Chapter XII: Part 12

These, and similar customs, traces of which still exist in some places (e.g., North Arcot), show that the Madiga has some claim on the Komatis. What that claim is is not clear. However, it is reported that, if the Madiga is not satisfied, he can effectually put a stop to a marriage by coming to the house at which it is to be celebrated, chopping away the plantain trunks which decorate the marriage booth, and carrying them off. Similarly, Kammalans invite Vettiyans (or Paraiyans) to their marriage, and, if this is not done, there is the same right to cut down the plantain trunks. It would seem that the right thus exercised has reference to the right to the soil on which the booth stands. The cutting away of the plantain shows that their right to stand there is not recognised. The invitation to the Madiga or Vettiyan would thus refer to the recognition by the Komatis and Kammalans to the lordship of the soil held in bygone days by these now depressed castes. Writing in 1869 and 1879, respectively, Sir Walter Elliot and Major J. S. F. Mackenzie of the Mysore Commission refer [142] to the presentation of betel and nuts by the Komatis to the Madigas, thereby inviting them to be present at their marriages. Dr. G. Oppert also refers to the same custom. [143] Having risen in the social scale, the Komatis would naturally wish to give this invitation covertly. Major Mackenzie says that the Komatis in Mysore, in order to covertly invite the Madigas to the wedding, went to the back of their houses at a time when they were not likely to be seen, and whispered into an iron vessel, such as is commonly used for measuring grain, an invitation in the following words:--"In the house of the small ones (i.e., Komatis) a marriage is going to take place. The members of the big house (i.e., Madigas) are to come." The Madigas look on such a secret invitation as an insult, and would, if they saw the inviters, handle them roughly. It is noted, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, that "now-a-days the presentation (of betel leaf and nuts) is sometimes veiled by the Komati concerned sending his shoes to be mended by the Madiga a few days before the wedding, deferring payment till the wedding day, and then handing the Madiga the leaf and nut with the amount of his bill." According to another account, the Komati of set purpose unbinds the toe-ring of his native shoes (cherupu), and summons the Madiga, whose function it is to make and repair these articles of attire. The Madiga quietly accepts the job, and is paid more amply than is perhaps necessary in the shape of pan-supari, flowers, and money. On the acceptance by the Madiga of the betel and nuts, the Komati asks "Cherinda, cherinda"? i.e., has it reached you, and the Madiga replies "Cherindi, cherindi", i.e., it has reached. Until he replies thus, the mangalyam cannot, it is said, be tied on the bride's neck. In the Bellary district, betel leaf and nuts are usually left at night behind the Madiga's house, in token of the invitation to the wedding. In the Godavari district, according to Mr. Hemingway, the Komati gives an order for a Madiga for palmyra leaf baskets before the marriage, and presents him with betel and nut when he brings the baskets. Still another account says that some of the Komatis, just before a marriage, leave in the backyard of Madiga houses a few pice and betel close to the cattle-pen, and that it is whispered that some Komatis use chuckler's (leather-worker's) tools, made in silver, for worship. It is also reported that chuckler's work is pretended to be gone through by some Komatis, after the completion of the marriage ceremonies, in the backyard of the house at dead of night, in the presence of caste-people only, and by preference under a danimma chettu (Punica Granatum: pomegranate). This is known as kulacharam, kuladharmam, or gotra puja (custom of the caste, or worship of the gotras). The figure of a cow is made of flour, and into its stomach they put a mixture of turmeric, lime, and water, called wokali. This, it has been suggested, is meant to represent blood. After the cow has been worshipped in due form, it is cut up with instruments made of flour, and intended to represent those used by cobblers. To each family is secretly sent that portion of the cow, which, according to custom, they are entitled to receive. Thus, the Kommala-varu receive the horns, the Gontula the neck, the Karakapala the hands and temples, the Thonti the hump, the Danta the teeth, the Veligollu the white nails, and so on. Major Mackenzie testified to the performance of this ceremony by the caste in Mysore in 1879, and it is recorded from different parts of the Madras Presidency. The flour, which is thus distributed, is known as nepasani mudda or nepasani unta. The ceremony is still performed in the city of Madras, on the night of the fifth day if the marriage lasts over seven days, or on the night of the third day if it lasts over five days. If the wedding ceremonies are completed in one day, the ceremony is performed even during the day time. The following details are performed. A brass vessel (kalasam) and a cocoanut are set up in the house, and the bride and bridegroom's parties arrange themselves on each side of it. The vessel is decorated, and the cocoanut is made to represent the face of a woman, with eyes, nose, mouth, etc., and adorned with jewelry, flowers, anilin and turmeric powder marks. A young man of the bridegroom's party worships the feet of all present. The flour cow is then made, cut up, and distributed. Cocoanuts are broken, and camphor is set on fire, and waved before the vessel. Mr. Muhammad Ibrahim states that families are known by the names of the various organs of the cow in the Godavari district. There is, he says, a story to the effect that some Komatis killed a cow-buffalo, which went about as such by day, but became transformed into a beautiful woman under the miraculous influence of a pious Brahman. As a redemption for their sin, these Komatis were ordered by the Brahman to take their names after the various parts of the animal, and as, by killing the animal, they proved worse than Madigas, they were ordered to show respect to these people. In the Kumbum taluk of the Kurnool district, a flour buffalo is substituted for the cow. In the Markapur taluk of the same district, two elephants are made of mud, and the bride and bridegroom sit beside them. Presentations of cloths and jewels are then made to them. The officiating purohit (priest) worships the elephants, and the bride and bridegroom go round them.

