Chapter VII: Part 7

I was frequently in communication with Egan through all this period, for he made many trips to Chicago, both for business purposes—he had now embarked in the grain trade—and with the object of consulting with Alexander Sullivan, whose worthy _fidus Achates_ he proved. It was as the result of one of my interviews with him that I received the following passport to the faithful, which proved of such service in the way of corroboration when I appeared before the Special Commission:—

+----------------------------------------------------------+
| |
| Transcriber’s Note: the following is a transcription of |
| the handwritten text of this letter. |
| |
| Irish National League of America |
| OFFICES OF PRESIDENT AND SECRETARY |
| |
| Lincoln, Neb., November 24 1885 |
| |
| It affords me great pleasure to introduce to all |
| friends of the Irish National League with whom he |
| may come in contact during his visit in the south my |
| esteemed friend Dr. H Le Caron of Chicago. |
| |
| Dr. Le Caron although French by name and descent has |
| ever proved himself one of the most devoted friends of |
| the Irish National cause and since the formation of the |
| Land and National Leagues has been most indefatigable |
| in promoting the good of those organizations. |
| |
| Patrick Egan |
| President |
+----------------------------------------------------------+

Alexander Sullivan meantime occupied himself very busily in purely American politics, and for the purpose of making his position in this regard the more favourable, he caused it to be understood that he had withdrawn from the Clan-na-Gael. This, of course, was only a blind, for as a matter of fact, for twelve months at least after he had so announced his withdrawal, his name continued to appear on circulars and documents. This, however, is immaterial. What is important to note is that Sullivan warmly advocated the election of J. F. Blaine to the Presidency, and that he in secret circles made much of the fact that Blaine’s foreign policy would do all that the Clan-na-Gael desired. Mr. Blaine paid a high tribute in the public prints to the services rendered him by Sullivan.

The year 1886 saw the introduction of the Home Rule Bill by Mr. Gladstone, and consequent inactivity on the part of the American conspirators. I therefore had rather an easy time of it. Enthusiasm ran pretty high, because it was thought that with Home Rule granted the way to complete separation would be cleared in a wondrous degree, and that at last we were in sight of the point for which all had struggled and many had bled, “the making of Ireland a nation once again.” Mr. Parnell now appeared to have a distinct claim upon Irish American indulgence, and particular pains were taken to prevent anything happening which might unfairly affect his position in any way. So complaisant were “the men beyond the sea” in America, that the open Convention called for January 1886 was postponed in order that Mr. Parnell might be present. The gathering eventually took place in the month of August 1886, but there was no Mr. Parnell, his place being taken by no less than four of the leading Parnellites from the English side—Messrs. Michael Davitt, John E. Redmond, M.P., John Deasy, M.P., and William O’Brien, M.P. As usual, the whole proceedings were governed by the Sullivanite wing of the secret organisation. I was myself a delegate, attended the secret caucuses presided over by Patrick Egan, and assisted in developing affairs in the interests of the conspirators.

The fact that Devoy, Cronin, and others were now in opposition was an element of danger in connection with the satisfactory working of the intrigue to “nobble” the open movement; but by a system of proxy voting success was achieved, and the adherents of the Croninites driven from the field. The way in which this was accomplished was remarkable, and very suggestive of the position which Egan, the ex-Land League official, and friend and adviser of Mr. Parnell, held in the Revolutionary organisation. By a circular issued by the “Triangle” on the eve of the Convention, it was ordered that each Senior Guardian should secure proxies for all branches of the National League in his vicinity unable to send delegates to the open Convention, and immediately forward such proxies to Patrick Egan. Here was a clear confession of the close connection between the two movements—open and secret—existing in the person of the present United States minister to Chili, the then President of the Irish National League of America.

XLVIII.

I have already touched at several points on the Dynamite Campaign, and I will now pause in my narrative for the purpose of dealing in some detail with the incidents attending the development of the plot to “blow up England.” Although there had been several attempts made by O’Donovan Rossa’s adherents to damage public buildings, notably the Mansion House, London, the barracks at Chester, the police-station and the Town Hall at Liverpool in 1881 and 1882, the Dynamite Campaign as organised by the Clan-na-Gael did not really commence till the latter end of 1882, or rather the beginning of 1883. Indeed the attempts on the part of Rossa’s people were simply gunpowder explosions, and had no connection with dynamite at all. They were of a very miserable character, and quite in keeping with O’Donovan Rossa’s reputation in the States. With him experience proved that it was always, as the homely phrase has it, a case of “great cry and little wool.”

To Dr. Gallaher, our friend of the professional appearance and gold-headed cane, was intrusted the task of inaugurating the work undertaken by the Revolutionary Directory of the Clan-na-Gael. At the time he set out all was enthusiasm in the ranks of the Clan, and great things were promised. In one secret circular the F.C. (or governing body) had informed the members “that it had no delicacy or sentimentality about how it would strike the enemy, or when or where.... They meant war, they meant that war to be unsparing and unceasing. They meant it to be effective. Their policy would be to make assaults in all directions, so that the suffering, bitterness, and desolation which followed active measures should be felt in every place.”

