Chapter X: Part 10

Kayalan.--The Kayalans are Tamil-speaking Muhammadans, closely allied to the Marakkayars and living at Kayalpatnam in Tinnevelly. Many of them have settled as merchants in Madras, and sell glass beads, cowry shells, dolls from Tirupati, toys, etc. Some are money-lenders to the lower classes, and others travel about from village to village selling, for cash or credit rates, cloths, brass vessels, and other articles. They are sometimes called Arumasaththukadankarar, or six months' debt people, as this is the time usually allowed for payment. At Kayalpatnam, a Kayalan husband is expected to live in his father-in-law's house, and, in connection with this custom, the following legend is narrated. The chiefman of the town gave his daughter in marriage to a man living in an adjacent village. One evening, she went to fetch water from a tank, and, on her way back, trod on a cobra. She could not move her foot, lest she should be bitten, so she stood where she was, with her water-pot on her head, till she was discovered by her father on the following morning. He killed the snake with the kitti (tweezers) and knife which he had with him, and told the girl to go with him to his house. She, however, refused to do so, and went to her husband's house, from which she was subsequently taken to that of her father. The kitti is an instrument of torture, consisting of two sticks tied together at one end, between which the fingers were placed as in a lemon squeezer. With this instrument, the fingers were gradually bent backwards towards the back of the hand, until the sufferer, no longer able to endure the excruciating pain, yielded to the demands made on him to make confession of guilt.

Kayasth.--Kayasth or Kayastha is the writer-caste of Bengal. See Risley, Tribes and Castes of Bengal.

Kayerthannaya (Strychnos Nux-vomica sept).--An exogamous sept of the Bants and Shivalli Brahmans in South Canara.

Kayila (unripe fruit).--An exogamous sept of Orugunta Kapu.

Keimal (kei, hand, as an emblem of power).--A sub-division of Nayar.

Kela.--A small class of Oriya jugglers and mountebanks, whose women, like the Dommara females, are often prostitutes. The name is derived from keli, dancing, or khel to play.

Kelasi.--For the following account of the Kelasi or barber caste of South Canara, I am indebted to a note on the barbers of Tuluva by Mr. M. Bapu Rao. [129] The caste name is derived from kelasa, work. In like manner, the Canarese barbers of Bellary and Dharwar call themselves Kashta Madovaru, or those who perform the difficult task.

The barbers of South Canara are of different castes or sub-castes according to the language they speak, or the people for whom they operate. Thus there are (1) the Tulu Kelsi (Kutchidaye, man of the hair) or Bhandari; (2) the Konkani Kelsi or Mhallo, who must have migrated from the north; (3) the Hindustani Kelsi or Hajams; (4) the Lingayat Kelsi or Hadapavada (man of the wallet); (5) the Mappilla (Moplah) barber Vasa; (6) the Malayali barber Kavudiyan; and even Telugu and Tamil barbers imported by the sepoy regiments until recently stationed at Mangalore. Naturally the Tulus form the bulk of the class in Tuluva. There is among them a section known as Maddele, employed by palm-tappers, and hence considered socially inferior to the Bhandari, who is employed by the higher classes. [The Billava barbers are called Parel Madiali or Parel Madivala.] If a high caste barber operates for a man of lower caste, he loses his caste thereby, and has to pay a fine, or in some other way expiate his offence before he gains re-admission into his community. Pariahs in these parts have no separate caste of barbers, but anyone among themselves may try his skill on any head. Mappilla barbers are employed only by the Muhammadans. Even in their own community, however, they do not live in commensality with other Mappillas though gradations of caste are not recognised by their religion.

The barber is not ambitious enough to claim equality of rank with the Bant, the potter, the piper, the weaver, or the oilmonger; but he shows a decided disposition to regard himself as above the level of the fisherman or the palanquin-bearer. The latter often disclaim any such inferiority, and refer to the circumstance that they discharge the functions of carrying the huge umbrella in marriage processions, and shouldering the gods in religious processions. They argue that their rivals perform an operation, the defilement of which can only be wiped off by bathing the head with a solution of sacred earth taken from besides the roots of the tulsi plant (Ocimum sanctum). In justice to the barber, however, it must be mentioned that he has to perform certain priestly duties for most Sudras. His presence is essential at two of the ceremonies observed by castes professing to be superior to his. At the name-giving ceremony a Tulu barber has to tie a thread round the waist of the child, and name it, among Sudras of a higher caste than himself. [At the present day, the Bhandari is said to receive his fee for tying the thread, though he does not actually perform the act.] Again, on the death of a high caste Sudra, the barber has to carry the fire to the cremation ground, though the funeral pyre is lighted by the relations of the deceased. He also has to assist at certain other rites connected with funeral obsequies, such as purifying the house.

[The collection of fragments of bones from the ashes, heaping up the ashes, and cleaning the spot where the corpse was burnt, are the business of the Kelasi. These duties he performs for Morlis, Bants, Gattis, and Vodaris. The Bhandari or Kelasi is an object of intense hatred to Konkani women, who call them by abusive names, such as fellow with a burnt face, miserable wretch, widow-maker, etc.]