Two further points of connection between the Komatis and Madigas are referred to by Major Mackenzie. "I find," he writes, "that it is the custom to obtain the fire for burning Kama, the Indian Cupid, at the end of the Holi feast from a Madiga's house. The Madigas do not object to giving the fire, in fact they are paid for it." This appears to be a purely local custom, and no trace of its existence has been found in various parts of the Madras Presidency. The other point refers to the identification of the goddess Matangi of the Madigas with the Komati goddess Kanyaka Amma. "I cannot," Major Mackenzie writes, "discover the connection between two such different castes as the Komatis and Madigas, who belong to different divisions. The Komatis belong to the 10 pana division, while the Madigas are members of the 9 pana. [144] One reason has been suggested. The caste goddess of the Komatis is the virgin Kannika Amma, who destroyed herself rather than marry a prince, because he was of another caste. She is usually represented by a vessel full of water, and, before the marriage ceremonies are commenced, she is brought in state from the temple, and placed in the seat of honour in the house. The Madigas claim Kannika as their goddess, worship her under the name of Matangi and object to the Komatis taking their goddess." The Komatis stoutly deny that there is any connection between Matangi and Kanyaka Amma, and it would seem that they are independent goddesses.

Marriage is always infant. A Brahman purohit officiates. Each purohit has a number of houses attached to his circle, and his sons usually divide the circle among themselves on partition, like any other property. Polygamy is permitted, but only if the first wife produces no offspring. The taking of a second wife is assented to by the first wife, who, in some cases, believes that, as the result of the second marriage, she herself will beget children. Two forms of marriage ceremonial are recognised, one called puranoktha, according to long established custom, and the other called vedoktha, which follows the Vedic ritual of Brahmans. In Madras, on the first day of a marriage, the contracting couple have an oil bath, and the bridegroom goes through the upanayana (sacred thread investiture) ceremony. He then pretends to go off to Kasi (Benares), and is met by the bride's party, who take him to the bride's house, where the mangalyam is tied by the bridegroom before the homam (sacrificial fire). On the second day, homam is continued, and a caste dinner is given. On the third day, the gotra puja is performed. On the fourth day, homam is repeated, and, on the following day, the pair are seated on a swing, and rocked to and fro. Presents, called katnam, are made to the bridegroom, but no voli (bride-price) is paid. In the mofussil, [145] where the puranoktha form of ceremonial is more common, ancestors are invoked on the first day. On the second day, the ashtavarga is observed, and the bride and bridegroom worship eight of the principal gods of the Hindu Pantheon. On this day, the pandal (marriage booth) is erected. On the third day, the mangalyam is tied, sometimes by the officiating Brahman purohit, and sometimes by the bridegroom. On the fourth day, the Brahmans of the place are honoured, and, on the following day, in most places, a festival is held in honour of the goddess Kanyaka Parameswari. The bride and bridegroom's mothers go to a tank (pond) or river with copper vessels, and bring back water at the head of a procession. The vessels are placed in a special pandal, and worshipped with flowers, anilin and turmeric powders. Finally, cocoanuts are broken before them. On the next day, or on the same day if the marriage ceremonies conclude thereon, the festival in honour of the Balanagaram boys, or those who helped the Komatis of Penugonda in their trouble with Vishnu Vardhana, is held. Five boys and girls are bathed, decked with jewelry, and taken in procession to the local temple, whence they are conducted to the bride's house, where they are fed. On the following day, the ceremony called thotlu puja is performed. A doll is placed in a cradle connected with two poles, and rocked to and fro. The bridegroom gives the doll into the hands of the bride, saying that he has to go on a commercial trip. The bride hands it back to him, with the remark that she has to attend to her kitchen work. On the following day, the bridal couple are taken in procession, and, in the Bellary district, a further day is devoted to the surgi ceremony. The bride and bridegroom bathe together, go to the local temple, and return. Then five girls bathe, the five posts of the marriage pandal are worshipped, and the kankanams (wrist-threads) are removed from the wrists of the newly-married couple.

Kalinga Komatis, who live in the northern part of Ganjam, and have forgotten their mother-tongue, have practically adopted the Oriya customs, as they have to depend mainly on Oriya Brahmans. At their marriages, however, they use the Telugu bottu or sathamanam.

Widow remarriage is not permitted among any sections of the caste, which is very strict in the observance of this rule. Except among the Saivites, a widow is not compelled to have her head shaved, or give up wearing jewelry, or the use of betel. In the south of the Madras Presidency, if a little girl becomes a widow, her mangalyam is not removed, and her head is not shaved till she reaches maturity. Vaishnava widows always retain their hair.

Concerning a form of marriage between the living and the dead, performed by members of this caste if a man and woman have been living together, and the man dies, Mr. Hutchinson writes as follows. [146] "The sad intelligence of her man's death is communicated to her neighbours, a guru or priest is summoned, and the ceremony takes place. According to a writer who once witnessed such a proceeding, the dead body of the man was placed against the outer wall of the verandah of the house in a sitting posture, attired like a bridegroom, and the face and hands besmeared with turmeric. The woman was clothed like a bride, and adorned with the usual tinsel ornament over the face, which, as well as the arms, was daubed over with yellow. She sat opposite the dead body, and spoke to it in light unmeaning words, and then chewed bits of dry cocoanuts, and squirted them on the face of the dead man. This continued for hours, and not till near sunset was the ceremony brought to a close. Then the head of the corpse was bathed, and covered with a cloth of silk, the face rubbed over with some red powder, and betel leaves placed in the mouth. Now she might consider herself married, and the funeral procession started." This refers to the Vira Saiva or Lingayat Komatis of the Northern Circars.