Under the pretence of taking a voyage to Europe for his health’s sake, Gallaher set out in the steamship _Alaska_ on the 15th October 1882, reaching Liverpool in good time, and from thence travelling to Glasgow, in order, as he explained, to see some relatives. Glasgow, by the way, has always had a prominent representative of the British branch of the Fenians in residence there. From Glasgow he came on to the London Wall Hotel, and here he remained for a month spying out the land and making the preliminary arrangements for the work which was to follow. His work finished, he took a trip to Dublin, where at the Gresham Hotel he lived as befitted a man of his position. From thence he proceeded to Donegal to visit more “relatives.” From Donegal he eventually made his way to Queenstown, where in the _Bosnia_ he took passage for home on the 10th December, having, as he subsequently reported, made all necessary arrangements for commencing his branch of the “active work.”

He was with Sullivan in Chicago in the following month, and here he and I met and had many chats together. We were fellow-doctors, and we “chummed” together in a fashion very agreeable to me. He soon wearied me, however, for I found he could talk of nothing but dynamite, its production, its effectiveness, and the great weapon it was soon to prove against the British Government. He spent the next couple of months in communication with the powers that were, and placed them in full possession of all he had done and all he hoped to do. They took an equally sanguine view of the possibilities of success, and no time was lost in enlisting the first dynamite band which visited Europe. By the middle of March there were eight men embarked on the dangerous enterprise, Gallaher being the leader and paymaster; and at this date the first of them set out for England in the Cunarder _Parthia_. Every precaution was taken to avert suspicion, and so much care was exercised that some travelled as steerage passengers, while the rest, like Gallaher, journeyed in gentlemanly fashion. The band was made up of Gallaher and his brother Bernard, Dowd, Wilson, O’Connor, Curtin, Whitehead, and Norman, all being Clan-na-Gael men, though none save the doctor held any important position in the organisation.

The first arrivals of this precious assembly of dynamitards reached Liverpool on the 27th of March, and, of course, separated at once. Gallaher went to the Charing Cross Hotel, which he made his head-quarters. His men were quickly put to work, and in a very short time a nitro-glycerine factory was established in Birmingham, under the superintendence of Whitehead. From here large quantities of liquid were conveyed to some few points in London in rubber bags and rubber shooting-stockings. All the elaborate arrangements, however, were destined to come to naught, for before any “active” work could be done, thanks to the vigilance of the police in London and Birmingham, Gallaher and his associates were arrested, and the whole of the nitro-glycerine seized. The month of May 1883 saw the trial and conviction of the leader and three of his associates, Whitehead, Curtin, and Wilson, the case for the Crown being completed by the testimony of Norman, _alias_ Lynch, who played the _rôle_ which never lacks an exponent in the case of an Irish conspiracy—that of informer. All of the unfortunate prisoners were sentenced to penal servitude for life. An interesting feature in connection with Gallaher’s arrest was the discovery on his person of no less a sum than £1400.

What the actual designs of this dynamite band were, are not, and probably never will be known. Quite sufficient for the public must be the fact that so enormous was the quantity of nitro-glycerine discovered that according to experts, it was quite equal to the blowing up of every house and street in London, from one end to the other. Pleasant discovery this for the ordinary British citizen who laughs at dynamite and pooh-poohs the existence of any condition of things calling for a more elaborate Secret Service. The arrest and discomfiture of the Gallaher band had one very useful result. It effectively put an end to all idea of manufacturing dynamite on English soil. Unfortunately, however, it did not put an end to the Dynamite Campaign. It simply affected the weapon, not those who were prepared to employ it.

The next group of dynamitards who visited England included Cunningham, Burton, Mackay Lomasney, Luke Dillon, and a man known as Ryan of Philadelphia. These men did not all come at the same time, but they worked together in harmony so far as it was possible. During their visit to London explosions occurred in October 1883 on the Underground Railway; in February 1884, at Victoria Station; in May 1884, at Scotland Yard; in December 1884, at London Bridge; and in January 1885, at the House of Commons and the Tower. The dynamite employed in these cases was all brought from America, secreted about the persons of the conspirators, and of women who were sent over with it, as well as by an employé of one of the steamers of the National Steamship Line, who belonged to the organisation. The explosive was generally made up in slabs of Atlas powder, obtained from, amongst other sources, the Atlas Company and the Repauno Chemical Company of Philadelphia.

Of the second group, only two men were brought to trial, Cunningham and Burton; and these men, for the attempts on the House of Commons and the Tower, were sentenced to penal servitude for life. The remainder, with the exception of Lomasney, escaped to America. Lomasney, in company with a man supposed to be named Fleming, met his fate under London Bridge in his attempt to blow up that structure. Luckily for the Londoners, the bridge escaped without any injury, but Mackay and his companion apparently came to their end by the discharge of the explosive, for they were never seen more.

