Chapter I: Part 1

TRAVELS AND DISCOVERIES
IN
NORTH AND CENTRAL AFRICA.
VOL. V.

LONDON:
PRINTED BY SPOTTISWOODE AND CO.
NEW-STREET SQUARE.

M. & N. Hanhart, lith. et impt.

GÁGHO OR GÓGÓ.

June 20th. 1854.]

TRAVELS AND DISCOVERIES
IN
NORTH AND CENTRAL AFRICA:
BEING A
JOURNAL OF AN EXPEDITION
UNDERTAKEN
UNDER THE AUSPICES OF H.B.M.’S GOVERNMENT,
IN THE YEARS
1849-1855.

BY
HENRY BARTH, PH.D., D.C.L.
FELLOW OF THE ROYAL GEOGRAPHICAL AND ASIATIC SOCIETIES,
_&c. &c._

IN FIVE VOLUMES.
VOL. V.

LONDON:
LONGMAN, BROWN, GREEN, LONGMANS, & ROBERTS.
1858.

_The right of translation is reserved._

CONTENTS
OF
THE FIFTH VOLUME.

* * * * *

CHAP. LXX.

Page

Beginning of the New Year. — Anomalous Rising of the Niger. —
Commercial Relations of Timbúktu 1

Cheering Prospects at the beginning of the Year. — Material Existence. — Unreasonable Dispute about a Point of Religious Controversy. — Embarrassing Circumstances. — Anomalous Rising of the River. — The Phenomenon explained. — High State of the Waters. — Machinations of the Merchants from Morocco. — Mysterious Attack of Sickness. — Rainy Days in January. — Departure put off. — Demon Principle of the Mohammedans. — Small Loan. — Commercial Relations. — Manufactures limited. — Leather Work. — Specimens. — No Weaving. — Foreign Commerce. — Gold. — Gold and Salt. — Species and Prices of Salt. — Salt and Gúro Nuts. — Points in the Trade of Gúro Nuts. — Cotton Manufactures in former Times. — Provisions. — Caravans from the North. — Exaggerated Accounts. — Articles of European Commerce. — Important Position of Timbúktu.

CHAP. LXXI.

Diary, continued 8

My Informants. — Continued Disappointment. — Family Reason of Delay. — Leave again for the Tents. — Merits of the Prophets. — Books sent out to Central Africa. — Arrival of Sídi Mohammed. — Hammádi. — Family Concerns. — Another Arrival from Ghadámes. — Unlucky Fate of a Parcel. — The Waters subside. — Indications of a political Storm. — Arrival of another Officer from Hamda-Alláhi. — Protest of the Brothers. — A sleepless Night. — Interesting Episode. — The Kél-ulli.

CHAP. LXXII.

Great Crisis. — Obliged to leave the Town. —
Military Demonstration 59

The Tábu or great Army of the Awelímmiden. — Who is a Moslim? — Celebration of the Sebúwa. — The Gwanín. — The Kél-hekíkan. — Political Crisis. — Hasty Proceedings. — Warlike Nightly Manœuvres. — March of the Tábu arrested. — Camp Inconveniences. — Political Meeting at the Ródha. — Consultation of the Brothers. — Policy of the Fúlbe. — Further Difficulties. — Life in the Camp. — The Gwanín again. — Turbulent State of the Country. — Presents. — Intrigues. — Native Estimate of Europeans. — General Political Relations.

CHAP. LXXIII.

Abortive Attempt at Departure from Timbúktu 94

Setting out from Bóse-bángo. — Tawárek Encampments. — Ammalélle. — Camp of the Kél-n-Nokúnder, at Ernésse. — Hospitality of the Kél-ulli. — Camp of the Tarabanása. — Relations of various Chiefs. — Taútilt and the Chief Wóghda. — The Welád Molúk. — The chivalrous Wóghdugu.

CHAP. LXXIV.

Retrograde Movement towards Timbúktu 111

The Rebel Chief Ákhbi. — Quarrel of the Igwádaren. — Return Westward. — Berber and Canaanitic Names. — Swamps and Rains. — A Camp in Motion. — Lady Travellers. — The Kinsman of Sául. — Exciting News. — Relations with the French. — Parting with Kungu. — The Camp at Ernésse again. — Downs of Úle-Tehárge. — A friendly Chat. — Return of Servants from Town. — News from Timbúktu.