In the Northern Circars, and part of the Ceded Districts, the Vedoktha form of marriage now prevails, and its usage is spreading into the southern districts of Mysore. Further, the Komatis perform most of their ceremonies in the same form. This, it is contended, is a latter day development by some of the more conservative members of the caste, but it is stated by those who follow it that it is allowed to them by the Hindu sastras (law books), as they are Vaisyas. During recent years, the latter view has obtained a great impetus through the writings and influence of several of the more prominent members of the caste, between whom and their opponents a war of pamphlets has taken place. It is not possible here to go into details of the dispute, but the main point seems to be as follows. On the one hand, it is denied that there are any true Vaisyas in the Kaliyuga (iron age). And so, though the Komatis are accorded the status of Vaisyas in recognition of their being traders, yet they cannot follow the Vedic form of ceremonial, which is the exclusive right of Brahmans; and, even if they ever followed it, they forfeited it after the break-up of the caste on the death of Kanyakamma. On the other hand, it is stated that the Komatis are Dwijas (twice born), and that they are consequently entitled to follow the Vedic ritual, and that those who forfeited the Vedic rights are those who did not follow Kanyakamma to the fire-pits, and do not therefore belong to the 102 gotras. The dispute is an old standing one, and nearly a century ago was taken for adjudication as far as the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council. The question whether the Komatis are entitled to perform their subah and asubah (auspicious, like marriage, and inauspicious, like death) ceremonies according to the Vedic form, was raised by the Brahmans of Masulipatam in 1817, and adjudicated upon. [147] Disputes had occurred between the Brahmans and Komatis for a long time, and disturbances constantly took place. The Magistrate of Masulipatam prohibited the Komatis from performing one of the ceremonies, until they had established their right to do so in a Civil Court. The appellants thereon sued the defendants in damages for impediments made against their attending to the rites prescribed by the Vedas, and prayed for permission to perform them in conformity with the Vedas. The defendants denied the right of the Komatis to perform, and the fact of their ever having performed the ceremonies appointed by the Vedas. They admitted the intervention of the Magistrate, and stated that "upwards of two thousand years ago, the Komatis adopted the customs of the Soodra caste, and some of them became Byri Komatis, and Bookha caste people, etc. The rest of them, amounting to a hundred and two gotras, fabricated false gotrams for themselves, and called themselves Nagaram Komatis. They fabricated a book called Canniaca Puranam, named the Bashcara Puntulu Varu their priest, conformed to that book, performed the sign of the upanayana ceremony in a loose manner, and in the language of the Puranas; at the time of marriage, made marriage ceremony in seven days contrary to the custom of all castes whatever, erected prolu posts, made lumps of dough with flour, and got the same divided among them according to their spurious gotrams, at midnight fetched the pot of water called arivany, and observed the ceremonies for ten days on the occurrence of a birth, and fifteen days on the occurrence of a death. In this manner, the forefathers of the plaintiffs, the other merchants, and the plaintiffs themselves, had got all ceremonies conducted for upwards of two thousand years past." They cited instances, in which the plaintiffs, or some of them, had failed in previous attempts to sustain the right now claimed, and objected to the form of the plaint as not sufficiently setting forth the particulars and nature of the obstruction for which the plaintiffs claimed compensation. The plaintiffs, in their reply, did not negative or rebut the specific statements of the defendants, but insisted generally on their right to the performance of the ceremonies in question. The point at issue being not clear from the pleadings, the parties were questioned in open Court as to the precise object of the action, and the ground on which it was maintained. The plaintiffs stated that their object was the establishment of their right to have the whole of the subha and asubha ceremonies performed in their houses by Brahmans in the language of the Vedas, and that they claimed this right on the ground of the Sastras. On this, the Zilla Judge framed a hypothetical statement of facts and law based on the defendant's answer for the opinion of the Pandit of the Court, and, upon his opinion, declared the plaintiffs entitled to have the ceremonies performed for them by Brahmans. Upon appeal, the Provincial Court for the northern division remitted the suit to the Zilla Court to take evidence, and, upon such opinions of the Pandits which the Provincial Court took upon the same statement as the Zilla, they affirmed the decree, but without costs. The Pandits consulted by them were those of the Provincial Courts of the northern, centre, southern and western divisions. They all agreed that "the Brahmans ought not to perform the ceremonies in the language of the Vadas for the Vaisyas." Three of them further added that, in their opinion, the Judges ought to pass a decision, awarding that the Komatis are to continue to perform religious rites according to the rules laid down in the book called Puranam (i.e., in the Puranoktha form), as are at present observed by the corrupt or degenerate Vaisyas or Komatis and others. On appeal, the Sudder Dewani Adawlut reversed the decisions of the lower Courts, "having maturely weighed the evidence produced, and considered the unbiassed and concurring opinions of the four law officers of the Provincial Courts." On further appeal to the Privy Council, Lord Brougham, in delivering judgment, observed that "the plaintiffs, not having, in their opinion, alleged any case of injury done to them by the defendants upon which they were entitled to go into evidence, and not having therefore established any case for damages in their suit against the defendants, no question remained but of a mere declaration of a right to perform certain religious ceremonies; that, if the Courts had jurisdiction to proceed to the determination of that question in this suit (upon which their Lordships guard themselves in their judgment), the plaintiffs have not produced sufficient evidence to establish such a right; that, under these circumstances, all the decrees therefore ought to be reversed, and the plaint dismissed (the reversal of the Sudder Court amounts in fact to a dismissal of the plaint); but it is not, as it ought to be, a dismissal without costs; and that this decision should be without prejudice to the existence or non-existence of the right claimed by the appellants, in any other suit, in which such a question may be properly raised."

