Chapter V: Part 5

I was only too willing to arrange for such a lecture as Devoy wanted, for thereby I should be bringing Devoy and myself into contact, with every probability of getting useful information. Accordingly, Devoy lectured for me somewhere about January or February ’81, and during his stay visited and addressed my camp. He made a visit of some three or four days to my district, and as I had hoped and anticipated, we had many and long confidential chats together. The position of affairs was fully discussed. Devoy was very pronounced in his views about money subscribed for Land League purposes. What had been only hinted at in his letter, he gave very plain utterance to in his speech. The money subscribed for the Land League, he contended, should not all go for bread, and in this connection he outlined to me the ideas of the Revolutionary Directory of the Clan-na-Gael (of which he was a member) at this time. These were, to put it shortly, to strike and damage the British Government where and when they could. “The organisation on this side,” said he, meaning America, “have agreed to furnish the means, and the organisation in Ireland have signified their willingness to carry out a system of warfare, characterised by all the rigours of Nihilism.”

All, however, was not plain sailing to him, and with amazing frankness he explained to me what his fears were. There was, he admitted, no possibility of a rising, as the leaders in Ireland were all against such a movement in the weak condition in which the organisation was. But, on the other hand, all attempts made to restrain the fire-eating elements would be met with failure, unless something practical was done. The attitude of Rossa and his followers had also to be considered. If no active work was done, some of our best men would flock to Rossa’s standard and so weaken the organisation (Rossa, I should explain, had by this time taken up an independent attitude, and was working in connection with the fragments that remained of the old Fenian Brotherhood). It was thoroughly understood that work had been done by Rossa’s emissaries or rather some of them; hence the danger. The name of Boyton, whom I did not know at the time, but who was, as I learnt, a brother of Boyton the swimmer, engaged as a League organiser in Ireland, then came up, and I was informed that Boyton was one of those occupied in developing the new policy. By this I mean active warfare _aux_ Clan-na-Gael as distinct from the constitutional work openly advocated by the Land League. Devoy remarked regarding this active policy that it was being well looked after, but would take time to complete.

Devoy’s confidences were in fact most exhaustive, and enabled me to send quite an interesting budget by the next mail to Mr. Anderson. I learnt, as a further item of news, that much trouble was being experienced in keeping the I.R.B. (the sister society) men in some parts of Ireland, notably in Mayo, where they had the best organisation and most arms, from making what Devoy described as “fools of themselves.” He, it appeared, feared attacks on the military when the latter were attending evictions. This striking interview between the Clan-na-Gael leader and the Secret Service agent concluded with the important announcement on the part of the former that he had received a letter from Mr. Parnell, through a friend, in which Mr. Parnell stated he was exasperated and was willing to do anything. He (Mr. Parnell) had agreed to the calling of the 1882 Convention, and to its being a National Movement Convention; and, in conclusion, Devoy said Mr. Parnell’s personal attitude towards the National (_i.e._, Revolutionary) party was well and satisfactorily understood.

This was, indeed, a time of confidences with me. I had communications with Alexander Sullivan and Meledy within a very short period from this, and from them—Sullivan being one of the Executive, and Meledy a leading member of the Clan-na-Gael—I learnt, though at different times, that a new plan of campaign was coming into force, nothing more or less indeed than one of cold-blooded murder and destruction. It appeared that a man called Wheeler had invented a new hand-grenade, and had offered a supply to the organisation. They were of such a portable character as to be easily carried in a satchel, and were especially adapted for the purpose in view. Meledy told me he had offered to take part in the work of placing them in Ireland and England.

The significance of the matter was lost upon me at the time, but was fully appreciated by me later on, when I learnt of the informer Carey’s evidence in connection with the Phœnix Park murders and the Invincible conspiracy, in the course of which he confessed that he and his confederates had arranged to kill Earl Cowper, the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, by a hand bomb just perfected in the organisation, which could be easily thrown from a window in a house in Cork Hill, Dublin, which they had selected for the purpose.

XXXII.

My private affairs permitted of my taking a holiday in the early part of the year 1881, and so I determined to make a trip to Europe. Happening to communicate my intention to my old friend, Colonel Clingen, now the commander of the Clan-na-Gael guards in Chicago, and a very prominent member of the organisation, he gave me to understand that the Executive would avail themselves of my journey to send by me documents which could not be trusted to the mails. Nothing could have suited me better, and I willingly consented to be of any service I possibly could. Devoy, it subsequently transpired, was the correspondent whose communications I was to convey, and by an arrangement of Clingen’s a meeting took place between Devoy and myself at the Palmer House, Chicago, in the month of March 1881. Devoy on this occasion handed me sealed packets addressed to John O’Leary and Patrick Egan in Paris. O’Leary was then regarded as the representative agent and official means of communication between the Clan-na-Gael and the Irish Republican Brotherhood in Ireland; Egan was the treasurer and accredited representative of the Irish Land League.