CHAP. LXXV.

Final and real Start. — Creeks on the Northern Bank of
the Niger. — Ghérgo. — Bamba 139

Real Start. — Leave Úle-Tehárge. — A welcome Parcel. — Gigantic Retem. — Females of the Welád Molúk. — Peaceable Tolba. — Wild Hog. — Zangway. — The Creeks. — Ém-n-kúris. — Tamizgída. — Ghérgo. — Hospitality of the Kél-antsár. — Crossing Creeks. — Approach to Bamba. — Scenery of the River. — The Rumá. — Smoking. — The Cocks of Bamba. — Sídi Mohammed’s Family. — Scarcity of Supplies.

CHAP. LXXVI.

The Desert. — Country along the Border of the River. — Greatest
Narrowing. — South-easterly Bend 166

A Night March through Swamps. — Terárart, Northernmost Creek of the Niger. — “Tahónt-n-éggish.” — Various Personalities. — The Chief Sadáktu. — Hot Camping-ground. — A poisonous Spider. — Encampment of Sídi Ilemín. — Beginning of the Rocky District. — Tin-sherífen. — The Kél e’ Súk. — Tawárek Ladies. — The River at Tin-sherífen. — Rocks in the River. — Cry of the young Zangway.

CHAP. LXXVII.

Tósaye, or the Narrowing of the River. — Burrum; Ancient
Relation to Egypt. — Great South-south-easterly Reach 188

Incident in African Warfare. — Island of Ádar-n-Háut. — Burrum. — Intercourse with Egypt. — Slow Progress. — Intercourse by Water between Gógó and Bamba. — River between steep Cliffs. — Morals of the Kél e’ Súk. — The Tin-ger-Égedesh. — Curiosity of the Women. — Mount Tóndibi. — Appearance of our Party. — Swampy District Abúba. — The Ibawájiten. — Great Breadth of the River. — First Sight of Gógó. — Appearance of Industry.

CHAP. LXXVIII.

The ancient Capital of Songhay, and its Neighbourhood 305

Gógó and Timbúktu. — General Description of Gógó. — Rich Vegetation. — The Mosque. — Meeting of Native Chiefs. — Khozématen and Hanna. — The Gá-béro. — Their Hospitality. — Encamp in Barno. — Hippopotami. — Return to Gógó. — Preparations to leave Gógó. — Arrival of the Chief Thákkefi. — His Proposal. — Survey of the River.

CHAP. LXXIX.

Separation from the Sheikh. — Cross the River to the
South-western Side. — Various Encampments. — River
studded with Islands. — Ansóngho 237

Separation from the Sheikh. — Bornu-gungu. — The Gá-bíbi. — Unsettled Districts. — Tóngi. — Barbarous Custom. — Ádar-andúrren. — Island Ansóngho. — Iron Gates of Akarámbay. — Rocky Character of River. — Burre. — Fúlbe Settlers. — Rapids. — Tiboráwen. — Wild Scenery. — The Ímelíggizen. — Island Kátubu. — A River Archipelago. — Wild River Scenery at Ém-n-íshib. — Parting with Mohammed the Kél e’ Súki.

CHAP. LXXX.

Denser Population begins 259

Difficulty of determining the Watercourses. — Granite Boulders. — Ayóru and its Cultivation. — Kendáji and its Chief. — A fertile District. — Camp of Erátafáni. — Doubtful Escort. — Rocky Nature of River-bed. — Sinder, the Corn Market. — State of Háusa. — Date-palms. — Mohammed Sáleh. — Rich Country. — Ázemay. — First Háusa Salute. — The Kortíta. — The River Sirba. — Wántila. — An alarming Adventure. — Cotton Plantations. — Bírni. — Island of Bé-gungu. — Margin and Cliffs of the River. — Arrival at Say.

CHAP. LXXXI.

Second Stay in Say. — Journey through Déndina and Kebbi 295

Audience with the Governor. — Market of Say. — Inundated State. — Leave Say. — Tanna. — Mínge. — Támkala and its reduced Condition. — Audience with Ábú el Hassan. — His Position. — A Háusa Nobleman. — Friendly Reception in Gárbo. — A Storm. — Town of Kallíyul. — Isolated Specimens of the Oil-palm. — Débe. — Pernicious Effect of Water. — Town of Tilli. — Sickness of Señi. — The swampy Gúlbi-n-Sókoto. — Birni-n-Kebbi. — Swampy Valleys. — Jéga. — Cheering Recognition. — Arrival at Gando.