The barber in South Canara has invented several stories concerning the origin of his first progenitor. At a time when the barber had not yet been created, Siva was a bachelor, spending his time in austere devotions, and allowing his hair to grow into long matted locks. A time came when he became bent on matrimony, and he thought that the hirsute condition of his face would not be appreciated by his bride, the young daughter of the king of the mountains. It was at this juncture that the barber was created to make Siva a good-looking bridegroom, and the Brahman to officiate at the marriage ceremony. According to another legend, a Gandharva-born woman was on one occasion cast into the sea by irate Brahma, and doomed to be turned into a rock. Moved by her piteous entreaties, however, Brahma relented, and ordained that she should be restored to human form when Parasurama should happen to set his foot upon the rock. This came to pass when Parasurama thrust back the waters of the western sea in order to create the western coast. The re-humanised woman thereupon offered her thanksgivings in such winning words that the great Brahman hero asked her to beg any boon she wished. She begged a son, who should in some way remind generations to come of the great Brahman who had reclaimed her from her inanimate state. The boon was thereupon granted that she should give birth to sons, who would not indeed be Brahmans, but who would perform functions analogous to those performed by Brahmans. The barber thus discharges certain priestly duties for Sudras, and cleanses the body even as the Brahman cleanses the soul; and the defilement caused by the razor can be removed only by the smearing of mud and water, because the barber's female progenitor was a rock recovered out of water.

The primary occupation of the barber does not always bring in a sufficient income, while it leaves him a large amount of leisure. This he spends, if possible, in agricultural labour, in which he is materially assisted by his female relations. Barbers residing in towns hold no land to fall back upon, but their average monthly earnings range from five to seven rupees. Their brethren in the villages are not so busy plying the razor, so they cultivate land as tenants. One of the blessings conferred by Parasurama is that the barber shall never starve.

When a child is born, a male member of the family has to tie a thread round its waist, and give it a name. The choice of a name often depends upon the day of the week on which the child was born. If it is born on a Sunday it is called, if a boy, Aitha (Auditya, sun), or, if a girl, Aithe; if on a Monday, Some or Somu; if on a Tuesday, Angara or Angare; if on a Wednesday, Budara or Budare, changed among Pariahs into Mudara or Mudaru; if on a Thursday, Guruva or Guruvu; if on a Friday, Tukra (Shukra) or Tukru; if on a Saturday, Taniya (Saniya) or Taniyaru. Other names which are common are Lakkana (Lakshmana), Krishna, Subba, and Korapulu (Koraga woman). Those who can afford to do so often employ a Brahman priest to ascertain whether the child is born lucky or unlucky; and, in the latter case, the barber is advised to offer something to the tutelary deity or the nine planets, or to propitiate the village deity, if it is found that the child is born under its evil eye. No lullaby should be sung while the child is being rocked for the first time in a cradle, perhaps because, if the very first rocking is done with a show of rejoicing, some evil spirit may be envious of the human joy, and mar the happiness.

The initiation of a boy into the mysteries of his hereditary profession takes place between the tenth and the fourteenth year. In very rare cases, nowadays, a boy is sent to school between the sixth and eighth year. These occasions are marked by offerings of cocoanuts and plantains to the village deity.

With boys marriage takes place between the sixteenth and twenty-fifth year, with girls before or after puberty. Matches are made by selection on the part of the parents. Lads are sometimes allowed to choose their own brides, but their choice is subject to the approval of the parents, as it must necessarily be in a joint family. Bridegrooms have to pay for their brides a dowry varying from twenty to fifty rupees, and sometimes as much as a hundred rupees. Deformed girls, however, fetch no price; on the other hand, they have to pay some pecuniary inducement to the bridegroom. Widows are allowed, and, when young, encouraged to remarry. The most essential condition of a valid marriage is that the contracting parties should belong to different baris or balis (exogamous septs). As examples of the names of these balis, the following may be cited: Bangaru (gold), Salia (weaver), Uppa (salt), Kombara (cap made of areca palm leaf), Karimbara (sugar-cane). Horoscopes are not consulted for the suitability or future prosperity of a match, but the day and hour, or lagnam of a marriage are always fixed by a Brahman priest with reference to the conjunction of stars. The marriage lasts for three days, and takes place in the house of the bridegroom. This is in accordance with the primitive conception of marriage as a bringing away by force or procuring a bride from her parents, rather than with the current Brahman idea that the bridegroom should be invited, and the girl given away as a present, and committed to his custody and protection. The marriage ceremony takes place in a pandal (booth) on a raised or conspicuous place adorned with various figures or mandala. The pair are made to sit on a bench, and rice is sprinkled on their heads. A barber then shaves the chin and forehead of the bridegroom, the hair border being in the form of a broken pointed arch converging upwards. He also touches the bride's cheeks with the razor, with the object of removing what is called monetha kale, the stain on the face. The full import of this ceremony is not clear, but the barbers look upon the act as purificatory. If a girl has not come of age at the time of marriage, it is done on the occasion of the nuptials. If she has, the barber, in addition to touching the cheeks with the razor, goes to her house, sprinkles some water over her with a betel leaf, and makes her touch the pot in which rice is to be cooked in her husband's house. At the bridegroom's house, before the assembled guests, elders, and headman of the caste, the man and the girl are linked together in the marriage bond by having water (dhare) poured on their joined hands. Next, the right hands of the pair being joined (kaipattavane), the bridegroom leads the bride to her future home.