Journeying by way of Liverpool, I reached England on the 12th of April 1881, and stopping in London in order to see Mr. Anderson and show him the packets, as well as to receive instructions, I eventually travelled to Paris. On arrival there I drove to the Hotel Brighton, where I had learned Egan was located, and where I determined to take up my abode. The first person I met with in the hotel was Egan himself. He was coming down the stairs in view of me, as I asked for him, in company with Mrs. A. M. Sullivan (wife of the late M.P.), both being bound for the opera, where, on their invitation, I subsequently joined them. I made myself known to Egan at once, only to find of course that he had received some hint of my coming, and was quite expecting me.

As I washed and prepared to take myself to the opera, to see some more of this strange man, I endeavoured to recall his appearance, and to see how far he fitted in with the idea I already held regarding him. A man of bright cheery presence, stout build, and jovial look and voice, the latter very marked in its Irish accent, with bright laughing eyes and warm handshake and a closely cut head of tawny hair, he was the last person in the world you would take for a deep conspirator, and a constructor of murder. I was puzzled and bewildered—I could not make it out; and so giving up all thought of trying to read the man’s character on the outward view, I determined I should leave my further studies in this direction to a later date and go and enjoy the opera, which I did.

The next morning saw me _en route_ for the residence of John O’Leary, to whom I wished to deliver my second packet without delay. I discovered him without much difficulty in his abode at the Hotel de la Couronne, in the Quartier Latin. I found the old man surrounded by his books and manuscripts, and from his appearance more fit for the patient secluded life of the student than the troublous career of the rebel. Seated in his room, and gazing affectionately on his different treasures of old and rare editions, he seemed to have little in common with my friends of the Clan. Yet I found him fully posted, and as keen to talk with me as possible. At first somewhat suspicious and uncertain in his manner, he gradually lost his appearance of distrust, and in the end gossiped with me quite freely. As he opened Devoy’s packet in my presence, I was enabled to discover that I had been the bearer of a very long document, with an enclosure, to which he paid great heed.

From the very start I found O’Leary opposed to the “active” policy. He was as strong and bitter an opponent of the murderous idea as one could wish to meet; and, unlike Irish patriots in general, he was not without the courage of his convictions. He showed me a copy of the Dublin _Irishman_ (the unfortunate Pigott’s paper), of some date in the month previous, containing a letter over his signature, denouncing all secret warfare. In fact, so far did this really honest patriot go, that he refused in his official capacity to take any responsibility for expenditure in connection with the “active” policy. While condemning such methods, however, he avowed himself in full accord with an open insurrectionary movement; and he spoke in the bitterest terms of the way in which J. J. O’Kelly and others had played false, while acting as paid members of the organisation. Another point in connection with our talks was the opposition shown by O’Leary to the Parnellite alliance. He would have nothing to do with such a joining of forces as was proposed, and he was all against mixing up the honest rebel movement with one which was, in his opinion, worthy of great distrust.

I enjoyed my talks with O’Leary because in him I found a fine, honest, fearless spirit. The man was old and grey, with furrowed brow and stooped figure, the result of his long confinement in English prisons. There was little about him then to remind one of the bright-eyed daring prisoner who, fifteen years before, had, from the dock of a Dublin court-house, hurled defiance at judge, jury, and Government alike; but there still remained with him the same fearlessness of tone and honesty of conviction which marked him out then, as now, a prince amongst his fellows of the Irish conspiracy.

XXXIII.

In strong contrast to O’Leary was another old Irish rebel whose acquaintance I made in Paris for the first time. He was a man whose name was familiar to me as a household word, but with whom I had never before been brought directly into contact. I speak of James Stephens, the leader with whose name it was at one time possible to conjure in Ireland, who had been the head and front of the Fenian Brotherhood in Ireland in 1865, whose word was law to its sworn thousands, and who, after making his escape from Richmond Bridewell in Dublin, ended his inglorious public career by an unromantic exit in petticoats. Curious being that he was, he inspired feelings of the sincerest affection on the part of his immediate followers; and there were few things that, in their regard for him, they would not seek to accomplish on his behalf.

His escape from Richmond Prison, attended with tremendous risk as it was for all concerned, was a case in point; and as it is a matter about which present-day folk remember little if anything, I feel tempted to give the story in the old man’s words, as he told it to me.

“The two brave men,” said he, “brave men and true, who were instrumental in releasing me were J. J. Breslin and Daniel Byrne. Breslin was a man of great expediency, or he never could have procured the impression of the key which opened my cell, and which was hung on a nail in the Governor’s safe. He had to distract the Governor’s attention; steal the key, putting another in its place; get the impression, and then return the key to its proper place again. The most singular circumstance connected with my escape was that while Kickham, who was deaf, occupied the cell on my right, M‘Leod, a thief, was in the cell on my left. A gong was placed in his cell communicating with the Governor’s office, in order to allow of his giving the alarm if necessary; and he could not have helped hearing me get out, when Breslin and Byrne, at one o’clock in the morning, stood beside my cell. He did hear me; but that thief, base as he was, was not base enough to sell me to the British Government. But then my trouble began. We had only a few minutes to do our work in. It was pitch dark, and the storm howled furiously. The ladder provided for my scaling the wall proved too short. Breslin, who was chief hospital warden, and Byrne, who was night-watchman and ‘lock up,’ were armed with two revolvers each. They had also provided for me. Our intention was to fight, if discovered, until killed.