There were two other men whose part in the Dynamite Campaign of this period deserves mention. These were “Jack” Daly, as he was called, and his confederate, J. F. Egan, who were tried and sentenced at Warwick in 1884, the former to imprisonment for life, and the latter to penal servitude for twenty years. Daly was perhaps the most daring and desperate criminal of all, and his intended crime merits special reference. This was the blowing up of the House of Commons while in session, by the throwing of bombs on to the table in front of the Speaker. So ardent was Daly in planning this foul enterprise that he twice gained admission to the Strangers’ Gallery of the House. When arrested, some of these bombs were found upon him, and examination showed that one of them, if used, would have been quite sufficient to send every stick and stone, to say nothing of the members of the House of Commons themselves, heavenwards or thereabouts. Luckily, this desperate man was arrested in time, for assuredly his character was quite sufficient to warrant the belief that he would have carried out his intention.[3]

Of all the schemes indulged in by the dynamite men, none seems to have been more far-fetched than that of the theft of a certain stone from within the walls of Westminster Abbey. This was the famous “Stone of Scone,” which serves as the seat of the Coronation-chair in the Abbey. To an outsider the possession of such a stone as this seems of no importance whatever. Yet, ludicrous as it may appear, the idea of securing it gave rise to great enthusiasm and led to a very generous subscription with this object. According to the originators of the scheme, this “Stone of Destiny” was really the property of Ireland for a thousand years before Christ, and upon it were crowned the Irish kings, for hundreds of years, on the sacred Hill of Tara. Its restoration to the land of its original and only lawful owners, it was contended, would inspire confidence in the course then being pursued, and the people would be strengthened by the well-known tradition “that so long as this stone remained in Ireland, so long would she remain a united nation,” while its loss to the English would work wonders. Elaborate preparations were made for carrying out the scheme. Men were sent from America to work in conjunction with certain Fenians in London, and it was decided that some of the conspirators should secrete themselves in the Abbey, and at night seize the police, remove the stone, and pass it out through a window to others who would be in waiting outside to take it to a place of safety. For months these men waited and waited, but the opportunity never came, for one of the group gave the whole thing away to the police, and the detectives who surrounded the sacred edifice made the seizure impossible. In the end the three principals had to leave the country for fear of arrest, and the whole affair ended in smoke—as usual!

The close of the year 1885 brought the announcement of Mr. Gladstone’s conversion to Home Rule, and the termination of the Dynamite Campaign for the time being. How the political situation was viewed at this period, can best be represented by the following extracts from a secret circular of the Clan-na-Gael, or United Brotherhood, issued two days before Christmas:—

“The operations so far conducted have compelled the enemy to
recognise the Constitutional party, and we are now in a fair way
to reap the benefits and results of the heroic work of the members
of the U.S. (United Brotherhood).... We expect to resume active
operations after the present exigencies of the Constitutional
party are passed. We have purposely and advisedly abstained from
doing anything likely to embarrass them during the crisis of the
elections. It is to be hoped that during these operations, members
will abstain from making inquiries or discussing the subject in
any manner, for we cannot say when we undertake to answer members,
but that at the same time we are answering the inquiries of our
enemy, furnishing important information, and giving important clues
to detect and suppress our work. The mystery of an unknown power
striking in the dark, always able to avoid detection, is far more
terrible than the damage inflicted. We caution you, therefore,
above all things, to be silent; but if compelled to speak, disavow
all knowledge, or better still, mislead all inquirers. In the
meantime, we wish to impress on you the necessity of mutual
forbearance and faith.”

So, for the time, in deference to “the exigencies of the Constitutional party,” the Dynamite Campaign was brought to a close, leaving as its record little or no damage to the enemy, but no less than twenty-five of the unfortunate instruments in prison, sixteen undergoing life sentences, two, sentences of twenty years’ penal servitude, and seven, sentences of seven years each. Of course, some of these prisoners are not men from the American side. In many cases those coming from America picked up colleagues in England, and, unfortunately for these latter, the knowledge which the local police possessed proved disastrous to them.

XLIX.

The secret convention of the Revolutionary organisation—or rather, of the principal section which had remained faithful to Sullivan—met in due course, in August 1886, but as I was not a delegate, I had no personal knowledge of what took place. The spirit of the time, however, was very fairly reflected in some circulars, issued prior to its assembly, from which I take the following extracts:—

“The indications all point to the conclusion that the measure of
Home Rule offered will be emasculated and pared down in such a way
as to make it unacceptable to those for whom it is intended. We
are now preparing for those contingencies, and the estimates for
the cost of making a rigorous campaign with ‘delusion’ (dynamite)
will absorb more funds than are at present available from the
prescribed percentage. The Executive, therefore, in order to meet
the great outlay necessary at this crisis, take this occasion to
request that, in addition to the usual percentage, each camp at
once, by a vote of the camp, send on such additional funds as they
may deem proper.... It is suggested that in voting this fund it be
credited in forwarding it entirely to ‘delusion’ (dynamite). In the
meantime, in the next few months, important operations are likely
to take place; you are cautioned to use every device to mislead
those engaged in tracing our operations.”