Soon after a death occurs, a barber is summoned, who sprinkles water on the corpse, and touches it with a razor if it be of a male. In every ceremony performed by him, the barber must have recourse to his razor, even as the Brahman priest cannot do without his kusa grass. The rich burn their dead, and the poor bury them. Persons dying of infectious diseases are always buried. Prior to the removal of the corpse to the cremation or burial ground, all the clothes on and about it, with the exception of one cloth to cover it from head to foot, are removed and distributed to Pariahs, who have prepared the pyre or dug the grave. Before the mourners return from the cemetery, they light four lamps in halves of cocoanuts, and leave them burning on the spot. Coming home, the chief mourner places in the hands of the Gurukara or headman of the caste a jewel or other valuable article as a security that he will duly perform all the funeral rites. This is termed savuotti dipuna. The Gurukara, in the presence of the relations and friends assembled, returns the same, enjoining its recipient to be prepared to perform the requisite rites, even with the proceeds of the sale of the pledged article if necessary. The eleventh day is the savu or principal mourning day, on which the headman and elders of the caste, as well as the friends and relations of the deceased ought to be present. On the spot where the deceased expired, or as near thereto as possible, an ornamental square scaffolding is erected, and covered with cloth coloured with turmeric. The ground below the scaffolding is covered with various figures, and flowers and green leaves are strewn on it. Each mourner throws on this spot handfuls of cooked rice, coloured yellow and red, and cries out "Oh! uncle, I cry murrio," or "Oh! father, I cry murrio," and so on, according to the relationship in which the deceased stood to the mourner. This ceremony is called murrio korpuna, or crying alas. In well-to-do families it is usual to accompany this with devil-dancing. On the twelfth day, rice is offered to crows, the original belief apparently being that the spirits of the deceased enter into birds or beasts, so that food given to these may happen to reach and propitiate them. On the night of the thirteenth day, the relations of the deceased set apart a plantain leaf for the spirit of the departed, serve cooked rice on it, and, joining their hands, pray that the soul may be gathered unto its ancestors, and rest in peace. The anniversary of the death, called agel, is celebrated by placing cooked rice on two plantain leaves placed over sacrificial twigs, and burning incense and waving lamps before it. This is called soma dipuna.

The family god of the barber is Krishna of Udipi, and the high-priest to whom he pays homage is the Saniyasi (religious ascetic), who for the time being worships that god. The same high-priest is also the final court of appeal from the decisions of the village council of the barbers in matters relating to caste and religion. The powers which are ever present to the barber's mind, and which he always dreads and tries to propitiate, are the village demons, and the departed spirits of members of his own family. If a child falls ill, he hastens to the Brahman seer, to learn who is offended, and how the spirit should be appeased. If his cow does not eat hay, he anxiously enquires to which demon he should carry a cock. If the rain fails or the crops are poor, he hies to the nearest deity with cocoanuts, plantains, and the tender spikes of areca. In case of serious illness, he undertakes a vow to beg from door to door on certain days, and convey the money thus accumulated to Tirupati. In his house, he keeps a small closed box with a slit in the lid, through which he drops a coin at every pinch of misfortune, and the contents are eventually sent to that holy place.

The affairs of the community are regulated by a council of elders. In every village, or for every group of houses, there is an hereditary Gurukara or headman of the barbers, who is assisted by four Moktesars. If any of these five authorities receives a complaint, he gives notice to the others, and a meeting is arranged to take place in some house. When there is a difference of opinion, the opinion of the majority decides the issue. When a decision cannot be arrived at, the question is referred to the council of another village. If this does not settle the point at issue, the final appeal lies to the Swami of the the Udipi temple. The council inquires into alleged offences against caste, and punishes them. It declares what marriages are valid, and what not. It not only preserves discipline within the community itself, but takes notice of external affairs affecting the well-being of the community. Thus, if the pipers refuse to make music at their marriage processions, the council resolves that no barber shall shave a piper. Disputes concerning civil rights were once submitted to these councils, but, as their decisions are not now binding, aggrieved parties seek justice from courts of law.

Punishments consist of compensation for minor offences affecting individuals, and of fine or excommunication if the offence affects the whole community. If the accused does not attend the trial, he may be excommunicated for contempt of authority. If the person seeks re-admission into the caste, he has to pay a fine, which goes to the treasury of the temple at Udipi. The presiding Swami at the shrine accepts the fine, and issues a writ authorising the re-admission of the penitent offender. The headman collects the fine to be forwarded to the Swami, and, if he is guilty of any mal-practice, the whole community, generally called the ten, may take cognisance of the offence. Offences against marriage relations, shaving low caste people, and such like, are all visited with fine, which is remitted to the Swami, from whom purification is obtained. The power of the village councils, however, has greatly declined in recent years, as the class of cases in which their decision can be enforced is practically very small.

The Tulu barbers, like many other castes on the western coast, follow the aliya santana system of inheritance (in the female line). The tradition in South Canara is that this, and a number of other customs, were imposed upon certain castes by Bhutala Pandya. The story relates that Deva Pandya, a merchant of the Pandya kingdom, once had some new ships built, but before they put to sea, the demon Kundodara demanded a human sacrifice. The merchant asked his wife to spare one of her seven sons for the purpose, but she refused to be a party to the sacrifice, and went away with her sons to her father's house. The merchant's sister thereupon offered her son. Kundodara, however, was so very pleased with the appearance of this son that he spared his life, and made him a king, whose sway extended over Tuluva. This king was called Bhutala Pandya, and he, being directed by Kundodara, imposed upon the people the system of nephew inheritance.

The barber is changing with the times. He now seldom uses the old unfoldable wooden-handled razor forged by the village blacksmith, but has gone in for what he calls Raja sri (royal fortune; corruption of Rodgers) razors. He believes that he is polluted by the operation which it is his lot to perform, and, on his return home from his morning round, he must bathe and put on washed clothes.

Ken.--Ken (red) and Kenja (red ant) have both been recorded as gotras of Kurni.

Kenna.--A division of Toda.

Kepumari.--It is noted, in the Gazetteer of South Arcot, that "the Kepumaris are one of the several foreign communities from other districts, who help to swell the total of the criminal classes in South Arcot. Their head-quarters is at Tiruvallur in the Chingleput district, but there is a settlement of them at Mariyankuppam (not far from Porto Novo), and another large detachment at Kunisampet in French territory. They commit much the same class of crime as the Donga Dasaris, frequenting railway trains and crowded gatherings, and they avert suspicion by their respectable appearance and pleasant manners. Their house-language is Telugu. They call themselves Alagiri Kepumaris. The etymology of the second of these two words is not free from doubt, but the first of them is said to be derived from Alagar, the god of the Kallans, whose temple at the foot of the hills about twelve miles north of Madura town is a well-known place of pilgrimage, and to whom these people, and other criminal fraternities annually offer a share of their ill-gotten gains." Information concerning the criminal methods of these people, under the name Capemari, will be found in Mr. F. S. Mullaly's 'Notes on Criminal Classes of the Madras Presidency.'