The Komatis wear the sacred thread, and utter the Gayatri and other sacred mantras. A number of them, at Adoni in the Bellary district, refused to be measured by me in the afternoon, as they would not have time to bathe, and remove the pollution by evening. In Telugu dictionaries, the Komatis are given the alternative names of Mudava Kolamuvaru (those of the third caste), Vaisyalu, and Nallanayya Todabiddalu (those who were begotten from the thighs of Vishnu). As already stated, there are among the Komatis ordinary Saivites, who daub themselves with ashes; Lingayats or Vira Saivas, who wear the linga in a silver casket; Ramanuja Vaishnavites; Chaitanya Vaishnavas, who are confined to the Kalinga section; and Madhvas, who put on the sect marks of Madhva Brahmans. The Traivarnikas are a special class among the Vaishnavas. They imitate the Vaishnava Brahmans more closely than the rest. They, and their females, tie their cloths like Brahmans, and the men shave moustaches. Unlike the Saivites and Lingayats, they eat flesh and fish, and drink spirituous liquors. They will eat in the houses of Satanis, whereas other Komatis do not eat in any but Brahman houses. But it may be observed that Velamas, Balijas, Kammalans, Ambattans, Vannans, and many other castes, will take neither water nor food from Komatis. This, however, does not prevent them from purchasing the cakes prepared in ghi or oil, which the Komatis sell in petty shops.

Writing early in the nineteenth century, Buchanan refers [148] to a dispute at Gubbi in the Mysore State between the Komatis and Banajigas, which arose from the former building a temple to their goddess Kanyakamma. Purnia, the Prime-minister, divided the town by a wall, thus separating the two parties. The Komatis claimed that it had been the custom for all parties to live together, and that it would be an infringement of the rules of caste for them to be forced into a separate quarter. The chief of the Komatis entered the town in procession, on horseback with an umbrella held over his head. This assumption of rank was regarded by the Banajigas with the utmost indignation. To such a pitch did the quarrel reach that, at the time of Buchanan's visit, there was a rumour current as to the necessity of killing a jack-ass in the street, which would cause the immediate desolation of the place. "There is," he writes, "not a Hindu in Karnata, that would remain another night in it, unless by compulsion. Even the adversaries of the party would think themselves bound in honour to fly. This singular custom seems to be one of the resources upon which the natives have fallen to resist arbitrary oppression, and may be had recourse to whenever the Government infringes, or is considered to have infringed upon the custom of any caste. It is of no avail against any other kind of oppression."

A brief reference may be made to the part which the Komatis took, in bygone days, in the faction fights known as right and left-hand caste disputes. Some of the South Indian castes, including the Komatis, belong to the former, and others to the latter. Those belonging to the left-hand would not let those belonging to the right-hand pass through their streets with their marriage and other processions. The right-hand section was equally jealous of the left. The Komatis, who were among the early settlers in the town of Madras in the seventeenth century, were involved in faction disputes on two recorded occasions, once, in 1652 A.D., during the Governorship of Aaron Baker, and later on during that of William Pitt, [149] in 1707. When a wedding procession of members of one section passed through the streets of the other section, Pitt summoned twelve of the heads of each section, and locked them up in a room together, until the dispute should be adjusted. An agreement was speedily arrived at, according to which the right-hand settled on the west side of the town, now known as Pedda Naikan Pettah, and the left-hand on the east side, in what is at present called Mutialu Pettah. The Komatis accordingly are now mainly found in the western part of the city of Madras.

All over the country, the Komatis venerate the deified virgin Kannika Parameswari, to whom, in most places, they have erected temples. One of these, at Tadpatri in the Anantapur district, which was in course of construction in 1904, is of more than ordinary interest. It was being built at the expense of the local Komatis, who had raised a subscription among themselves for the purpose. The design was original, and even arches entered into its construction. The sculpture, with which it is decorated, is quite excellent in design and finish. Much of it is copied from the two beautiful temples, which have existed at the place since the days of the Vijianagar dynasty. Other notable temples are those at Penukonda, Vizianagram in Vizagapatam, and Berhampur in Ganjam. Fines collected from erring castemen in the Godavari, Guntur and Kistna districts, are still sent to the temple at Penukonda. The Komatis worship various goddesses, in addition to Kanyaka Parameswari. Those who live in Vizagapatam "relax their faith in favour of the celebrated Muhammadan saint, who lies buried by the Durga on the top of the hill which overlooks the harbour. Every vessel, passing the harbour inwards and outwards, salutes him by hoisting and lowering its flag three times. He is considered all potent over the elements in the Bay of Bengal, and many a silver dhoney (boat) is presented at his shrine by Hindu ship-owners after a successful voyage. We remember a suit between a Komati, the owner of a dhoney, and his Muhammadan captain, who was also the super-cargo, for settlement of accounts. In a storm off the coast of Arakan, the skipper stated that he had vowed a mudupu or purse of rupees to the Durga, and had duly presented it on his return. This sum, among other sets-off, he charged to the owner of the vessel, the plaintiff, whose sole contention was that the vow had never been discharged; the propriety of conciliating the old Fakir in a hurricane he submissively allowed." Even now, the Komatis, though no longer boat-owners, revere the saint, and make vows to him for the success of civil suits, and recovery from all sorts of maladies.