And again:—

“We have some members who are opposed to the active operations of
the last few years, and who, therefore, favour a more enlarged
representation. It would seem to us that the operations objected to
are fully vindicated by the concessions wrung thereby from England.
However, we offer no suggestions as to what line of policy you
may see fit to pursue. It will be the business of your Convention
to frame that policy, and the business of the Executive Body to
execute them without regard to individual opinions....

“The silent secret warfare has been productive of results. It would
be well, therefore, to instruct your delegates as to your wishes on
those points fully and clearly. Having instructed your delegates
which of these policies you wish to pursue, the details will not be
difficult. It would be well, therefore, to put your instructions
to your delegates in one of the following general terms, with such
alterations as you deem proper:—

“Viz., ‘Our delegate is instructed to favour an active secret
policy, similar to recent operations;’ or, in the alternative of
favouring a return to open insurrectionary operations, as follows:—

“Viz., ‘Our delegate is instructed to favour the planting of
ploughs (distribution of arms) and an open insurrectionary
movement.’

“There can then be no insinuations of misrepresentation, and
whatever policy is adopted will have the overwhelming support of
the organisation at its back. It will be well, also, to embody such
changes as are desirable in the constitution in your instructions.
It is to be hoped that, in the short time intervening between this
and the Convention, you will fully, wisely, and carefully consider
the policy of the future, and the character, intelligence, and
experience of your delegates....

“The active operations of the U.S. (United Brotherhood) have
brought about the probable granting of Home Rule. It is desirable
that delegates to the National Convention shall be fully informed
of your desire to follow up these operations on the same lines, or
whether you desire to fall back on the old work of putting ploughs
in. The latter course does not seem to us fruitful of results
or practical. The former policy has been vindicated by great
destruction with little loss to us. It is for the Convention to
decide, however, what the future policy shall be.”

From the official report of the secret Convention which reached me subsequently, I learnt that the votes in favour of dynamite had been in the majority, for the policy of the late Executive had been endorsed, and the new Executive given a free hand for the future. What, however, was perhaps the most important proceeding of all at this Convention of the Revolutionists, was the passing of the following resolution:—

“Resolved:—That we maintain the same relations in the future to
open societies, working for the same purpose as ourselves, that we
have in the past.”

If further proof were wanted beyond that already given of the “understanding” which existed between the open and secret organisations, it could not be supplied in a more emphatic manner than this.

Although the Executive were given full power to act as they thought best, it was apparently considered undesirable to do anything during the latter part of 1886, and so nothing of importance came to pass up to the month of April 1887, when I made another trip to Europe, without, however, any letters or credentials on this occasion. My visit was, nevertheless, not of an uneventful character. I visited the House of Commons more than once, and in the social intercourse which took place between myself and some of the Irish M.P.’s, learnt many facts of an interesting character. It was during this visit that I set myself to find out some particulars regarding Dr. James G. Fox, M.P. I was rather curious about this gentleman, who now failed to recognise me in the House of Commons lobby, although we had met on more than one occasion at Land League Conventions in the States, where we had been brother delegates. His associations, his position as State Executive for the League in New York, and his well-known National proclivities as evinced during his fifteen years’ residence at Troy and elsewhere in the States, all made me anxious to know something of the man in his new position of M.P., and of how his thoughts now inclined.

I learnt casually that he was in the habit of frequenting Gatti’s Restaurant in the Adelaide Gallery, Strand, and there I determined to renew my acquaintance with him. The opportunity for doing so was not long wanting, for on an early day I found myself seated at the same table with him, where he was deeply engaged in perusing the _Irish World_. Making this fact an excuse for opening a conversation with him, I asked, in an interested way, if I could obtain copies of the paper he was reading at any place in London. I spoke with a marked American accent, and my appearance did not belie the suggestion I wished to convey as regards my nationality. He replied that he thought not, explaining that he received it regularly from the other side, asking me in conclusion if I was interested in the publication. I replied in the affirmative, and then followed his query as to whether I was not from the United States. To this I made answer by producing my card, whereupon he looked intently at me as he remarked, “Why, I ought to know you; I have met you in conventions. My name is Fox.” The information was rather unnecessary as far as I was concerned, but, maintaining a quiet face, I thought for a moment, and in the end confessed to a recollection of him. We were soon on familiar terms, and discussed American matters with great freedom.

There was one fact that I wanted particularly to discover, and that was whether or not Fox was a member of the Clan-na-Gael. I had had no opportunity of learning this at the open conventions at which we had previously met, but yet my view very strongly inclined to the belief that he was. In the course of our conversation, therefore, I took occasion to give him the “hailing sign,” but he did not return it, merely remarking significantly that he was not a member of any secret society, a remark which, taken in connection with my sign, tickled me not a little. I never ascertained the truth of the matter, but I remembered the circumstance when, in June 1888, at the Clan Convention in Chicago, a burly delegate near me mounted his chair, announced himself from Troy—where Fox had lived—and in a loud voice demanded recognition by the chair. On this being accorded him, he said, holding up the _Times_ pamphlet, “Behind the Scenes in America,” that he held in his hand a little book which had been sent to him by a Member of Parliament who was a member of his camp. This book was being sold by the thousand at the price of one penny, and the information it contained could only have been supplied by a traitor high up in the ranks of the organisation. He moved for a committee to inquire into the matter. This committee was appointed, but their inquiry ended in smoke, the “traitor,” as I was termed, having another narrow escape.