CHAP. LXXXII.

Second Stay in Gando, Sókoto, and Wurno 327

Awkward Fate of a Letter. — Abundance of Rains. — Leaving Gando. — Variety of Vegetation. — Effect of Rains. — Arrival at Sókoto. — Unofficial News of Vogel’s Party. — Swollen Torrent of Sókoto. — Kind Reception at Wurno. — State of Insecurity. — Prices of Market. — Present from ʿAlíyu. — Sickness. — Sad Condition of Negroland. — Leave taking. — New Route. — Gulbi-n-Rába. — Long March to Gandi. — Another long March. — Moríki. — Dúchi. — Town of Kámmané. — Another unsafe Wilderness. — Take Leave of the Ghaladíma. — Arrival in Kanó.

CHAP. LXXXIII.

Second Residence in Kanó, under unfavourable Circumstances.
— March to Kúkawa 358

Financial Difficulties. — Sickness of my Horses. — Want of Information. — Varying News from Kúkawa. — Disappointing News from Zínder. — Letter to ʿAlíyu. — Unprofitable Letters. — Forced Loans. — Final Arrangements. — Leaving Kanó. — Aspect of Country. — Kind Treatment at Gída-n-Alla. — The Thieves of Gírki. — Reduced State of Gúmmel. — Last Meeting with Mohammed e’ Sfáksi. — Departure from Gúmmel. — Máshena. — Meeting with Mr. Vogel. — Great Disappointment. — Zurríkulo. — “Búne Kayérda Sʿaíd.” — Dáway. — Kinjéberi. — Various Branches of the Komádugu.

CHAP. LXXXIV.

Last Residence in Kúkawa. — Benefit of European Society. —
Unpleasant Circumstances 391

Arrangements with Mr. Vogel. — Departure of Mr. Vogel. — Attack of Rheumatism. — Abortive Plan of Departure from Kúkawa. — Reenter the Town. — Arrival of a Caravan. — News from Mr. Vogel.

CHAP. LXXXV.

Real Start. — Small Party 408

My Camels. — Real Start. — First Day’s March. — Kánembú Hamlets. — Ngégimi. — Small Alarm. — Treatment of Slaves. — The Well Bedwáram and Macguire’s Death. — Desert of Tintúmma. — Ágadem. — Fatigue in the Desert. — Crystallised Tubes. — Well of Díbbela. — Zaw-kurá. — Caravan of Tebu. — Bilma and Kalála. — Wádi Kawár. — Dírki. — Áshenúmma, its picturesque Scenery, and its Chief. — Singular Use of dried Fish. — Ánay. — Íggeba. — Síggedim. — Value of Horses in the Desert. — Heat of the Desert. — Tíggera-n-Dúmma. — El Áhmar. — Rugged Passages. — Arrival at Tejérri. — Madrúsa. — Meet Mr. Warrington. — Entrance into Múrzuk. — Revolution in the Regency. — Leave Múrzuk. — Wádí Zemzem. — Meet Mr. Reade at ʿAín Zára. — Return to Europe. — Conclusion.

* * * * *

APPENDIX. I.

Collection of Itineraries illustrating the Western Half of the
Desert, its Districts, and its Inhabitants, and the Course of
the Upper Niger 457

APPENDIX II.

List of the Arab or Moorish Tribes scattered over the Western
Part of the Desert, according to the Districts of natural
Divisions of the Desert in which they are settled 525

APPENDIX III.

Sections and Families of the great South-westerly Group of the
Imóshagh or Tawárek 552

APPENDIX IV.

A Vocabulary of the Temáshight or Tárkíye, such as spoken by the
Áwelímmiden, with some prefatory Remarks and notes by Professor
Newman 565

APPENDIX V.

El Bakáy’s Letter of Recommendation, translated by Dr.
Nicholson 642

APPENDIX VI.

Chief Towns and Residences of the Independent Songhay, between
the Niger and my Route by Yágha and Libtáko 652

APPENDIX VII.

Fragments of a Meteorological Register 655

APPENDIX VIII.

A few Remarks with regard to the construction of the Maps,
by Dr. A. Petermann 667

INDEX to the whole of the Five Volumes 671

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
IN
THE FIFTH VOLUME.