The Komatis employ Brahmans for the performance of their ceremonial rites, and recognise a Brahman as their guru. He is commonly called Bhaskaracharya, after the individual of that name who lived at Penukonda prior to the sixteenth century A.D., and translated the Sanskrit Kanyaka Purana into a Telugu poem. He made certain regulations for the daily conduct of the Komatis, and made the 102 gotras submit to them. A copy of an inscription on a copper plate, in the possession of one Kotta Appaya, the Archaka or priest of the Nagareswaraswami temple at Penukonda, is given in the Mackenzie manuscripts. It records a grant (of unknown date) to Bhaskaracharya, the guru of the Vaisyas, by the 102 gotrams, according to which each family agreed for ever afterwards to give half a rupee for every marriage, and a quarter of a rupee for each year. Such doles are common even at the present day to his successors. These, like the original Bhaskaracharya, who is considered to be an incarnation of Brahma, are house-holders, and not Sanyasis (religious ascetics). There are several of them, in different parts of the country, one for example being at Penukonda, and another near Hospet, who makes periodical tours in state, with drums, silver maces, and belted peons, and is received with every mark of respect. He settles disputes, levies fines, and collects subscriptions towards the upkeep of his mutt (religious institution), which is also supported by inam (rent-free) lands.

The Komati dead, except children and Lingayats, are cremated, Lingayat Komatis, like other Lingayats, bury their dead in a sitting posture. The death ceremonies among the Gavaras closely resemble those of Brahmans. The period of death pollution is sixteen days, during which sweets are taboo.

The Komatis are best known as merchants, grocers, and money-lenders. In the city of Madras, they are the principal vendors of all sorts of imported articles. The row of shops in the China bazar, between Pachaiyappa's College and Popham's Broadway, is almost entirely maintained by them. Many Komatis are cloth merchants, and Traivarnikas are almost entirely engaged in the glassware trade. In the Northern Circars, some earn a living as petty dealers in opium and ganja (Indian hemp). In the Ganjam, Vizagapatam and Godavari districts they are found in the hills, acting as middle-men between the hill tribes and the people of the plains. Most of the Komatis are literate, and this helps them in their dealings with their constituents. They are proverbially shrewd, industrious, and thrifty, and are often rich. If a Komati fails in business, his compatriots will come to his rescue, and give him a fresh start. Organised charity is well known among them. Each temple of Kanyaka Parameswari is a centre for charity. In the city of Madras the Kanyaka Parameswari charities, among other good objects, promote the development of female education. In 1905, the Komatis established a Southern India Vysia Association, with the object of encouraging "the intellectual, moral, religious, social, industrial and commercial advancement of the Vysia community." Among the means employed for so doing, are the helping of deserving students with scholarships for the prosecution of the study of the English and vernacular languages, and organised relief of poor and distressed members of the community by founding orphanages, and so forth. The affairs of the association are managed by an executive committee made up of prominent members of the caste, including merchants, lawyers, and contractors.

Many stories and proverbs have reference to the wealth, ready wit, thrift, and other qualities of the Komatis. [150] Of these, the following are selected from a large repertoire:--

The Blind Komati and Vishnu.

A blind Komati prayed to Vishnu for the restoration of his eyesight, and at last the god appeared before him, and asked him what he wanted. "Oh! God," he replied, "I want to see from above the seventh storey of my mansion my great-grandsons playing in the streets, and eating their cakes from golden vessels."

Vishnu was so astonished at the request of the blind man, which combined riches, issue, and the restoration of his eyesight in one demand, that he granted all his desires.

The Komati and the Thief.

An old Komati observed a thief at dead of night lurking under a pomegranate tree, and cried out to his wife to bring him a low stool. On this he seated himself in front of the thief, and bawled out for hot water, which his wife brought him. Pretending that he was suffering from severe tooth-ache, he gargled the water, and spat it out continuously at the wondering thief. This went on till daybreak, when he called out his neighbours, who captured the thief, and handed him over to the police.

The Komati and his Cakes.

A Komati was on his way to the weekly market, with his plate of cakes to sell there. A couple of thieves met him when he was half way there, and, after giving him a severe thrashing, walked off with the cakes. The discomfited Komati, on his way back home with the empty plate, was met by another Komati going to market with his cakes. The latter asked how the demand for cakes was at the market, and the former replied "Why go to the market, when half-way people come and demand your cakes?" and passed on. The unsuspecting Komati went on, and, like the other, was the recipient of a sound thrashing at the hands of the thieves.

The Komati and the Scorpion.

A number of Komatis went one day to a temple. One of them put one of his fingers into the navel of the image of Vinayakan (the elephant god) at the gateway, when a scorpion, which was inside it, stung him. Putting his finger to his nose, the Komati remarked "What a fine smell! I have never experienced the like." This induced another man to put his finger in, and he too was stung, and made similar pretence. All of them were thus stung in succession, and then consoled each other.

The Komati and the Milk Tax.