While in England on this trip, the authorities learned of the presence of General Millen in Paris, and to Paris I was despatched, in order to find out if possible what Millen was doing. I found “le brave Général” of the Clan-na-Gael very comfortably settled in the _Hôtel des Anglais_ in the Cour de la Reine, accompanied by his wife and two interesting daughters. I called upon him, representing that I had heard of his being in Paris through the _Herald_ office, and was anxious as an old friend to say “how do you do.” I did not, however, gain very much by my visit, for the simple reason that at this time Millen had not, as far as I believe, any close connection with the dynamite business known as the Jubilee Plot, with which his name was subsequently associated. At this point his business in Europe had to do with the bringing about of a reconciliation between the British and the American branches of the Revolutionary organisation.

The fact was, that for two or three years previously the relations between the two sections of the conspirators had been of a very strained character. Sullivan, finding that the home organisation was not in favour of dynamite, when the campaign was started, had argued that they should not have any more money to spend on organisation and arms, which, for all that was known to the contrary, were simply rusting away in Ireland; and, accordingly, supplies were stopped, and the home Fenians were not notified of the last couple of conventions, with the result that no envoys from Great Britain and Ireland attended. This led to a very bitter feeling in Ireland, and the contention was strongly urged that the conduct of the American Executive was distinctly _ultra vires_. Now, when dissensions raged in America, Sullivan, long-headed as usual, sought to strengthen his section by the allegiance of the home organisation; and accordingly, Millen was despatched to Europe to bring about a more satisfactory condition of affairs. His mission, in this regard at least, was unsuccessful.

As for Millen’s connection with the Jubilee explosion, I know very little. The whole undertaking was shrouded in mystery, but it is pretty certain that it was not a Clan-na-Gael affair alone. The best description that could be given of it would be that it was in its inception a Rossa undertaking financed by the Clan-na-Gael. For political reasons the secret organisation could not openly ally themselves with dynamite for the moment, because tactical considerations dictated the giving of a free and untrammelled hand to Mr. Parnell to hoodwink Mr. Gladstone and his supporters. As, however, the circulars I quoted a few pages back showed, dynamite was not by any means thrust aside; so, in order to keep a fair front to the open movement, and yet a satisfactory stand in the eyes of the fiery rank and file, Rossa was temporarily taken into the good graces of the Executive, and some of his adherents despatched with funds from the secret organisation to kick up a row in England. Millen, at the time I saw him, was not in the plot, which at that moment indeed had not been hatched; but on his return to America he fell in with the scheme and returned to Europe to work it out. His bungling, however, led to his being superseded by John J. Moroney, a tried and trusted friend of Alexander Sullivan, who was despatched to London with a large amount of money and distinct orders to show some value for it. What happened is a matter of too recent history to need recapitulation here. The introduction of Moroney and his colleagues to the House of Commons by Mr. Joseph Nolan, M.P., and the facts associated with the working of the conspiracy, are of too late a date to be forgotten so soon.[4]

I returned to the States in October, only to remain a couple of months there, and to come back again to Europe at the end of the year. This time my visit was of a purely private character, and the sluggishness of affairs allowed of my having a complete rest from all sorts of investigations and interviews. I came to Europe in connection with a business speculation which promised highly satisfactory returns, and I was successful in laying the foundation for a very encouraging enterprise. Unfortunately for me, however, I was not to reap the fruits of my work. As a consequence of my appearance in the witness-box, I was prevented from returning to the States at the time when the profits were accruing, and so had to undergo the loss of this as well as many other sources of income.

L.

The following year—1888—was my last in America, and ere its close I left for the purpose of attending the dying bedside of my father. I left for England in December with the full purpose of returning in a month, but as matters turned out I really left my home for the last time. I had written twice to Mr. Anderson, offering my services in connection with the Special Commission, but nothing had come of my proposal, and I had no idea that anything would happen in connection with the matter. My idea was, as I have explained, that the Government were really prosecuting the Parnellite party, and I could not understand how all the information which I knew them to be possessed of was not appearing. The charges and allegations had made a great stir in America, and the disclosure of the whole working of the Clan-na-Gael in the “Behind the Scenes” articles had created such a sensation as seemed to me to make a full disclosure imperative, so that the American public might have accurate and complete data for arriving at a proper conclusion regarding the foul conspiracy existing in their midst.