* * * * *

MAPS.
Page

XIV. General Map of the Eastern Half of Northern Central
Africa _to face_ i

XV. General Map of the Western Half of Northern Central
Africa _to face_ 457

PLATES.

1. Ghágo _Frontispiece._

2. Camp of the Sheikh El Bakáy _to face_ 84

3. Ammalélle „ 127

4. Bamba „ 162

5. Borno on the Niger „ 227

6. Ansóngho „ 249

7. The Niger at Tiboráwen „ 253

8. Rapids of the Niger at Ém-n-Íshib „ 258

9. Swollen torrent of Sókoto „ 335

10. Áshenúmma „ 432

WOODCUTS.

Leather Bag 18

Two Leather Cushions 19

A “bét” or Énnefi, a small Leather Pouch, with three Pockets
and Cover, for Tobacco and Tinder; a covering for gun 20

A Tawárek Camp in Motion 121

Ground-plan of Hut of Matting 164

Hamlet of Kánembú Cattle-breeders 411

MAP OF PART OF AFRICA (WESTERN SHEET) showing DR. BARTH’S ROUTES, 1850-1855 between and native itineraries collected by him.

Constructed and drawn by A. Petermann.

Engraved by E. Weller, _Duke Strt. Bloomsbury._

_London, Longman & Co._]

TRAVELS AND DISCOVERIES
IN
AFRICA.

* * * * *

CHAPTER LXX.

BEGINNING OF THE NEW YEAR. — ANOMALOUS RISING OF THE NIGER. — COMMERCIAL
RELATIONS OF TIMBÚKTU.

I had long cherished the hope that the beginning of 1854 would have found me far advanced on my homeward journey; but greatly disappointed in this expectation, I began the year with a fervent prayer for a safe return home in the course of it.

El Médani, my friend from Swéra, or Mogadore, whom I used to call my political thermometer, or rather my politico-meter, on account of his exhibiting towards me friendly feelings only at times when he saw everything quiet, sent me his compliments in the morning of the first of January; nay, even the two leaders of the hostile factions,—Hammádi, the rival of my protector, and Táleb Mohammed, the wealthiest merchant in the town, and the leader of the intriguing merchants from Morocco,—gave me to understand that they wanted to enter into friendly relations with me. My health as yet was very precarious; but I felt so much recovered in mind and body that, preparatory to my longed for departure, I began arranging the remainder of my baggage, which, with the exception of my small library, had been very much reduced. To my great astonishment and delight, while searching through my lumber, I found another thermometer in good repair. From the remainder of my broken instruments I picked up a good deal of quicksilver, which I gave to the Sheikh, who himself, as well as his other unsophisticated friends, derived a great deal of amusement from observing the qualities of this metal. Meanwhile, my protector endeavoured to make me fully acquainted with the political relation in which he stood to his brothers, Sídi Mohammed and Zén el ʿAbidín, whom he expected soon to arrive, and of whose different views in politics he gave me some slight hints; and I lamented greatly that the power of this noble family, instead of being strengthened by the number of its conspicuous scions, was only rent and split by the divergency of their views.

The course of my material existence went on very uniformly, with only slight variations. My daily food, when I was in the town, consisted of some milk and bread in the morning, a little kuskus, which the Sheikh used to send, about two in the afternoon, and a dish of negro millet, containing a little meat, or seasoned with the sauce of the kobéwa, or _Cucurbita Melopepo_, after sunset. The meat of Timbúktu, at least during the cold season, agreed with me infinitely better than that of any other part of Negroland; but this was not the case with the _Melopepo_, although it is an excellent and palatable vegetable. In the beginning of my stay I had consumed a great many young pigeons, which form a favourite dainty in this city. They are sold at the almost incredibly cheap rate of ten shells each, or at the rate of three hundred for a dollar; but the poor little things were used for culinary purposes so soon after breaking the shell as to be almost tasteless. A very rare dainty was formed by an ostrich egg, which was one day brought to me. This article is more easily to be obtained in the desert than in the towns, and such strong food, moreover, is not well adapted to the stomach of a resident. The Sheikh used also to send me a dish late at night, sometimes long after midnight; but, on account of the late hour, I never touched it, and left it to my servants.