Once upon a time, a great king levied a tax upon milk, and all his subjects were sorely tried by it. The Komatis, who kept cows, found the tax specially inconvenient. They, therefore, bribed the minister, and mustered in strength before the king, to whom they spoke concerning the oppressive nature of the tax. The king asked what their profit from the milk was. "A pie for a pie" said they to a man, and the king, thinking that persons who profit only a pie ought not to be troubled, forthwith passed orders for the abolition of the tax.

The Komati and the Pandyan King.

Once upon a time, a Pandyan King had a silver vessel of enormous size made for the use of the palace, and superstitiously believed that its first contents should not be of an ordinary kind. So he ordered his minister to publish abroad that all his subjects were to put into the vessel a chembu-full of milk from each house. The frugal Komatis, hearing of this, thought, each to himself, that, as the king had ordered such a large quantity, and others would bring milk, it would suffice if they took a chembu-full of water, as a little water poured into such a large quantity of milk would not change its colour, and it would not be known that they only contributed water. All the Komatis accordingly each brought a chembu-full of water, and none of them told the others of the trick he was about to play. But it so happened that the Komatis were the first to enter the palace, while they thought that the people of other castes had come and gone. The vessel was placed behind a screen, so that no one might cast the evil eye on it, and the Komatis were let in one by one. This they did in all haste, and left with great joy at the success of their trick. Thus there was nothing but water in the vessel. Now it had been arranged that the king was to be the first person to see the contents of his new vessel, and he was thunderstruck to find that it contained only water. He ordered his minister to punish the Komatis severely. But the ready-witted Komatis came forward, and said "Oh! gracious King, appease thy anger, and kindly listen to what we have to say. We each brought a chembu-full of water, to find out how much the precious vessel will hold. Now that we have taken the measurement, we will forthwith fetch the quantity of milk required." The king was exceedingly pleased, and sent them away.

A story is told to the effect that, when a Komati was asked to identify a horse about which a Muhammadan and Hindu were quarrelling, he said that the fore-part looked like the Muhammadan's, and the hind-part like the Hindu's. Another story is told of a Komati, who when asked by a Judge what he knew about a fight between two men, deposed that he saw them standing in front of each other and speaking in angry tones when a dust-storm arose. He shut his eyes, and the sound of blows reached his ears, but he could not say which of the men beat the other.

Of proverbs relating to the Komatis, the following may be noted:--

A Brahman will learn if he suffers, and a Komati will learn if
he is ruined.

If I ask whether you have salt, you say that you have dhol (a
kind of pulse).

Like the burning of a Komati's house, which would mean a heavy
loss.

When two Komatis whisper on the other side of the lake, you will
hear them on this side. This has reference to the harsh voice
of the Komatis. In native theatricals, the Komati is a general
favourite with the audience, and he is usually represented as
short of stature, obese, and with a raucous voice.

The Komati that suits the stake. This has reference to a story in
which a Komati's stoutness, brought on by want of exercise and
sedentary habits, is said to have shown that he was the proper
person to be impaled on a stake. According to the Rev. H. Jensen,
[151] the proverb refers to an incident that took place in 'the
city of injustice.' A certain man was to be impaled for a crime,
but, at the last moment he pointed out that a certain fat merchant
(Komati) would be better suited for the instrument of punishment,
and so escaped. The proverb is now used of a person who is forced
to suffer for the faults of others.

The Komatis are satirically named Dhaniyala jati, or coriander caste, because, as the coriander seed has to be crushed before it is sown, so the Komati is supposed to come to terms only by rough treatment.

The Komatis have the title Setti or Chetti, which is said to be a contracted form of Sreshti, meaning a precious person. In recent times, some of them have assumed the title Ayya.

Kombara.--The name, meaning a cap made of the spathe of the areca palm (Areca Catechu) of an exogamous sept of Kelasi. Such caps are worn by various classes in South Canara, e.g., the Holeyas and Koragas.

Kombu (stick).--An exogamous sept of Kuruba.

Komma.--Komma (a musical horn) or Kommula has been recorded as an exogamous sept of Kamma and Mala. Kommula is further a professional title for horn-blowers, mainly Mala, Madiga, and Panisavan, who perform at festivals and funerals.

Kommi.--A gotra of Gollas, the members of which may not use kommi fuel.

Kompala (houses).--An exogamous sept of Devanga.

Konan.--Konan or Konar is a title of Idaiyans. Some Gollas call themselves Konanulu.

Konangi (buffoon).--An exogamous sept of Devanga.

Konda (mountain).--An exogamous sept of Devanga and Medara, and a synonym for Konda Dora.