Kerala.--Defined by Mr. Wigram [130] as "the western coast from Gokarnam to Cape Comorin, comprising Travancore, Cochin, Malabar, and part of South Canara."

Kere (tank).--A gotra of Kurni.

Kesari (lion).--A gotra of Kurni.

Kethaki (Pandanus fascicularis).--An exogamous sept of Stanika.

Kethri.--See Khatri.

Kevuto.--It is recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1891, that "the Kevutas are the fisherman caste of Ganjam, and they are said to be the descendants of the Kaibartas, a fishing caste of Bengal. Besides fishing in rivers, canals and lakes, they ply boats and catamarans, and some are also traders. Uriya Brahmans and Bairagis are their priests. From the fifth day after child-birth till the twenty-first, the Uriya Brahmans read the Bhagavata Purana in the house, and on the last day they give a name to the child. The married girls and widows put a veil over their faces whenever they go out of doors."

The Kevutos are low in the social scale, but not a polluting caste. They apparently recognise the following endogamous sub-divisions:--Bhettiya, Bilva, Jonka, Khottia, Koibarto or Dasa, Liyari, Chuditiya, and Thossa. Of these the Thossas are cultivators, the Liyaris make a preparation of fried rice (liya), and the Chudityas are engaged in parching grain (chuda, parched rice). By reason of their change of occupation, the Liyaris and Chudityas have practically become distinct castes, and some deny that there is any connection between them and the Kevutos. Telugu people sometimes call the Chuditiyas Neyyalu, and I am told that there is a street in Parlakimedi almost wholly inhabited by Kevutos, who say that they are of the Neyyalu caste.

Of gotras which occur among the Kevutos, nago (cobra), bhago (tiger), and kochipo (tortoise) are the most common. They also have exogamous septs or bamsams, among which are gogudiya (bells) and nolini (bamboo carrier). The titles which occur in the caste are Behara, Sitto, Torei, Jalli, Bejjo, and Paiko.

The marriage rite is performed at night, and the bride's father ties a gold bead (konti) on the neck of the bridegroom. The Kevutos worship especially Dasaraj and Gangadevi. The latter is worshipped at the Dasara festival, and, in some places, fowls and goats are sacrificed in her honour. In the neighbourhood of the Chilka lake, the goats are not sacrificed, but set at liberty, and allowed to graze on the Kalikadevi hill. There is a belief that animals thus devoted to Gangadevi do not putrify when they die, but dry up.

In the Vizagapatam Agency tracts, the Kevutos are said to be notorious for their proficiency in magic and necromancy.

Khadi.--A sub-division of Telli.

Khadiya.--A name, said to be derived from ghatiyal, meaning a person possessed, and used as a term of reproach for Kudumis of Travancore.

Khajjaya (cake).--An exogamous sept of Vakkaliga.

Kharvi.--The Kharvis are described, in the South Canara Manual, as "Marathi fishermen, who migrated to this district from the Bombay Presidency. The name Kharvi is said to be a corrupt form of the Sanskrit kshar, salt. They are hardworking but thriftless, and much given to drink, chiefly toddy. They are sea-fishermen and good sailors, and also work as domestic servants and labourers. They employ Havik Brahmans to perform their marriage and other ceremonies. The head of the Sringeri Math is their spiritual teacher."

The Kharvis are Konkani-speaking fishermen and cultivators, found in the Kundapur taluk of South Canara. Those who are not engaged in fishing always wear the sacred thread, whereas the fishermen wear it for seven days from the Sravana Hunnami, or full-moon day of the month Sravana (August-September), and then remove it. All are Saivites, and disciples of the Sringeri mutt. Ajai Masti and Nagu Masti are the deities specially worshipped by them. They follow the makkala santana law of inheritance (from father to son). Their headmen are called Saranga or Patel, and these names are used as titles by members of the families of the headmen. The assistant to the headman is styled Naik or Naicker.

For the performance of the marriage ceremonial, Shivalli or Kota Brahmans are engaged. The dhare form of marriage (see Bant) is observed, but there are a few points of detail, which may be noted. Five women decorate the bride inside her house just before she comes to the marriage pandal (booth), and tie on her neck a gold bead (dhare mani) and black beads. At the pandal she stands in front of the bridegroom, separated from him by a screen, which is stretched between them. Garlands of tulsi (Ocimum sanctum) are exchanged, and the screen is removed. Bashingams (chaplets) are tied on the foreheads of the bridal pair at the outset of the ceremonial, and are worn for five days.

The dead are cremated, and, in most cases, the ashes are thrown into a river. But, among the orthodox, they are taken to Gokarna, and thrown into the river at that place. On the eleventh day, presents are made to Brahmans after purification. On the following day, food is offered on two leaves to the soul of the deceased.

One of the leaves is thrown into water, and the other given to a cow or bull.

Khasa.--It is noted by the Rev. J. Cain [131] that "members of this caste are found chiefly in attendance on zamindars and other rich people, and report says that they are not unfrequently their illegitimate children." Khasa is synonymous with Adapapa (q.v.).

Khasgi.--Marathas, of whom a few families constitute the aristocracy in the Sandur State.