It had been arranged that we should make another excursion to Kábara, but our visit was put off from day to day, although I was extremely anxious to witness the features of the country, in the present high level of the river, at the place where I had first landed on my arrival. Thus I was reduced, for entertainment, to my intercourse with the Sheikh, his kinsfolk, and followers; and as religious topics were always brought forward more prominently by my enemies, but especially in the learned letters which the emír of Hamda-Alláhi sent in reply to the Sheikh[1], my conversation with the former now began to turn more and more upon religious subjects, such as the return of the Messiah, and on the meaning of the name “Paraclete” given in the New Testament to the Holy Spirit, who was to descend upon the apostles, but which by the Mohammedans in more recent times is applied to Mohammed, whose coming, they say, is predicted in this instance by the Holy Book of the Christians.

One day when I visited the Sheikh, the two brothers were engaged in an animated discussion respecting the relation of ʿAísa (Jesus Christ) to Mohammed, and a warm dispute arose on the sophistical question, whether it would be allowed, after the return of ʿAísa upon earth, to eat camel’s flesh. The Sheikh himself was anxious to prove how difficult it would be for themselves to change any part of their creed after the return of ʿAísa, owing to the difference which existed between the precepts of the two prophets, and thus intended to excuse the Christians for not embracing the creed of Mohammed, after having once adopted that of ʿAísa. The two learned men, in the heat of their dispute, had overlooked the fact that the camel was a prohibited animal to the Jews, but not to the Christians, and hence that the return of ʿAísa would not interfere with their favourite repast. It was by cheerfully entering into these discussions that I obtained for myself the esteem even of those who were most anxious to extort from me as much as possible of my remaining property.

The arrival of another small caravan of the Tawáti was very near causing me a serious embarrassment. Some of the merchants from Morocco, excited by commercial jealousy, had spread the report that the calico brought by that caravan was Christian property, belonging to the English agent in Ghadámes: and I had some difficulty in making the people understand, that, even if that article had originally belonged to the agent, it was now the property of the Tawáti merchants. The presence of those people, also, caused the road to the north, by way of Tawát, to be again brought under discussion, as the route most suitable for my home-journey. My departure was now discussed almost daily; the arrival of our lively and talkative, but indiscreet messenger, Áhmed el Wádáwi, who had at length returned from his errand to the Awelímmeden, holding out the hope that my departure was in reality not far distant; but the fact that none of the Tawárek had come with him, notwithstanding his assertion that they were soon to follow, convinced me that my prospect of departure was put off for an indefinite period.

Towards the end of January the waters of the river reached their highest level, exhibiting that marvellous anomaly, in comparison with the period of the rising of other African rivers north of the equator, which is calculated to awaken astonishment in any man acquainted with the subject. For when he knows that the rising of these rivers is due to the fall of the tropical rains, he will naturally expect that the Niger, like its eastern branch, the Tsádda or Bénuwé, or the Nile, should reach its highest level in August or September. The fact can only be partly explained with the means at our disposal, and in the present state of our knowledge of this part of Africa, although it is illustrated by similar cases, if we compare it with the anomalous rising of some South- African rivers; especially the grand discovery of Dr. Livingstone, the Liambézi, which, forming in its upper course an immense shallow sheet of water, collects here the greatest amount of water at a time (July and August) when its lower course, the Zambézi, separated from it and withdrawn from the immediate effects of the waters collected above by the marvellous narrowing of the river-bed from the Falls of Victoria[2] downwards, is in its lowest state, and, through the influence of the water by which it is joined in its lower course, reaches here its highest level at quite a different season, February and March. We have before us exactly the same phenomenon in the case of the Niger, the great West-African river, which, according to the most accurate information which I was able to gather on the spot, every year continues to rise till the end of December or the beginning of January, and does not begin to decrease before February; while its eastern branch, the Bénuwé, as well as the lower course of the Niger, where it is called Kwára, exactly as is the case with the Nile, reaches its highest level by the end of August and begins to decrease steadily in the course of October.