I must not, however, travel too fast; and so shall have to go back a little, in order to complete the story of the Cronin-Sullivan dispute, which, in a way, came to a conclusion in the year of which I write. As I have already stated, the history of the Cronin affair while it lasted was the history of the Clan-na-Gael for the time being, and thus in completing my statement of it I shall be bringing the record of revolutionary matters down to the date at which they and I parted. To return, therefore, to the Cronin matter, which I left at the point in 1886 where appeals from outside quarters failed to heal the breach. As a last resort, a conference was arranged in September 1887 between committees from each organisation, the Sullivan section and the Cronin section; and a final effort was made to settle the differences. Cronin was one of the committee from his section, but he did not help the settlement. The conference continued up to April 1888, when a basis of union was arrived at. The rock upon which the disputants invariably split was the demand made by the Cronin section for the appointment of a committee to try their charges of misappropriation against the Executive, and the expulsion of the Executive from the organisation if found guilty. In the end, this was conceded; and a united Convention was called in June 1888, which, meeting first in Maddison Street Theatre, was eventually moved to Green Baum, in consequence of the allegation that British detectives had gained admission to the former place of meeting.

Here was pandemonium let loose for eight days, during which the Convention sat morning, noon, and night. I was a member of this assembly, and I never heard such a row in my life. The Sullivanites had it all their own way at first; but the seceders, with Cronin at their head, threatened to “bolt” if they did not get fair play; and they appealed to the patriotism of their countrymen to give them a chance. They were, accordingly, given a representation on all committees, but were always in a minority. Cronin perhaps took as prominent a part in the Convention as any man, and his conduct naturally incurred the enmity, and eventually the vengeance, of his opponents. He and Devoy submitted formal charges of fraud, &c., against Sullivan’s executive.[5] Strong language was used, but Sullivan’s friends defended him warmly. Finally a Trial Committee was appointed to try the parties charged. Cronin, strange to say, was a member of this Trial Committee, though he was one of the persons making the charges. There was a terrible scene when his appointment was made known, but the Convention had to put up with him in the end.

All the Trial Committee were sworn by the oath in the ritual to truly and justly try the charges submitted to them. The committee consisted of seven members, and as subsequent events showed, four of them were Sullivan’s friends. They met in November 1888. Previous to this, however, Cronin had been playing a very objectionable part. He spoke against the accused whenever occasion offered, wrote to the papers in accusation of them, and in no way showed himself the unbiassed person he had sworn himself to be. Sullivan naturally felt very bitter over all this, and he fell out with a number of friends who sided with Cronin in the claim for full investigation. When the trial came on, it was found that all the vouchers, papers, and indeed every evidence of expenditure, had been destroyed, in accordance with the resolution which had been adopted at the Boston Convention. This increased the uproar, and after two weeks of inquiry the majority, consisting of Sullivan’s friends, expressed themselves satisfied with the statements made by the accused; while the minority could only admit the proper expenditure of 33,000 dollars, which left a deficiency of 85,000 dollars, or £17,000. The result of the trial was that Michael Boland was convicted of misappropriation; Sullivan was acquitted, but censured for the loose way in which the Executive had done its business, and D. C. Feeley was likewise acquitted but censured. The details of this finding were given me, by the way, by Sullivan.

At the time I left for Europe, the Trial Committee had adjourned, and Cronin was back in Chicago. The Executive had refused to sustain the action of the Trial Committee by a majority of one, and there the affair stood. But Cronin would not let well enough alone. He had been talking very plainly, and denouncing Sullivan right and left. I figured in this trial by furnishing Sullivan with affidavits for his defence. Cronin afterwards charged Sullivan with getting me admitted into the organisation, and with putting me into a position of trust. This did not help matters, and altogether Cronin proved himself to be a very dangerous man in the eyes of Sullivan. Doubtless he possessed much information, the publication of which would damn Sullivan for ever. What followed is a matter of recent inquiry. Cronin was foully murdered, and Sullivan, with others, was charged with participation in the crime. Sullivan was released, but three men, well-known members of the Clan, were convicted, and sentenced to penal servitude for life.[6] The inquiry was fruitful in many ways, and brought to light a vast amount of corroboration of the most important portions of my testimony. There were, however, no two more sensational incidents than those produced by the report issued by Cronin after the Trial Committee had dissolved, and the positive proof now supplied for the first time of the statement frequently made, that Sullivan had in May 1882 received in his position as chief of the Clan-na-Gael a sum of £20,000 from Patrick Egan, then Treasurer of the Land League in Paris.

The report issued by Cronin stated amongst other things—

“That the Trial Committee appointed at Chicago was unable to elicit
all the facts connected with the charges placed before it, because
of the refusal of several of the witnesses to answer many of the
questions asked, and because of the inability of others to remember
events and figures that might be supposed to be indelibly impressed
on their memories. From the evidence presented, I am obliged to
report—

“That the family of one who lost his life in the service of this
order was scandalously and shamefully neglected, and continued to
be neglected for two years after their destitute condition was
known, and that Alexander Sullivan, Michael Boland, and D. C.
Feeley are responsible and censurable for that neglect.

* * * * *

“That the defendants, Sullivan, Boland, and Feeley, issued a
deceptive report to the Boston Convention, leading the order
to believe that its affairs had been examined by independent
committees, and that the order was $13,000 in debt; that, in fact,
Alexander Sullivan and Michael Boland were on the Committee of
Foreign Affairs, and the Treasurer states that there was a balance
in the treasury, and not a debt.