“The short ladder nearly proved fatal. I could not reach the top of the wall, which was twenty feet high, so Byrne got a table out of the dining-room and placed the ladder upon it. Even then it was too short. I had to come down again. Breslin was fairly wild. Another table was procured, and again I tried. After a dreadful struggle, I succeeded in getting outside of the wall. It was no joke to jump twenty feet into the darkness. I had to do it, however, or be caught. Breslin gave me directions where to go if I did not break my neck in falling; and he and Byrne returned to their duty. I let go my hold, and down I went, fortunately falling on soft ground.

“My directions were to follow a gravel walk (for I was in a garden) until I came to another wall twenty feet high, where I was to throw a stone over as a signal to eleven men, all armed, who were waiting outside to receive me.

“I had some difficulty in finding the walk, and could get no stone of any size in the dark. At last I reached the garden wall, and threw over a handful of gravel. A rope with a weight attached was thrown over the wall. I climbed up by its aid, and soon found myself in the arms of my body-guard. We embraced with joy, and I soon made them disperse. I went to a house in sight of the jail, and remained there fourteen days. I afterwards went to a fashionable boarding-house in the finest part of Dublin and stayed two months. I left Dublin in the brigantine _Concord_, in company with Flood and Kelly, on the 12th of March, and landed in Ardrossan on the afternoon of the 15th.”

Poor Stephens now lives in his humble garret in Paris, an exile broken in fortune, health, and hope, smoking his short black pipe and brooding over these days that are no more.

XXXIV.

All this time Egan and I had been constantly together. My desire was, of course, to make a study of the man, and to get to know as much about him as I possibly could. Everything played into my hands. Egan was ignorant both of the geography and the language of the French capital, and he very largely availed himself of the help which I was enabled to render him, as the result of my supposed French nationality and knowledge of the city. My position, altogether, was a very pleasant one at this period. Egan lived in a most extravagant fashion, and as he would pay for everything and would not allow me to share in any outlay, I had the best of all things without any strain on my pocket whatever. He frequented the most expensive cafés, had the choicest of dishes, would only be content with the best boxes at places of entertainment, and, in a word, spent his money right royally. The information should be pleasant reading for the poor dupes in America and Ireland who subscribed the funds over which he was then presiding.

We cemented a strong friendship, and I was with him almost at all times. I made a point of being in his rooms when his letters arrived, and he was certainly very frank and open in acquainting me with their contents. As a result, I obtained full and accurate information as to the position and progress of affairs in Ireland during my stay. There was not the faintest shadow of a suggestion of secrecy between us as to our attitude towards Revolutionary matters. I remember well on one occasion Egan summing up his own position in these words—which I noted at the time—“I am a Land Leaguer, and something else when the opportunity presents itself.” He boasted to me of his having been the backbone of the Fenian organisation in Dublin for many years, and admitted the fact, with which I was acquainted, that he was a member of the Supreme Council or executive body there.

P. J. TYNAN]

In our talks on Revolutionary organisations, I found Egan an enthusiastic advocate of the “active” policy spoken of by Devoy, and he heartily entered into a discussion with me as to the ways and means of carrying it out. In this connection reference was made to Mr. Parnell, and he assured me most emphatically that “Parnell was all right as a Revolutionist.” In support of this statement he cited the fact that some twelve months previously Mr. Parnell sought admission into the ranks of the Irish Revolutionary Brotherhood, but was refused. “Parnell,” remarked Egan with a wise look, “thought a good deal of the organisation, but it was not then in a flourishing condition, and we thought he would think a great deal more of it by being on the outside rather than in it.”

Our conversations naturally tended in the direction of finance; and when the topic cropped up, Egan dealt with it in no nervous spirit, regarding me as quite a worthy recipient of his confidence. About this time a demand was being made for a public audit of the accounts of the League. He explained that an audit committee of three members of the League had already gone over his books, and this was all the audit that could possibly take place. His reasons for such a strong statement were very frankly given. A public audit would, he said, be the very thing Dublin Castle—meaning the Irish Government—would like to have, but this was out of the question. It was impossible for him to make public many of the items of his expenditure! I laughed to myself as he said this, wondering whether the expenses of our many extravagant trips about Paris came under this head.

But he was dealing with far more dangerous matters. He stated explicitly, in a very significant way, that the money had been used for other purposes than those of constitutional agitation. Amongst these sources of outlay were the expenses of the Dutch officers from Amsterdam to assist the Boers in their revolt against British control in South Africa; and coming nearer home, the varied expenditure in connection with parties attached to the Irish Republican Brotherhood in Ireland. Altogether our talks on this branch of the subject enlightened me on many points, and supplied me with sufficient material to form a fixed belief in my mind that his idea, at least, was identical with that held in the States—that the open agitation was but a branch of the movement to obtain the separation of Ireland from England.