Khatri.--The Khatris are described by Mr. Lewis Rice [132] as "silk weavers, who in manners, customs, and language are akin to Patvegars, but they do not intermarry with them, although the two castes eat together. The Katris claim to be Kshatriyas, and quote Renuka Purana as their authority. The legend is that, during the general massacre of the Kshatriyas by Parasu Rama, five women, each of whom was big with child, escaped, and took refuge in a temple dedicated to Kali. When the children came of age, their marriages were celebrated, and their mothers prayed to Kali to point out some means of livelihood. In answer to their supplications, the goddess gave them looms, and taught them weaving and dyeing. The Katris claim descent from these refugees, and follow the same trades."

The following note relates to the Khatris of Conjeeveram, where most of them trade in silk thread, silk sashes, and dye-stuffs. Some deal in human hair, which is used by native females as a chignon. By reason of their connection with the silk industry, the Khatris are called Patnulkaran by other castes. The true Patnulkarans are called Koshta by the Khatris. The Khatris give Bhuja Raja Kshatriya as their caste name, and some say that they are the descendants of one Karta Virya Arjuna of the human race. Their tribal deity is Renukamba, the mother of Parasu Rama, to whom pongal (boiled rice) is offered, and a goat sacrificed in the month of Thai (January-February). They have exogamous septs, such as Sulegar, Powar, Mudugal, Sonappa, Bojagiri, etc., and have adopted the same Brahmanical gotras as the Bhats or Bhatrazus, e.g., Gautama, Kasyapa, Vasishta, and Bharadwaja. Attached to them is a caste beggar, called Bhat, who comes round at long intervals. He is said to keep the genealogies of the Khatri families. He ties a flag to a post of the house at which he intends to claim a meal, and, after partaking thereof, he receives information concerning the births and marriages, which have taken place in the family since his last visit. Girls are married both before and after puberty, and infant marriage is fashionable at the present day. The remarriage of widows is permitted, but a divorced woman may not marry again so long as her husband is alive. A man may not marry the widow of his brother, or of an agnate. The custom of menarikam, by which a man may marry his maternal uncle's daughter, is prohibited. Families belonging to one sept may give their daughters in marriage to men of another sept, from which, however, they are not allowed to receive girls as wives for their sons. For example, a man of a Sulegar sept may give his daughters in marriage to men of the Powar sept, but may not take Powar girls as wives for his sons. But a certain elasticity in the rule is allowed, and the prohibition ceases after a certain number of generations by arrangement with the Bhat. The marriage ceremonies last over seven days. On the first day, the deity Bharkodev, who is represented by seven quartz pebbles placed in a row on plantain leaves, is worshipped with offerings of fruit, etc., and a goat is sacrificed. The blood which flows from its cut neck is poured into a vessel containing cooked rice, of which seven balls are made, and offered to the pebbles. Towards evening some of the rice is thrown to the four cardinal points of the compass, in order to conciliate evil spirits. On the second day, the house is thoroughly cleansed with cow-dung water, and the walls are whitewashed. The eating of meat is forbidden until the marriage ceremonies are concluded. The third day is devoted to the erection of the marriage pandal (booth) and milk-post, and the worship of female ancestors (savasne). Seven married women are selected, and presented with white ravikes (bodices) dyed with turmeric. After bathing, they are sumptuously fed. Before the feast, the bridegroom's and sometimes the bride's mother, goes to a well, tank (pond) or river, carrying on a tray a new woman's cloth, on which a silver plate with a female figure embossed on it is placed. Another silver plate of the same kind, newly made, is brought by a goldsmith, and the two are worshipped, and then taken to the house, where they are kept in a box. The bridegroom and his party go in procession through the streets in which their fellow castemen live. When they reach the house of the bride, her mother comes out and waves coloured water to avert the evil eye, washes the bridegroom's eyes with water, and presents him with betel and a vessel filled with milk. The bride is then conducted to the bridegroom's house, where she takes her seat on a decorated plank, and a gold or silver ornament called sari or kanti is placed on her neck. She is further presented with a new cloth. A Brahman purohit then writes the names of the contracting parties, and the date of their marriage, on two pieces of palm leaf or paper, which he hands over to their fathers. The day closes with the performance of gondala puja, for which a device (muggu) is made on the ground with yellow, red, and white powders. A brass vessel is set in the centre thereof, and four earthen pots are placed at the corners. Puja (worship) is done, and certain stanzas are recited amid the beating of a pair of large cymbals. On the fourth day, the bridal couple bathe, and the bridegroom is invested with the sacred thread. They then go to the place where the metal plates representing the ancestors are kept, with a cloth thrown over the head like a hood, and some milk and cooked rice are placed near the plates. On their way back they, in order to avert the evil eye, place their right feet on a pair of small earthen plates tied together, and placed near the threshold. The bride's mother gives the bridegroom some cakes and milk, after partaking of which he goes in procession through the streets, and a further ceremony for averting the evil eye is performed in front of the bride's house. This over, he goes to the pandal, where his feet are washed by his father-in-law, who places in his hands a piece of plantain fruit, over which his mother-in-law pours some milk. The bride and bridegroom then go into the house, where the latter ties the tali on the neck of the former. During the tying ceremony, the couple are separated by a cloth screen, of which the lower end is lifted up. The screen is removed, and they sit facing each other with their bashingams (forehead chaplets) in contact, and rice is thrown over their heads by their relations. The Brahman hands the contracting couple the wrist-threads (kankanams), which they tie on. These threads are, among most castes, tied at an earlier stage in the marriage ceremonies. On the fifth day, seven betel nuts are placed in a row on a plank within the pandal, round which the bride and bridegroom go seven times. At the end of each round, the latter lifts the right foot of the former, and sweeps off one of the nuts. For every marriage, a fee of Rs. 12-5-0 must be paid to the headman of the caste, and the money thus accumulated is spent on matters such as the celebration of festivals, which affect the entire community. If the fee is not paid, the bride and bridegroom are not permitted to go round the plank the seventh time. On the sixth day, the bride receives presents from her family, and there is a procession at night. On the last day of the ceremonies, the bride is handed over to her mother-in-law by her mother, who says "I am giving you a melon and a knife. Deal with them as you please." The bride is taken inside the house by the mother-in-law and shown some pots containing rice into which she dips her right hand, saying that they are full. The mother-in-law then presents her with a gold finger-ring, and the two eat together as a sign of their new relationship.