“That, prior to the Boston Convention, one hundred and eleven
thousand ($111,000) dollars was expended without any direct or
indirect benefit to the order, and most of it in a manner that
could not in any way have benefited the order, and that the same
three defendants are censurable and responsible for this enormous
and wasteful expenditure.

* * * * *

“That the $80,491 reported to the district Convention as having
been spent in active work was not spent for any such work, no such
work having been done or contemplated during the eleven months
within which this large amount was drawn from the treasury. The
active work done between the Boston and district Conventions was
paid for out of the surplus held by the agent of the “Triangle” at
the time of the Boston Convention, and not out of the $87,491 drawn
from the treasury months after such active work had ceased.”

I give these extracts in order to show the reader how matters stood between Sullivan and Cronin on the eve of the latter’s murder. Into the details of the £20,000 transaction I need not enter, beyond stating the fact that banking officials were called to prove by their books that on May 15, 1882, Sullivan cashed, through Monroe and Co. of Paris, two cheques amounting to the sum I name. This, I may state, was about the date when Sullivan, in response to Mr. Parnell’s request, crossed to Paris in order to settle the difficulty with the Revolutionary body on the British side. As the following extracts will show, the matter had been one around which a great deal of controversy had raged for many years:—

“The O’Donovan Rossa resents Mr. Patrick Egan’s imputation against
his character for truth and veracity. The O’Donovan, when in this
city a few days ago, intimated to a _Chicago Tribune_ reporter that
Mr. Patrick Egan, while Parnell, Dillon, Davitt, and other members
of the Executive of the Land League were in jail in Ireland, was
visited in Paris by Revolutionary Irish patriots from this country,
who induced him to give 100,000 dollars of the money contributed
to Land League purposes to them for revolutionary purposes, _i.e._
making war on the British Empire with dynamite and such things.
Mr. Egan having seen or heard of O’Donovan’s statement, denied
that there was a particle of truth in it, and sent the _Tribune_
a telegram to that effect from Denver. Now comes O’Donovan with a
rejoinder. We have received from him the following telegram:—

“‘_Editor of the “Tribune.”_

“‘Mr. Patrick Egan denies my statement. I say my statements are
more worthy of belief than Patrick Egan’s. I stated in Chicago
that money sent from America to support the no-rent movement in
Ireland was followed over by some parties who got 100,000 dollars
of it; that it was not used for any such work in Ireland, and
that Patrick Egan knows all about it. I repeat my assertion. Will
Patrick Egan meet me in the presence of John Finerty and Denis
O’Connor of Chicago, or in the presence of Patrick Ford and Major
Horgan of New York, both answering all questions under oath?

“‘O’DONOVAN ROSSA,
“‘_Editor_ “_United Irishman_.”

“‘NEW YORK, _July 15, 1883_.’”

LII.

Long before these final developments, however, I had sailed for England, and severed for all time my connection with Irish politics in the United States. I had come, as explained, to my father’s dying bedside. Unfortunately for me, I was not in time to find him conscious, and did not reach the house where he lay till the day on which he died. When the sad offices connected with his death had been fulfilled, I turned my thoughts again to home, and set about preparing for another voyage to the States. Everything had been completed for my departure, when I suddenly learned from Mr. Anderson that the _Times_ had approached him with a view of obtaining a witness regarding the American side of the conspiracy. Before this point was reached, I had chatted over my proposal of going into the witness-box with Mr. Anderson, but he had very frankly told me that he had no intention of giving up such a useful informant of his own initiative; and as he had no connection with the _Times_ case, he did not think it likely that any approach would be made to him on the subject.

Matters, however, turned out differently to what he expected, and on the eve of my departure for America I learned that my services might, after all, be utilised, and my desire to drive the truth home given full play. To be effective, however, my coming appearance should be kept a profound secret, and so I appealed to Mr. Anderson to make such arrangements as would allow of this being the case. As a result, I was informed a little later that the _Times_ people had arranged that Mr. Houston should be the person with whom I should deal, and that to him alone should I be known pending my appearance in the witness-box. This was the first mention I had ever heard of Mr. Houston, and it was with no little curiosity I made my way to No. 3 Cork Street in search of the gentleman to whom I bore a single line of introduction. I remember well how, when I was first ushered into his now familiar room by his faithful “Rogers,” I gazed suspiciously at the tall youthful figure which met my view. As Mr. Houston took my letter of introduction from me and carelessly opened it, answering my suspicious glance with a slight smile hovering about his face, I could not help the remark, “Sir, you are a much younger man than I was led to believe I would meet.” The smile broadened into a laugh as the reply came back, “I am sorry, but I cannot help being young, you know. However, I am Mr. Houston.” And so we two people met for the first time.