Konda Dora.--The Konda Doras are a caste of hill cultivators, found chiefly in Vizagapatam. Concerning them Surgeon-Major W. R. Cornish writes as follows. [152] "Contrasting strangely with the energetic, patriarchal, and land-reverencing Parja (Poroja), are the neighbouring indigenous tribes found along the slopes of the eastern ghauts. They are known as Konda Doras, Konda Kapus, and Ojas. From what has been ascertained of their languages, it seems certain that, divested of the differences which have been engrafted upon them by the fact of the one being influenced by Uriya and the other by Telugu, they are substantially of the same origin as the Parja language and the Khond language. But the people themselves seem to have entirely lost all those rights to the soil, which are now characteristic of the more northern tribes. They are completely at the mercy of late immigrants, so much so that, though they call themselves Konda Doras, they are called by the Bhaktas, their immediate superiors, Konda Kapus. If they are found living in a village with no Telugu superior, they are known as Doras. If, on the other hand, such a man is at the head of the village affairs, they are to him as adscripti glebæ, and are denominated Kapus or ryots (cultivators). It is apparent that the comparatively degraded position that this particular soil-folk holds is due to the influence of the Telugu colonists; and the reason why they have been subjected to a greater extent than the cognate tribes further inland is possibly that the Telugu colonization is of more ancient date than the Uriya colonization. It may further be surmised that, from the comparative proximity of the Telugu districts, the occupation of the crests of these ghats partook rather of the character of a conquest than that of mere settlings in the land. But, however it came about, the result is most disastrous. Some parts of Pachipenta, Hill Madugulu, and Kondakamberu, which have been occupied by Telugu-speaking folk, are far inferior in agricultural prosperity to the inland parts, where the Uriyas have assumed the lead in the direction of affairs."

In the Census Report, 1891, Mr. H. A. Stuart writes that "these people all speak Telugu, and the majority of them have returned that as their parent-tongue. But a large number returned their caste name in the parent-tongue column. I have since received a vocabulary, which is said to be taken from the dialect of the Konda Doras; and, if this is correct, then the real speech of these people is a dialect of Khond." One Durgi Patro, the head of a mutta (division of a Zemindari) informed Mr. G. F. Paddison that Konda Doras and Khonds are identical. In the Census Report, 1901, Mr. W. Francis states that the Konda Doras "seem to be a section of the Khonds, which has largely taken to speaking Telugu, has adopted some of the Telugu customs, and is in the transitional stage between Animism and Hinduism. They call themselves Hindus, and worship the Pandavas and a goddess called Talupulamma. They drink alcohol, and eat pork, mutton, etc., and will dine with Kapus." At times of census, Pandavakulam (or Pandava caste) has been returned as a title of the Konda Doras.

For the following note I am indebted to Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao. There are, among the Konda Doras, two well-defined divisions, called Pedda (big) and Chinna (little) Kondalu. Of these, the former have remained in their old semi-independent position, while the latter have come under Telugu domination. The Chinna Kondalu, who have been living in contact with the Bhaktha caste, have adopted the Telugu system of intiperulu, as exogamous septs, whereas the Pedda Kondalu have retained the totem divisions, which occur among other hill castes, e.g., Naga (cobra), Bhag (tiger), and Kochchimo (tortoise). Among the Chinna Kondalu, the custom of menarikam, according to which a man marries his maternal uncle's daughter, is observed, and may further marry his own sister's daughter. The Chinna Kondalu women wear glass bangles and beads, like women of the plains. Men of the Chinna Kondalu section serve as bearers and Government employees, whereas those of the Pedda Kondalu section are engaged in cultivation. The former have personal names corresponding to those of the inhabitants of the plains, e.g., Linganna, Gangamma, while the names of the latter are taken from the day of the week on which they were born, e.g., Bhudra (Wednesday), Sukra (Friday).

Among the Chinna Kondalu, a girl is married before or after puberty. When a marriage is decided on, the girl's parents receive a present (voli) of four rupees and a female cloth. On an auspicious day fixed by the Chukkamusti (star-gazer), the bride is conducted to the home of the bridegroom. The contracting couple are bathed in turmeric-water, put on new cloths presented by their fathers-in-law, and wrist-threads are tied on their wrists. On the same day, or the following morning, at a time settled by the Chukkamusti, the bridegroom, under the direction of a caste elder, ties the sathamanam (marriage badge) on the bride's neck. On the following day, the wrist-threads are removed, and the newly married couple bathe.

Among the Pedda, as among the Chinna Kondalu, a girl is married before or after puberty. When a man contemplates taking a wife, his parents carry three pots of liquor to the home of the girl whose hand he seeks. The acceptance of these by her father is a sign that the match is agreeable to him, and a jholla tonka (bride-price) of five rupees is paid to him. The future bridegroom's party has to give three feasts to that of the bride-elect, for each of which a pig is killed. The girl is conducted to the house of the bridegroom, and, if she has reached puberty, remains there. Otherwise she returns home, and joins her husband later on, the occasion being celebrated by a further feast of pork.

Both sections allow the remarriage of widows. Among the Pedda Kondalu, a younger brother may marry the widow of his elder brother. By both sections divorce is permitted. Among the Chinna Kondalus, a man who marries a divorcée has to pay her first husband twenty-four rupees, of which half is divided among the neighbouring caste villages in certain recognised proportions.

The dead are usually burnt by both sections. The Pedda Kondalu kill a pig on the third day, and hold a feast, at which much liquor is disposed of. By the Chinna Kondalu the chinna rozu (little day) ceremony is observed, as it is by other castes dwelling in the plains.

The Chinna Kondalu bear the titles Anna or Ayya when they are merely cultivators under Bhaktha landlords, and Dora under other circumstances. The Pedda Kondalu usually have no title.