The dead are cremated, and, when a married man dies, his corpse is carried on a palanquin to the burning-ground, followed by the widow. Near the pyre it is laid on the ground, and the widow places her jewelry and glass bangles on the chest. The corpse should be carried by the sons-in-law if possible, and the nomination of the bearers is indicated by the eldest son of the deceased person making a mark on their shoulders with ashes. On the third day after death, the milk ceremony takes place. Three balls of wheat-flour, mixed with honey and milk, are prepared, and placed respectively on the spot where the deceased breathed his last, where the bier was laid on the ground, and at the place where the corpse was burnt, over which milk is poured. The final death ceremonies (karmandhiram) are observed on the seventh or tenth day, till which time the eating of flesh is forbidden.

The headman of the Khatris, who is called Gramani, is elected once a month, and he has an assistant called Vanja, who is appointed annually.

The Khatris are Saivites, and wear the sacred thread, but also worship various grama devatas (village deities). They speak a dialect of Marathi. The caste title is Sa, e.g., Dharma Sa.

Kethree is described, in the Vizagapatam Manual, as "the caste of the Zamindar's family in Jeypore. It is divided into sixteen classes. They wear the paieta (sacred thread), and the Zamindar used formerly to sell the privilege of wearing it to any one who could afford to pay him twelve rupees. Pariahs were excluded from purchasing the privilege."

The Khatri agriculturists of the Jeypore Agency tracts in Vizagapatam are, Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao informs me, entirely distinct from the weaving Khatris of the south. They are divided into four septs, viz., Surya (Sun), Bhag (tiger), Kochchimo (tortoise), and Nag (cobra). Girls are married before puberty, and an Oriya Brahman officiates at their marriages, instead of the customary Desari. They do not, like other castes in the Agency tracts, give fermented liquor (madho) as part of the jholla tonka or bride-price, which consists of rice, a goat, cloths, etc. The marriage ceremonies are performed at the bride's house. These Khatris put on the sacred thread for the first time when they are married, and renew it from time to time throughout life. They are fair skinned, and speak the Oriya language. Their usual title is Patro.

Khinbudi (bear).--A sept of Rona.

Khodalo.--See Bavuri.

Khodikaro.--A name for Panditos, derived from the stone (khodi), with which they write figures on the floor, when making astrological calculations.

Khodura.--The name is derived from khodu, bangle. The Khoduras, Mr. Francis writes, [133] are "manufacturers of the brass and bell-metal bangles and rings ordinarily worn by the lower class Odiyas. Their headman is called Nahako Sahu, and under him there are deputies called Dhoyi Nahako and Behara. There is a fourth functionary styled Aghopotina, whose peculiar duty is said to be to join in the first meal taken by those who have been excommunicated, and subsequently readmitted into the caste by the caste panchayat (council). A quaint custom exists, by which honorific titles like Senapati, Mahapatro, Subuddhi, etc., are sold by the panchayat to any man of the caste who covets them, and the proceeds sent to Puri and Pratabpur for the benefit of the temples there. It is said that the original home of the caste was Orissa, and that it came to Ganjam with Purushottam Deva, the Maharaja of Puri. In its general customs it resembles the Badhoyis." I am informed that the name of the fourth functionary should be Aghopotiria, or first leaf man, i.e., the man who is served first at a public dinner.

Khoira.--Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as a low caste of Oriya cultivators.

Khoja.--In the Madras Census Report, 1901, eleven Khojas are recorded as belonging to a Mussalman tribe of traders from Bombay.

For the following note on the Khojas of Southern India, I am indebted to an article by Dr. J. Shortt. [134] "The true Kojahs, or eunuchs, are not numerous in Southern India. They are chiefly to be seen in the houses of wealthy Mussalman nobles, by whom they are placed at the head of their zenanas or harems. The Kojahs are properly divided into two classes: (1) Kojahs; (2) Hijras. Sometimes Hindus, Sudras, and Brahmans subject themselves to the operation (of castration), of their own accord from a religious impression. Others, finding themselves naturally impotent, consider it necessary to undergo the operation, to avoid being born again at a future birth in the same helpless state. The operation of castration is generally performed by a class of barbers, sometimes by some of the more intelligent of the eunuchs themselves, in the following manner. The patient is made to sit on an upturned new earthen pot, being previously well drugged with opium or bhang. The entire genitals being seized by the left hand, an assistant, who has a bamboo lath slit in the centre, runs it down quite close to the pubis, the slit firmly embracing the whole of the genitals at the root, when the operator, with a sharp razor, runs it down along the face of the lath, and removes penis, testicles and scrotum in one swoop, leaving a large clean open wound behind, in which boiling gingelly (Sesamum indicum) oil is poured to staunch the bleeding, and the wound covered over with a soft rag steeped in warm oil. This is the only dressing applied to the wound, which is renewed daily, while the patient is confined in a supine position to his bed, and lightly fed with conjee (rice gruel), milk, etc. During the operation, the patient is urged to cry out 'Din' (the faith in Mahomet) three times.

"Of the two classes, the Kojahs are the artificially created eunuchs, in contradistinction to the Hijras (impotents) or natural eunuchs. Some years ago there were three Kojahs at the head of the State prison or Royal Mahal at Vellore, in charge of some of the wives, descendants, and other female connections of Tippoo Sultan. These men were highly respected, held charges of considerable trust, and were Muhammadans by birth. Tales were often repeated that the zenana women (slaves and adopted girls) were in the habit of stripping them naked, and poking fun at their helplessness. There were two Kojahs in the employ of the late Nabob of the Carnatic. They were both Africans. On the death of the Nabob, the Government allowed one of them a pension of fifteen rupees a month.