I use the phrase “his idea,” but to be really accurate I should say “their idea,” for Egan always spoke on behalf of his colleagues—with one exception, which I can recall—and represented that a complete harmony of view prevailed. And in everything that happened subsequently during my stay in England, I found this representation of his sustained by fact, save the single exception of which I speak—namely, in the case of Mr. A. M. Sullivan. I had not long to wait for an opportunity of putting the statement to the test as far as several of the M.P.’s were concerned; for very shortly after this conversation, Egan and I travelled to London, and by him I was introduced into the House of Commons, and to several Irish M.P.’s, with the significant description “one of our friends from America.” I well remember that amongst those I first met in this way was Mr. Parnell himself, from whom I received a very warm greeting. On this occasion I was accommodated with a seat under the gallery of the House. This was but one of several visits I paid to the House at this time, in the course of which I constantly came in contact with Egan. When alone I generally sent in my card to Mr. Parnell, and he obtained the necessary admission for me, much to his disgust, I am sure, when a later day came and I put in an appearance in the witness-box of Probate Court No. 1, London.

At every point I, of course, made careful notes of what occurred, and, either verbally or in writing, reported them to my chief, so that the Government were not really so deplorably ignorant as the Parnellites then proudly hoped and believed. In fact, not one occurrence of importance with which Egan became acquainted—and he really knew everything, and kept nothing back from me—was delayed by a single post from headquarters at the Home Office in London. To resume, however. After this first visit to London, Egan and I returned to Paris by different routes and on arriving there the same close intercourse prevailed between us. I had not been very long back, when Egan informed me that Mr. Parnell had written him expressing a very strong desire to see me before my return to America. Nothing loth, I promised to call upon the Irish leader when next in London, and I duly carried out my promise.

XXXV.

Making my way down to the House on the occasion of my next appearance in London, I obtained admission to the Lobby—admission was then an easier matter than now—and encountered Mr. J. J. O’Kelly in my search for Mr. Parnell. The late envoy of the Clan-na-Gael, who, unfaithful to his trust, had got into Parliament with skirmishing money instead of attending to the shipping of arms for “active” work, had a long chat with me over the situation, before the Irish leader put in an appearance. While we talked in this way, O’Kelly complained bitterly of the opposition which the open or constitutional movement known as the Land League was still receiving from the Irish Republican Brotherhood or secret organisation in Ireland, and he stoutly advocated coercion on the part of the directors of the American branch of the conspiracy in order to bring the Irish malcontents into line.

His remarks, however, were cut short by the appearance of Mr. Parnell, who, leading the way, conducted us to a corridor outside the Library of the House, where an interview of over an hour took place, O’Kelly remaining for a little until the conversation was well under way. O’Kelly, while he remained, did almost all the talking. His remarks were a repetition of what he had already said to me in private. When he left, Mr. Parnell adopted the same line of complaint, speaking in low tones, as we walked up and down the corridor, to prevent any one being continually within ear-shot. I was told detectives were watching us, and that spies held a place in every corner. As I afterwards learnt, the statement was not without foundation, for every movement of myself and my companion was noted, with details as regards time, and duly reported to Government officials within twenty-four hours.

The whole matter, said Mr. Parnell, following up O’Kelly’s remarks, rested in our hands in America. We had the money, he said, and if we stopped the supplies the home organisation would act as desired. He expressed his belief that Devoy could do more than any one else to bring about a clear understanding and alliance; and he commissioned me to use my influence with Devoy, and to arrange for his presence in Paris at as early a date as possible. So anxious was he to bring Devoy over that he undertook to pay all his expenses. Still speaking in this connection, he asked me to at once proceed from New York, after seeing Devoy, to other prominent members of the organisation, mentioning particularly the names of Alexander Sullivan and William J. Hynes, the presence of either of whom, upon this side of the water, he desired for the purpose of bringing about a thorough understanding and complete harmony of working. Special reference was also made to Dr. William Carroll of Philadelphia, and his attitude towards the open movement. Dr. Carroll, I may here explain, had been elected Chairman of the Executive Body at the Wilkesbarre Convention of 1879, but had resigned in 1880 in consequence of his opposition to the way in which the New Departure was being worked, and the treatment he received. This was the same Dr. Carroll who had spent the previous year in Europe, having been specially charged with the carriage of negotiations between the V.C. and the Russian Government.

After arranging these matters with me, Mr. Parnell entered into details regarding the position of the Irish Question at this time. His remarks on this point were a veritable bombshell to me. He started off by stating that he had long since ceased to believe that anything but the force of arms would accomplish the final redemption of Ireland. He saw no reason why, when we were fully prepared, an open insurrectionary movement could not be brought about. He went carefully into the question of resources and necessaries. He stated what the League could furnish in the way of men and money, and informed me as to the assistance which he looked for from the American organisation. He spoke of having in the League Treasury at the end of that year an available sum of £100,000. He discussed with me the details of the position occupied by the home and American Revolutionary organisations, and defended the American policy for the time being. I parted with him with the assurance that I would do all he wished.