A riot took place, in 1900, at the village of Korravanivalasa in the Vizagapatam district, under the following strange circumstances. "A Konda Dora of this place, named Korra Mallayya, pretended that he was inspired, and gradually gathered round him a camp of four or five thousand people from various parts of the agency. At first his proceedings were harmless enough, but in April he gave out that he was a re-incarnation of one of the five Pandava brothers; that his infant son was the god Krishna; that he would drive out the English and rule the country himself; and that, to effect this, he would arm his followers with bamboos, which should be turned by magic into guns, and would change the weapons of the authorities into water. Bamboos were cut, and rudely fashioned to resemble guns, and armed with these, the camp was drilled by the Swami (god), as Mallayya had come to be called. The assembly next sent word that they were going to loot Pachipenta, and when, on the 1st May, two constables came to see how matters stood, the fanatics fell upon them, and beat them to death. The local police endeavoured to recover the bodies, but, owing to the threatening attitude of the Swami's followers, had to abandon the attempt. The District Magistrate then went to the place in person, collected reserve police from Vizagapatam, Parvatipur, and Jeypore, and at dawn on the 7th May rushed the camp to arrest the Swami and the other leaders of the movement. The police were resisted by the mob, and obliged to fire. Eleven of the rioters were killed, others wounded or arrested, and the rest dispersed. Sixty of them were tried for rioting, and three, including the Swami, for murdering the constables. Of the latter, the Swami died in jail, and the other two were hanged. The Swami's infant son, the god Krishna, also died, and all trouble ended at once and completely."

Concerning the Konda Kapus or Konda Reddis of the Godavari district, Mr. F. R. Hemingway writes as follows. [153] "The hill Reddis, or Konda Reddis, are a caste of jungle men, having some characteristics in common with the Koyas. They usually talk a rough Telugu, clipping their words so that it is often difficult to understand them; but it is said that some of them speak Koya. They are of slighter build than the Koyas, and their villages are even smaller. They will not eat in the house of a Koya. They call themselves by various high-sounding titles, such as Pandava Reddis, Raja Reddis, and Reddis of the solar race (Suryavamsa), and do not like the plain name of Konda Reddi. They recognize no endogamous sub-divisions, but have exogamous septs. In character they resemble the Koyas, but are less simple and stupid, and in former years were much given to crime. They live by shifting cultivation. They do not touch beef, but will eat pork. They profess to be both Saivites and Vaishnavites, and occasionally employ Brahman priests at their funerals; and yet they worship the Pandavas, the spirits of the hills (or, as they call them, the sons of Racha), their ancestors including women who have died before their husbands, and the deity Muthyalamma and her brother Poturazu, Saralamma, and Unamalamma. The last three are found in nearly every village. Other deities are Doddiganga, who is the protector of cattle, and is worshipped when the herds are driven into the forests to graze, and Desaganga (or Paraganga), who takes the place of the Maridamma of the plains, and the Muthyalamma of the Koyas as goddess of cholera and small-pox. The shrine of Saralamma of Pedakonda, eight miles east of Rekapalle, is a place of pilgrimage, and so is Bison Hill (Papikonda), where an important Reddi festival is held every seven or eight years in honour of the Pandava brothers, and a huge fat pig, fattened for the occasion, is killed and eaten. The Reddis, like the Koyas, also observe the harvest festivals. They are very superstitious, believing firmly in sorcery, and calling in wizards in time of illness. Their villages are formed into groups like those of the Koyas, and the hereditary headmen over these are called by different names, such as Dora, Muttadar, Varnapedda, and Kulapatradu. Headmen of villages are known as Pettadars. They recognise, though they do not frequently practice, marriage by capture. If a parent wishes to show his dislike for a match, he absents himself when the suitor's party calls, and sends a bundle of cold rice after them when they have departed. Children are buried. Vaishnavite Reddis burn their adult dead, while the Saivites bury them. Satanis officiate as priests to the former, and Jangams to the latter. The pyre is kindled by the eldest male of the family, and a feast is held on the fifth day after the funeral. The dead are believed to be born again into their former families."

Kondaikatti.--The name of a sub-division of Vellalas, meaning those who tie the whole mass of hair of the head (kondai) in a knot on the top of the head, as opposed to the kudumi or knot at the back of the partially shaved head.

Kondaita.--A sub-division of Doluva.

Kondaiyamkottai.--A sub-division of Maravan.

Kondalar.--Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as a sub-caste of Vellala. Kondalam means women's hair or a kind of dance, and it is possible that the name was returned by people of the Deva-dasi caste, who are rising in the social scale, and becoming absorbed in the Vellala caste. Kondali, of doubtful meaning, has been returned by cultivators and agricultural labourers in North Arcot.

Kondh.--In the Administration Report of the Ganjam Agency, 1902-3, Mr. C. B. Cotterell writes that Kondh is an exact transliteration from the vernacular, and he knows of no reason, either sentimental or etymological, for keeping such spelling as Khond.

It is noted, in the Madras Census Report, 1891, that "the Khonds inhabit the hill tracts of Ganjam and parts of Vizagapatam, and are found also in Bengal and the Central Provinces. They call themselves Kui, a name identical with the Koi or Koya of the Godavari agency and the south of the Jeypore Zemindari. The Telugu people call them Kotuvandlu. The origin of the name Khond is doubtful, but Macpherson is, I think, right in deriving it from Telugu Konda, a hill. There is a tribe in Vizagapatam called Konda Dora or Konda Kapu, and these people are also frequently called Kotuvandlu. All these names are derivatives of the root kô or kû, a mountain. The number of sub-divisions returned is 58. The list includes many names of other castes, a fact which must be in part ascribed to the impossibility of distinguishing the true Khonds from persons returned as Kondavandlu, Kondalu, Kotuvandlu, etc., terms which mean simply highlanders, and are applicable to all the hill tribes. For example, 12,164 Panos have returned their main caste as Khond."