"The second class, Hijras or natural eunuchs as they are termed, are not so, strictly speaking, but are said to be impotent. While some are naturally so from birth, others are impressed with a belief in childhood, and are dressed up in women's clothes, taught to ape their speech and manners, whilst a few adopt it as a profession in after-life. They are chiefly Mussalmans. The hair of the head is put up as in women, well oiled, combed, and thrown back, tied into a knot, and shelved to the left side, sometimes plaited, ornamented, and allowed to hang down the back. They wear the cholee or short jacket, the saree or petticoat, and put on abundance of nose, ear, finger, and toe rings. They cultivate singing, play the dhol (a drum), and attitudinise. They go about the bazaars in groups of half a dozen or more, singing songs with the hope of receiving a trifle. [Such a group I saw at Sandur, who, on hearing that I wished to photograph them, made tracks for another place.--E.T.] They are not only persistent, but impudent beggars, singing filthy, obscene, and abusive songs, to compel the bazaarmen to give them something. Should they not succeed, they would create a fire and throw in a lot of chillies, the suffocating and irritative smoke producing violent coughing, etc., so that the bazaarmen are compelled to yield to their importunity, and give them a trifle to get rid of their annoyance. While such were the pursuits in the day, at nightfall they resorted to debauchery and low practices by hiring themselves out to a dissipated set of Moslems, who are in the habit of resorting to these people for the purpose, whilst they intoxicate themselves with a preparation termed majoon, being a confection of opium, and a drink termed boja, a species of country beer manufactured from ragi (Eleusine Coracana), which also contains bhang (Indian hemp). In addition to this, they smoke bhang. The Hijras are met with in most of the towns of Southern India, more especially where a large proportion of Mussalmans is found."

In Hyderabad, castration used to be performed at about the age of sixteen. A pit, 3 1/2 feet deep, was dug in the ground, and filled with ashes. After the operation, the patient had to sit on the ashes, with crossed legs, for three days. The operation was performed, under the influence of narcotics, by a Pir--the head of the Khoja community.

I am informed by Mr. G. T. Paddison that, at the annual festival of the Gadabas of Vizagapatam, thorns are set on a swing outside the shrine of the goddess. On these the priest or priestess sits without harm. If the priest is masculine, he has been made neuter. But, if the village is not fortunate enough to possess a eunuch, a woman performs the ceremony.

The following notes were recorded by me on the occasion of an interview with some eunuchs living in the city of Madras:--

Hindu, aged about 30. Generative organs feebly developed. Is a natural eunuch. Speaks and behaves like a female. Keeps a stall, at which he sells cakes. Goes out singing and dancing with four other eunuchs, and earns from ten annas to a rupee in a night. There are, in Madras, about thirty eunuchs, who go about dancing. Others keep shops, or are employed as domestic servants.

One well acquainted with the Hindu eunuchs of Madras stated that, when a boy is born with ill-developed genitalia, his unnatural condition is a source of anxiety to his parents. As he grows up he feels shy, and is made fun of by his companions. Such boys run away from home, and join the eunuchs. They are taught to sing and dance, and carry on abominable practices. They are employed by dancing-girls, to decoy paramours to them. For this purpose, they dress up as dancing-girls, and go about the streets. At times of census, they return themselves as males engaged in singing and dancing.

Khond.--See Kondh.

Khongar.--See Kangara.

Kichagara.--A small class of Canarese basket-makers and beggars. The name is said to be derived from kichaku, meaning an imitative sound, in reference to the incessant noise which the Kichagaras make when begging.

Kidaran (copper boiler).--A synonym for Malayalam artisans.

Kilakku Teru (east street).--A section of Kallan.

Killavar.--A sub-division of Tottiyan.

Killekyata.--The Killekyatas are a Marathi-speaking people, who amuse villagers with their marionette shows in the Telugu and Canarese countries. "They travel round the villages, and give a performance wherever they can secure sufficient patronage. Contributions take the form of money, or oil for the foot-lights." [135] "Their profession," Mr. S. M. Natesa Sastri writes, [136] "is enacting religious dramas before the village public (whence their name, meaning buffoon). The black kambli (blanket) is their screen, and any mandapa or village chavadi, or open house is their stage. Night is the time for giving the performance. They carry with them pictures painted in colours on deer skins, which are well tanned, and made fine like parchment. The several parts of the picture representing the human or animal body are attached to each other by thin iron wires, and the parts are made to move by the assistance of thin bamboo splits, and thus the several actions and emotions are represented to the public, to the accompaniment of songs. Their pictures are in most cases very fairly painted, with variety and choice of colours. The stories chosen for representation are generally from the Ramayana and the Mahabharata, which they however call Ravanyakatha and Pandavakatha--the stories of Ravana and the Pandavas." The dead are buried in a seated posture.

Some of the women are engaged as professional tattooers.

Kimedi.--A local name for Koronos who live at Parlakimedi.

Kindal (basket-maker).--A sub-division of Savara.

Kinkila (the koel or cuckoo).--A gotra of Kurni. The cuckoo, named Eudynamis honorata, is the bird, whose crescendo cry, ku-il, ku-il, is trying to the nerves during the hot season.

Kinthali.--A sub-division of the Telugu Kalingis.

Kira (parrot).--A sept of Gadaba. Kira also occurs as a sub-division of Sondi.