The interview had certainly proved a startling one for me; and as I proceeded to my seat under the gallery of the House, I pondered over the manner and method of my late companion, to discover, if I could, any incident in the course of our hour’s talk which would materially affect all that he had said. But there was none. The manner of the League chief had been grave and impassive, as was his wont; he had been business-like all through; there was no uncertainty, no indistinctness in his utterance. He had certainly made a plunge, but it was a plunge taken with all deliberation and premeditation. I went over all the points in my own mind again, carefully impressed them on my memory, and took my seat in the house beside General Roberts, with whom I had an interesting talk in an undertone, and to whom I pointed out some of the celebrities on both sides. If I remember aright, it was the occasion of a vote of thanks to General Roberts for his march on Candahar; and when the vote had been recorded, a large number of members crowded round to speak to him, whereupon I left.

Reaching the street, I called a hansom at once, and late hour though it was, I drove direct to Mr. Anderson’s private house in order to acquaint him with what had happened, while the facts were fresh in my memory. Carefully I went into every detail, and as carefully Mr. Anderson followed, taking a note as I went along of the principal points. The early dawn had crept upon us ere my report was finished, and concluding at last, I took my departure, to lose no time in getting that sleep for which I commenced to pine, and which I considered I had very fairly earned.

XXXVI.

I saw Mr. Parnell once more. This was when I went to say good-bye to him. I found him in the tea-room of the House of Commons, as cordial as ever. Indeed, he was particularly agreeable on this occasion, presenting me with a photograph of himself, on which he wrote, “Yours very truly, Charles S. Parnell.” This portrait, which is here reproduced, I kept as an interesting souvenir for a long time, but had to surrender it at last to the Special Commission, amongst the records of which it is now duly numbered. Soon after I left London for Ireland, not, however, before I had seen a good deal of Egan, and spent several pleasant evenings in his company, at the house of Mr. A. M. Sullivan, M.P., who now, poor man! is no more. I well remember Egan’s impressing upon me the necessity for my covering my revolutionary sentiments whenever Mr. Sullivan was near. It would never do, I was told, to talk of revolutionary matters, for he was ultramontane. This advice I followed, noting the fact in my own mind to Mr. Sullivan’s credit.

Talented, witty, and brilliant, Mr. Sullivan made a magnificent _raconteur_. Even now I can recall many of his happy efforts which would well bear reproduction. I shall not, however, yield to the temptation of bringing them in here, but will content myself with recalling one pleasant story told about the irrepressible Mr. Biggar. Mr. Biggar, as I was informed by way of preface, was known as the great objector and “counter-out,” sometimes, sad to relate, moving that the House be counted when it was not to the interests of the party to take any notice of the want of a quorum. Very pious in disposition, he rarely failed to attend early mass, in spite of late sittings and consequent fatigue. One morning Mr. Biggar, fatigued after a very heavy night’s sitting, but still devotionally inclined, attended mass at St. George’s in Southwark. So tired out was he that he fell fast asleep in his chair as the service proceeded, and so he remained until all had been concluded and every one had gone. Upon being vigorously aroused by the verger, Mr. Biggar started up, rubbed his eyes, looked at the roof, and fancying himself at the moment in the House of Commons, with the master instinct strong within him, loudly exclaimed, “Mr. Speaker, I move that the House be counted.”

_Yours very truly
Char. S. Parnell_]

Thanks to Egan, I travelled to Dublin under happy circumstances. I was the bearer of letters of introduction to Dr. Kenny, M.P., O’Rorke, Egan’s brother-in-law, and to those in charge at the Land League head-quarters. I anticipated an interesting time, and I was not disappointed. Dr. Kenny, though his memory is now very deficient—shall I say?—proved the most entertaining of men, and I had both lunch and dinner at his hospitable board in Gardiner Street. It was in his company I paid my visit to Kilmainham Prison, and through his kind introduction that I made the acquaintance of John Dillon, P. J. Sheridan, M. J. Boyton, and the others I met on the occasion. My visit and its incidents afforded a very good insight into how matters were conducted, and proved to me how very easy it was to carry on communication with the outside world—at least when you were an Irish political prisoner. To my surprise there was no attempt made by the warder to hear the conversation I had with Boyton. On the contrary, this interesting official most obligingly took himself off.

This meeting with Boyton was full of interest to me. He was the man, it will be remembered, who had been named by Devoy as carrying out the arrangements for the “active” policy of Ireland, and who was best known as the brother of Captain Boyton the swimmer. From him in the secrecy of conversation, undisturbed by the presence of a warder or fellow-prisoner, I learnt that the Land League had placed the Fenian or National cause in a far stronger position than ever in Ireland. Could the Clan-na-Gael only see the national spirit which had been developed all over Ireland, they would never oppose it, he believed. In counties where the Revolutionary organisation had been dead for years, continued he, there was now material for work, and men ready to go as far as any one. All these men wanted was organisation and leaders. He besought my assistance in proving his claim to be a naturalised American citizen, which, if established, would mean his release. I left him with no doubt in my mind as to his being a thorough-paced Revolutionist. When I got outside the prison, I received from Dr. Kenny a letter which Boyton had intrusted to him after leaving, containing a couple of his photos. Boyton, need I state, was a paid Land League organiser like Sheridan, the director of the Invincibles. My meeting with Sheridan was, by the way, almost a momentary affair, and that with Dillon in the presence of a warder.

