “The tender and delicate woman among you, which would not adventure to set the sole of her foot upon the ground for delicateness and tenderness, her eye shall be evil toward ... her children which she shall bear; for she shall eat them, for want of all things, secretly, in the siege and straitness wherewith thine enemy shall distress thee in thy gates.” Deuteronomy, chap. 28, vs. 56, 57.

[101] “No podiamos andar sino entre cuerpos, y cabeças de Indios muertos.” Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 156.

[102] “No tenian donde estar sino sobre los cuerpos muertos de los suyos.” Rel. Terc., ap. Lorenzana, p. 291.

[103] Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, ubi supra.--Herrera, Hist. general, dec. 3, lib. 2, cap. 8.--Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva-España, MS., lib. 12, cap. 41.--Gonzalo de las Casas, Defensa, MS., cap. 28.

[104] “Un torbellino de fuego como sangre embuelto en brasas y en centellas, que partia de hacia Tepeacac (que es donde está ahora Santa María de Guadalupe) y fué haciendo gran ruido, hacia donde estaban acorralados los Mejicanos y Tlaltilulcanos; y dió una vuelta para enrededor de ellos, y no dicen si los empeció algo, sino que habiendo dado aquella vuelta, se entró por la laguna adelante; y allí desapareció.” Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva-España, MS., lib. 12, cap. 40.

[105] “Inclinatis ad credendum animis,” says the philosophic Roman historian, “loco ominum etiam fortuita.” Tacitus, Hist., lib. 2, sec. 1.

[106] “Y como lo lleváron delante de Guatimucin su Señor, y él le comenzó á hablar sobre la Paz, dizque luego lo mandó matar y sacrificar.” Rel. Terc., ap. Lorenzana, p. 293.

[107] “Que pues ellos me tenian por Hijo del Sol, y el Sol en tanta brevedad como era en un dia y una noche daba vuelta á todo el Mundo, que porque yo assí brevemente no los acababa de matar, y los quitaba de penar tanto, porque ya ellos tenian deseos de morir, y irse al Cielo para su Ochilobus [Huitzilopochtli], que los estaba esperando para descansar.” Rel. Terc., ap. Lorenzana, p. 292.

[108] “Y yo les torné á repetir, que no sabia la causa, porque él se recelaba venir ante mí, pues veia que á ellos, que yo sabia [~q] habian sido los causadores principales de la Guerra, y que la habian sustentado, les hacia buen tratamiento, que los dejaba ir, y venir seguramente, sin recibir enojo alguno; que les rogaba, que le tornassen á hablar, y mirassen mucho en esto de su venida, pues á él le convenia, y yo lo hacia por su provecho.” Rel. Terc., ap. Lorenzana, pp. 294, 295.

[109] The testimony is most emphatic and unequivocal to these repeated efforts on the part of Cortés to bring the Aztecs peaceably to terms. Besides his own Letter to the emperor, see Bernal Diaz, cap. 155,--Herrera, Hist. general, lib. 2, cap. 6, 7,--Torquemada, Monarch. Ind., lib. 4, cap. 100,--Ixtlilxochitl, Venida de los Españoles, pp. 44-48,--Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 29, 30.

[110] “Corrian Arroios de Sangre por las Calles, como pueden correr de Agua, quando llueve, y con ímpetu, y fuerça.” Torquemada, Monarch. Ind., lib. 4, cap. 103.

[111] “Era tanta la grita, y lloro de los Niños, y Mugeres, que no habia Persona, á quien no quebrantasse el corazon.” (Rel. Terc., ap. Lorenzana, p. 296.) They were a rash and stiff-necked race, exclaims his reverend editor, the archbishop, with a charitable commentary! “_Gens duræ cervicis gens absque consilio._” Nota.

[112] “Como la gente de la Cibdad se salia á los nuestros, habia el general proveido, que por todas las calles estubiesen Españoles para estorvar á los amigos, que no matasen aquellos tristes, que eran sin número. É tambien dixo á todos los amigos capitanes, que no consintiesen á su gente que matasen á ninguno de los que salian.” Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 30.

[113] “La qual crueldad nunca en Generacion tan recia se vió, ni tan fuera de toda órden de naturaleza, como en los Naturales de estas partes.” Rel. Terc. de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, p. 296.

[114] Rel. Terc. de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, ubi supra.--Ixtlilxochitl says, 50,000 were slain and taken in this dreadful onslaught. Venida de los Españoles, p. 48.