Kiraikkaran.--Kiraikkaran is an occupational name, denoting those who cultivate kirai (Amarantus). The Kiraikkarans are stated, in the Census Report, 1901, to be usually Agamudaiyans in Coimbatore. I gathered, however, that the name is given by Tamil-speaking people to the Kempati Okkiliyans of Coimbatore, a Canarese people who migrated thither from Kempati in Mysore. The majority of them cultivate kirai and other edible vegetables, but some are petty traders or fishermen. Some of their marriage divisions are named after deities, e.g., Masani and Viramashti, and one division is called Jogi.

Kirata (hunter).--A name assumed by Bedars, Ekaris, and other classes.

Kirganiga.--Kirganiga or Kiruganiga is the name of a sub-division of Ganigas, who express oils in wooden mills.

Kiriyam.--A sub-division of Nayar. Also the Malayalam word for house name or sept.

Kiriyattil.--A sub-division of Nayar.

Kizhakathi.--Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1891, as a sub-division of Paraiyan. The word means easterner, and a Paraiyan of North or South Arcot would call a Paraiyan of Madras by this name.

Koalaka (arrow).--An exogamous sept of Jatapu.

Kobbiriya.--A sub-division of Domb.

Kochattabannaya.--Kochattabannaya or Kojjarannaya (jak tree, Artocarpus integrifolia, sept) is an exogamous sept of Bant.

Kochimo (tortoise).--A sept of Oriya Gaudo, Bosantiya, Bottada, Konda Dora, Mattiya, and Omanaito.

Kochuvalan.--Recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, as a name for Ulladans.

Kodaketti (umbrella tying).--A sub-division of Panan.

Kodavili (sickle).--An exogamous sept of Karna Sale.

Kodekal Hata-kararu (cloth-weavers).--A sub-division of Devanga.

Kodi (cock).--An exogamous sept of Kapu. Thorika occurs as a sept of Jatapus, who are said to revere a species of fowl called thorika kodi, and Kodi Kandla (fowl's eyes) as a sept of Boya.

Kodikkal.--Kodikkal, Kodikkar, or Kodikkalkaran, meaning betel vine man, is the occupational name of a sub-division of Vellalas, and of Labbai Muhammadans who cultivate the betel vine. In the Census Report, 1901, it is noted that those who gave this as the name of their caste returned their parent tongue as Tamil, and their title as Nayakkan, and were therefore clubbed with Pallis. Kodikkal is further a sub-division of the Shanans, who derive the name from kodi, a flag, and give flag-bearer as its significance. Other castes, however, make it to mean a betel garden, in reference to Shanans who were betel vine growers. Kodikkal Pillaimar is a synonym of the Senaikkudaiyans, indicating Pillaimars who cultivate the betel vine.

Kodiyal.--A sub-division of Kudubi.

Kodla.--Kodla (fowl) has been recorded as an exogamous sept of Tsakala, and Kodla bochchu (fowl's feathers) as an exogamous sept of Kapu.

Kodu.--A form of Kondh. Also a sub-division of Konda Razu.

Kohoro.--A form of Kahar.

Koi.--See Koya.

Koibarto.--A sub-division of Kevuto.

Koil Pandala (keeper of the royal treasury).--One of the divisions of Kshatriyas in Travancore.

Koil Tampuran.--The following note is extracted from the Travancore Census Report, 1901. The Koil Tampurans form a small community, made up of the descendants of the immigrant Kshatriya families from certain parts of Malabar lying to the north of Travancore and Cochin. They are also known as Koil Pantalas. In early records, the term Koviladhikarikal appears to have been used. Immemorial tradition connects the Koil Tampurans with Cheraman Perumal, and goes to say that their original settlement was Beypore. About 300 M.E. a few male members were invited to settle in Travancore, and form marital alliances with the ladies of the Travancore Royal House, known then as the Venat Svarupam. Houses were built for them at Kilimanur, six miles from Attingal, where all the female members of the Royal Family resided. In M.E. 963, eight persons--three males and five females--from the family of Aliakkotu, oppressed by the invasion of Tipu Sultan, sought shelter in Travancore. Maharaja Rama Varma received them kindly, and gave them the palace of the Tekkumkur Raja, who had been subjugated by Rama Iyen Dalawah. This site in Changanachery is still recognised as Nirazhikkottaram. In 975 M.E. one of the five ladies removed to Kirtipuram near Kantiyur (Mavelikara taluk), and thence to a village called Gramam in the same taluk. Another shifted to Pallam in the Kottayam taluk, a third to Paliyakkara in Tiruvalla, and a fourth, having no issue, continued to live at Changanachery with the fifth lady who was the youngest in the family. Raja Raaja Varma Koil Tampuran, who married Rani Lakshmi Bai, sovereign of Travancore from 985 to 990 M.E. was the eldest son of the lady that stayed at Changanachery. Their present house at that place, known as Lakshmipuram Kottaram, was named after the Koil Tampuran's royal consort. Raja Raja Varma's sister gave birth to three daughters and two sons. The eldest daughter and sons removed to Kartikapalli in 1040, and thence, in 1046, to Anantapuram in Haripad. In 1041, the second daughter and issue removed to Chemprol in Tiruvalla, while the third continued to live at Changanachery. Thus there came into existence seven families of Koil Tampurans, namely those of Kilimanur, Changanachery, Anantapuram, Pallam, Chemprol, Gramam, and Paliyakkare. Some time after 1040 M.E. (A.D. 1856), three more families, viz., those of Cherukol, Karamma, and Vatakkematham, immigrated from North Malabar.

The Koil Tampurans are all regarded as blood relations, and observe birth and death pollutions like Dayadis among Brahmans. They follow the matriarchal system of inheritance. Nambutiri Brahmans marry their ladies. Their religious ceremonies are the same as those of Nambutiris, whom they resemble in the matter of food and drink. Their caste government is in the hands of the Nambutiri Vaidikans.