After a very interesting time in Dublin, I left by North Wall boat, being “seen off,” as the phrase is, by Egan’s business partner and brother-in-law, O’Rorke, and Andrew Kettle, both Leaguers remaining on the bridge of the boat talking to me till we left. The detailed report of all I had seen and heard was duly submitted to Mr. Anderson. I was commended for my success, said good-bye to everybody, and once more took ship for home, in order to get back in time for the Convention of the Clan-na-Gael, which was to take place very soon. Of course there was another matter which prompted my speedy return, and that was the work I had undertaken to do on behalf of Mr. Parnell. I had to see Devoy and the others, to report the Irish leader’s views to them, and having acquitted myself of all I had to do as a Revolutionary envoy, to find out as much as possible of the result, in order that I might utilise the information in my capacity as an agent of the Secret Service.

XXXVII.

I reached New York somewhere in the month of June 1881. Devoy was not there when I arrived, and so I had to telegraph to him at New Haven, Conn., in order to arrange an interview. My telegram was followed by a written report of all that had happened; and as Devoy was detained at New Haven, a lengthy correspondence took place between us. Though at first reluctant to go to Europe, he eventually undertook to do so. His consent, however, was conditional on his colleagues agreeing to the undertaking, and with them he promised to confer immediately on his return. Later on he telegraphed me to lay his correspondence before Sullivan and Hynes, when I discussed the matter with them. The following is one of the letters I had from Devoy in connection with this matter. It is, unfortunately, the only one I retained in my possession, the others having been forwarded with my despatches at this period, as they were of a far more important character.

“41 ORANGE STREET, NEWHAVEN,
“OFFICE OF MR. REYNOLDS,
“_June 24, 1881_.

“DEAR FRIEND,—I am sorry I was obliged to leave here for New York
last Saturday, consequently I did not get your letters till my
return last night. They would have been sent on to me, but I was
expected to return. I am much obliged for the information you have
given me, and the interest you have taken in a matter that affects
us all so closely. I have not heard from H. (Hynes), but yesterday
I received a note from E. (Egan) urging me strongly to go over, but
I did not understand for what purpose till I got your explanation.
I should like to go very much if I could spare the time, and if I
thought my visit would produce the effect anticipated, but I am
afraid it would not. I have no authority to speak for anybody, and
no man would undertake to speak for the V.C. without its consent,
and which must take time to get; and none of us, even if we had
that consent, could give any guarantee for the individuals on
the other side, who are hostile, and who, I feel certain, do not
represent the opinion of the home organisation. There can be no
change there until there is a change of persons, and that is sure
to come in time. All I could do would be to tell E. (Egan) and
P. (Parnell), on my own responsibility, what I believe would be
satisfactory to our friends here, and make propositions that I
might have felt morally certain would be approved of; but I would
not, on any consideration, have them pay my expenses; that would
place me in a false position at once. I have asked advice, and
if certain friends here think it the right thing to do, I shall
start next Wednesday; but, at present, I do not think I shall be
so advised. They seem to misunderstand our dissatisfaction here.
It is not their action in Ireland, but the action they allow their
friends to take in their name here. There is little difference of
opinion about the essential point, but we cannot tolerate the kind
of thing begun in Buffalo. Please drop me a line to P.O. box 4,479,
New York City, and even if I should go it will reach me. I will
write again.—Yours in haste,

“JOHN DEVOY.”

Before proceeding to Sullivan and Hynes, I took a trip to Philadelphia, in order to see Dr. Carroll and convey Mr. Parnell’s views to him. With him I found very little sympathy for the proposal. He was as antagonistic to the open movement as possible. As for Davitt, he had lost all faith in him. “When Davitt ceases to be a Revolutionist,” he remarked, “I have no further use for him.” As for any practical alliance between the two forces, his idea was that no two or three people should take upon themselves to decide, but that the whole question should be brought up before the coming Convention. Altogether, Dr. Carroll appeared anything but an enthusiast on Mr. Parnell’s behalf, although in the end he went the length of saying that he was glad to find by Mr. Parnell’s attitude that there was a returning sense of reason on his part. From Philadelphia I journeyed to Chicago, where I saw Alexander Sullivan and William J. Hynes. I dealt with them separately at first, but in the end a conference took place between the three of us. The news I brought them appeared to be a source of gratification. They apparently fully realised the importance of the situation, and determined in the end that one of them at least should go.

I had now completed my part of the work, and so, content with my labours, I returned home, wrote a full account of my proceedings to Mr. Anderson, and turned my attention to my business. I communicated fully with Egan in two lengthy letters, but I did not write Mr. Parnell, for Egan had purposely asked that I should not communicate direct with his chief. As far as any further public action on my part was concerned, I dropped out of the affair at this point. I knew that I should learn everything in time, and I was quite content to wait.