I informed Mr. Houston that it was always an understood thing on my part that my letters to Mr. Anderson were private property, and that whenever I liked to ask for them they would be at my disposal. Accordingly I had, on learning that my evidence would be accepted, requested that Mr. Anderson should allow me to go over all my documents and select such as appeared necessary for the corroboration of my statements, as well as for the assisting of my memory. To this he had assented, excluding any of the papers which he had made official by passing them on at the time of their receipt. It was then arranged between Mr. Houston and myself that I should get the documents from Mr. Anderson, and go to work at once in the preparation of my evidence. Much to my disappointment, I learnt there was not time for me to make a last hurried trip home, and that if I was to carry out my intention of testifying I should have to be content with the many losses which would result from my stopping in England. One thing, however, I stipulated for, and that was the bringing over of all my family to England before I appeared in the box. I was willing to let all my private affairs go to ruin by my non-return; but I was not prepared to leave my wife and family to bear the brunt of the popular ill-will which would result from what was to follow.

One of the first things I did, therefore, was to cable for my wife and children; and having eased my mind on this score, I went to work with a will in the preparation of my evidence. For ten long working days, Mr. Houston and I waded through the hundreds of letters and Clan-na-Gael documents I had now at my disposal, he taking notes as he went along, and I dictating many items brought to my recollection by the letters I was perusing. We worked in this way from ten to six o’clock each day, undisturbed by visitors of any kind; and when I left him, Mr. Houston, with the assistance of his clerks, worked far into the night, copying the circulars, and transcribing the notes which remained at the end of our day’s work.

On Tuesday morning, the 5th of February 1889, the curtain was rung up, and throwing aside the mask for ever, I stepped into the witness-box and came out in my true colours, as an Englishman, proud of his country, and in no sense ashamed of his record in her service. On what followed I need not dwell. While I was under examination, my old employer, Mr. William Baber of Colchester, was brought into court by the well-known detective Meiklejohn, in order that he might identify me. Nothing, of course, came of the incident; but as I once more saw Mr. Baber, I thought to myself how little he knew of the part I had played at his father’s death-bed. It was in 1884 that I was hurriedly called one day to see a patient who was said to be dying. I found him an old man of eighty, surrounded by his family and friends. In a few minutes he was dead; and finding that all round about me were strangers to the grim monster, I performed the last offices for the body. As I was so employed, the poor people related to me their history, and then I learned to my surprise that the man whose eyes I was now closing in death was none other than the father of my former employer at Colchester, who had emigrated to America some few years previously.

Great as was the sensation produced by my strange and weird but true story, it was as nothing compared to that brought about by the perfect corroboration afforded by the assassination of poor Cronin, of whom I have said so much. Little did I think, when day after day I stood in the witness-box to tell my tale, and morning after morning read the scoffing references of those who believed it not, that in a little while the blood of a murdered Gael would cry out in judgment against those of whom I spoke, and that in the outcome truth would prevail, and the black foul conspiracy be dragged into the open light. Yet so it was; and to-day there are none who question the existence of the murderous alliance to which I testified, and of men within its ranks prepared to obey its leaders, even unto the shedding of blood.

LIII.

I have told my story, and little more remains to be done. Yet I cannot lay down my pen without rendering some little tribute to one whose care and caution on my behalf I can never repay. I refer to Mr. Anderson. For twenty-one years I served under this gentleman in the Secret Service, and no greater honour can I pay him than to say that during all this time I was never discovered. Only those who have played my part can fully appreciate what this means. Not always careful, not always guarded enough in the rattle and bustle of my life, there were times when, had it not been for my chief’s watchfulness, discovery might have overtaken me. But he never wavered or grew lax in his care. He proved indeed to me, not the ordinary official superior, but a kind trusty friend and adviser, ever watchful in my interests, ever sympathising with my dangers and difficulties. To him, and to him alone, was I known as a Secret Service agent during the whole of the twenty-one years of which I speak. Therein lay the secret of my safety. If others less worthy of the trust than he had been charged with the knowledge of my identity, then I fear I should not be here to-day on English soil quietly penning these lines.

If my identity remained undiscovered, it was not for want of attempts on the part of colleagues of Mr. Anderson to find it out. It was but natural, of course, that those associated with my chief should seek to penetrate his reserve regarding such a voluminous correspondent as myself, and to gain, at first hand, possession of the many important pieces of information which he alone appeared to be able to supply. All attempts, however, in this direction, and they were many, proved fruitless. So determined was a certain public official at one time to discover my identity, that having in some way got hold of my Christian name, Thomas—I always wrote in the name of Beach to Mr. Anderson—and assuming it to be my surname, he despatched a detective to Chicago to discover the man called Thomas in the organisation there. Of course there was no chance of getting at me in this way, but, nevertheless, I was warned in time, and left no possible loophole for discovery. Imagine, dear reader, the weakness of such a policy as this, which would commit the safety of an important informant to the irresponsible knowledge of an ordinary detective!

When this attempt failed, communications were sought to be opened up with me by the same official through Sir John Rose and Judge M‘Micken, with whom I had acted at the time of the Fenian raid of 1870. So strong, indeed, was the pressure brought upon Judge M‘Micken, that the old gentleman travelled specially to Chicago to see me on the point. However, I would have none of it. I was quite contented, and too well assured of my safety as I was; and so, much to my own satisfaction, I was left undisturbed in Mr. Anderson’s charge.