As I had anticipated, I did hear the result, and on no less an authority than that of Sullivan himself. He informed me some time later that the sanction of the executive body of the Clan-na-Gael or V.C. had been given to the bringing about of an “understanding.” Sullivan, however, did not anticipate that it would be all plain sailing. Even then he expected trouble from the members of the home organisation, but he pointed out that their opinion was not that of the organisation in its collective capacity. On one point he was very strong, and that was the getting rid of poor old O’Leary. The old man’s independence of mind and speech was not by any means relished, and so it was determined that he should go. There could be no radical change brought about, Sullivan confessed, while O’Leary was there, and, I might depend upon it, a change of the representative was certain to come very soon. As he talked, Sullivan grew quite enthusiastic over the new move, and he showed me by his manner that he had given the subject a great deal of thought.

“I feel morally certain,” he continued, “that the propositions I will make will be approved of. I for one am opposed to bringing up this matter openly at the coming Convention. I shall most certainly object to Parnell or any of his friends compromising themselves by allowing such a course. The whole matter must be left to the Revolutionary Directory and the F.C.” (Executive Body). [As it will be seen later, this is exactly what happened. There was no public discussion of the proposal in open convention, but matters were satisfactorily arranged in the quiet caucuses of the responsible committees.] Sullivan, continuing, said, “They (that is, the Parnellites) seem to misunderstand our dissatisfaction here. Our quarrel is not with their action in Ireland, but with the action they allow their friends here to take in their name. I know there is but little difference about essential points, but we cannot tolerate the kind of thing begun in Buffalo.”

This reference to Buffalo dealt with some proceedings in connection with the first American Land League Convention of a few weeks previously, which had attracted a good deal of attention and comment at the time. I had no personal knowledge of what took place, owing to the Convention having been held while I was in Europe, but I heard fully of the affair on my return. The whole thing was nothing more or less than an attempt on the part of the clerical element to gain the controlling power in the League Councils, to the exclusion of the Clan-na-Gael influence. Certain speeches had been made and action taken with this view, and although the result had not weakened them, the Clan-na-Gael leaders felt very bitter on the point.

XXXVIII.

The month of August at length arrived, and with it the Great Dynamite Convention of 1881. It was pretty well known that “active” work was to be the order of the day, when the future plans and schemes of the organisation came to be discussed. Nothing was talked of throughout the camps but the utter lack of practical effort which had characterised the past few years; and now, when funds were pretty large, and the organisation itself in a very flourishing condition in every way, it was determined that some outward and visible sign should be given England of its power of doing mischief. The stories which were daily reaching America of the alleged brutalities being practised by the British Government, only served to inflame the blood of the rank and file of the conspirators, and to make them the more eager to force on some exhibition of their strength. The leaders, however, were in no sense behindhand in the way of bloodthirsty sentiment; indeed, as will be seen by what I have already stated about Devoy and others, arrangements had ere this been completed for giving expression to the popular desire.

The Convention, which assembled in the club-room of the Palmer House, Chicago, lasted from the 3rd to the 10th of August 1881; and although the word dynamite finds no single place in the official records of the assembly, it was in the air and in the speeches from start to finish. The whole question of active operations came up and was debated at great length in connection with the statement of accounts furnished by the trustees of the Skirmishing Fund. Many of the delegates present attacked both the Revolutionary Directory and the Executive Body for having practically done nothing, while an enormous amount of money had been spent from this fund; and wild demands were made for particulars. The fight raged so fiercely that disclosures were made compromising people on the Irish side of the water; and, in order to prevent a complete _exposé_, a resolution was suddenly passed forbidding the mention of names and other compromising particulars. Explanations were, however, tendered as to the schemes which had been discussed and in part arranged. These included the treaty with Russia, the supply of officers to the Boers, the torpedo-boat, the hand-grenade, the purchase and shipment of arms, the purchase of 200 six-pound cannons at $25 each, and the attempt to rescue Michael Davitt on two occasions.

In the end a resolution in the following terms was adopted which, read by the light of the many and excited debates, was a clear instruction to the Executive Body to be up and doing at once in the way of “active” warfare:—

“That it is the sense of this Convention that, while we do not
dictate to the F.C., whatever action they may inaugurate, however
decisive, will meet the full approval of the delegates present and
the V.C. at large.”

This, however, was not the only important resolution they recorded. While the fight over an active policy was being engaged in, I secretly attended by request before the Committee of Foreign Relations, and explained to them the views of Mr. Parnell and Patrick Egan. As the result of what took place in connection with this matter, the following resolution was proposed and adopted in open convention:—

“That it is the sense of this Convention that both branches of
the S.E. (_i.e._, the Irish and the American members of the
Revolutionary Directory), in so far as they can give their time and
energies to it, should devote themselves to the work of revolution;
and if such bodies cannot give their approval to public movements
that are intended to promote the political and social regeneration
of Jsfmboe (Ireland) when they are supported by a large proportion
of the Jsjti (Irish) people, they will at least refrain from
antagonising them, and that the members of the I.S.C. (the Irish
Republican Brotherhood) and the V.C. (Clan-na-Gael) should not
arbitrarily be prevented from exercising liberty of action in
regard to such movements.”

XXXIX.

In this way did both of Mr. Parnell’s ideas receive recognition and support. In the first place, the Revolutionary Directory was instructed to prepare for the rising of which he spoke, while, in the second, a pretty strong hint was given to the home organisation that members in their individual capacity should join the League and support its programme. It is only right that I should state at this point that I was not the only one charged with representing Mr. Parnell’s views. My attendance before the Foreign Relations Committee brought me into contact with John O’Connor, _alias_ Dr. Clarke, _alias_ Dr. Kenealy, the travelling agent of the Clan-na-Gael in Europe, who informed me that he specially attended in his representative capacity to support the “understanding.” This was not my first meeting with O’Connor by any means. When in Paris I had been introduced to him by O’Leary, and had frequently met him in the company of Egan, with whom he was on the most confidential terms, and working in perfect harmony. O’Connor’s statement was followed by one on the part of Devoy, who informed me that “the matter was now all right.”

This Convention saw the initiation of the Sullivan _régime_, Alexander Sullivan, ere its close, being elected to the position of president of the organisation, with head-quarters at Chicago. His election was attended by many changes in the constitution. Up to this the executive body, or “F.C.” as it was termed, had consisted of a chairman, secretary, and treasurer, with eleven district members or “E.N.’s,” elected to control the society in their several districts. The Convention now reconstituted the “F.C.” by excluding these eleven “E.N.’s,” and limiting the number to six, including the secretary, who was _ex-officio_, but without a vote. This was quite a revolution in the management of affairs, and Sullivan, in his new position, acquired a power and prominence never enjoyed by any previous president. It was after gaining possession of this important and powerful post that he visited Europe, in accordance with the arrangement I had been the means of first proposing to him. Of course it was not publicly announced that Sullivan was in Europe. By some he was understood to be ill, by others in Florida. It would never have done for him to have publicly admitted or allowed the fact to be known that he was so far east as Paris.

I had very many interesting conversations at this Convention, but none more so than those with Dr. Gallaher, now in Portland Prison for complicity in the dynamite outrages, and Mackay Lomasney, who had just returned from Ireland, where, like Devoy in 1879, he had been acting as the inspecting envoy of the Clan-na-Gael. Gallaher, at the time I speak of, was making experiments in the manufacture of explosives, and advocating their use. He was quite enthusiastic in their praise, and so carried away by his subject that he expressed his willingness to personally undertake the carriage of dynamite to England and to superintend its use there. Lomasney was an equally ardent dynamitard, not foreseeing then the fate which awaited him under London Bridge.

I think I cannot better conclude this chapter than by quoting the following statement of accounts, furnished at this Convention, of the Skirmishing Fund, which, in all its details, even to the amount stolen by the messenger of the _Irish World_, should prove of interest.

RECEIPTS, &c.

Total receipts by _Irish World_ up to May 31, 1881 $88,306 32
Received by trustees from other sources 1,603 50
Interest 1,072 50
Profits on Exchange 471 25
----------
$91,453 57
----------
EXPENSES, &c.

Purchase of bonds $31,488 87
Lent per F.C. to S.C. for tools 10,000 0
Lent to F.C. 5,875 0
Irish volunteers 1,000 0
J. J. O’Mahony’s burial 2,030 0
O’D. Rossa’s defalcations 1,321 90
Old submarine vessel 4,042 97
New submarine vessel 23,345 70
Miscellaneous expense 321 4
Lent Dr. Carroll 860 0
Luby and Burke 100 0
Cheques dishonoured 78 68
Reception, Condon and Meledy 249 79
Allowed A. Ford on old money, Rossa’s not cashed 41 90
_Irish World_ overcharged 5 4
Subsidising foreign newspapers (J. J. O’Kelly) 2,000 0
Land League trial (Davitt) 1,532 0
Special to O’Kelly 177 63
Author, New Departure 1,003 90
Stolen by messenger of _Irish World_ 27 50
Reception of Parnell 165 0
----------
$85,666 92
----------

ASSETS.

Balance in bank $5,745 82
Balance on hands 40 83
---------
$5,786 65
----------

XL.

I have found this subject of Irish secret conventions so interesting to the many people who have talked with me about Clan-na-Gael affairs since my appearance in the witness-box that I almost think I might venture on some slight description of the _modus operandi_ of these gatherings without wearying the reader. Like all proceedings from which the general public are shut out, a Clan-na-Gael assembly becomes interesting in proportion to the amount of secrecy by which it is attended. Not indeed that a Clan-na-Gael Convention is anything very exciting or terrible after all. It possesses none of the weird features of that scene in which our three old friends of Macbeth figure. It is on the contrary very Irish—very Irish indeed. But what it is and what it is not can best be demonstrated by some few details by way of description; and so, transforming my gentle reader for the nonce into a V.C. delegate, I will take him with me for a flying visit to the Clan Convention of 1881 in the club-room of the Palmer House, Chicago.