To explain the difference and anomaly of these phenomena we must attend to the different character of these rivers. For while the Bénuwé after having once assumed a westerly direction follows it up with but very little deviation, the great western branch describes three quarters of an immense circle, and having but very little fall in the greater part of its extraordinary winding course, the waters which flow towards it from the more distant quarters require a long time to reach its middle course, so that the rain which falls in the course of September and October in the country of the Wangaráwa, or the South-eastern Mandigoes, will certainly continue to swell the river at Timbúktu till the end of November or even December; for that rain falls in those quarters behind the coast of Sierra Leone and Cape Palmas till the end of September, and perhaps even in October, we may conclude with some degree of certainty from the fact that such is the case on the coast[3]; and this is confirmed as regards Kakóndi and Tímbo by Caillié’s observations.[4] In the mountainous southern provinces of Abessinia, too, whose latitude corresponds exactly with that of the regions from whence the feeders of the Niger take their rise, the most constant fall of rain has been observed in September. Now while the whole region between Jenne and Timbúktu is of a very flat and level character, so that the river, running along at a very slow rate and with a very meandering course, not only fills a very broad stream spreading out over the neighbouring low lands, but forms also a great many backwaters and basins or lakes of which the Débo is only one although perhaps the largest in size, the river lower down beyond Bamba, and especially in the district called Tin-sherífen which we shall visit on our return journey, is shut in and reduced to the width of a few hundred yards, so that the water, having expanded over such an immense tract and not exercising therefore the same pressure which such a volume of water would do under other circumstances if it were kept together in a narrower channel, preserves its level or even still increases in extent and depth, while the surplus produced by the fall of rain in the country higher up has already diminished.

This is my mode of accounting for a phenomenon which seems to contradict in so great a measure the whole of the phenomena which have come under our observation with regard to the effects of rain and the rising of the rivers north and south of the equator, and imparts to the upper course of the Niger the same character as the Gabún and other rivers of the equatorial line which reach their highest level in the course of February.

Of course this state of the upper river, although it does not reach always the same level, cannot fail to exercise an influence also upon the lower part, where it is called Kwára, and where it has been visited repeatedly by Englishmen. But although, on account of their being unaware of this character of the river, they have not paid much attention to its features at the beginning of the hot season, and have even rarely visited it at that period, nevertheless Mr. Laird, who spent several months in the Kwára, has not failed to observe a phenomenon which exactly corresponds to the state of the river which I have just described. For he records[5] the surprising fact, which formerly must have been quite unintelligible, but which now receives its full illustration, namely, that the river _at Iddá began to rise on the 22nd of March._ This, in my opinion, he erroneously attributes to the rains up the country, as there are no rains whatever during the whole of March, and only a few drops in April; but it is evidently the effect of the waters in the upper and wide part of the river at length beginning to decrease about the middle of February, if we take the current at from 2½ to 3 miles, as the windings of the river extend to not much less than 2000 miles between Kábara and Iddá. The elevation of Timbúktu above the level of the sea I assume to be about 900 feet.

It was on the 4th of January that the first boat from Kábara approached close to the walls of the town of Timbúktu; and, as the immediate result of such a greater facility of intercourse, the supply of corn became more plentiful, and, in consequence, much cheaper: the sʿaa of millet being sold for 40 shells, and the suníye, that is to say, more than two hundred pounds’ weight, for 3000, or one Spanish dollar, certainly a very low rate; while I myself, as a foreigner and a stranger, had to pay 3750. The high state of the waters was naturally of the greatest interest to me; and, in order to satisfy my curiosity, the Sheikh took me out on the 9th. Emerging from the town at about the middle of the western wall, where formerly the báb el gibleh[6] was situated, we went first to the nearest creek of the river, but found here no boats; and then crossing an extremely barren and stony level reached another branch of the creek, where eight or ten smaller boats, without a covering or cabin, were lying; the innermost corner of this creek not being more than four or five hundred yards distant from the Great Mosque, or Jíngeré-bér. All the people asserted that the river, at Kábara, had now reached its highest level, and even affirmed that it had begun to fall here on the 7th; but, nevertheless, it became evident that the waters were still rising during the whole of the month,—almost endangering the safety of the town. On this occasion I learned that a great inundation in 1640 had flooded a considerable part of the town, and converted into a lake the central and lowest quarter, which is called Bagíndi, a name derived, as is asserted, from the tank thus formed having been enlivened by hippopotami.[7]

Interesting as was that day’s excursion it cost me dear; for being obliged, not only to be armed myself, but also to have an armed servant with me, I greatly excited the hostile feelings of the merchants from Morocco, and especially of that proud nobleman, ʿAbd e’ Salám, who went about among the great men of the town, saying, that in Morocco we, the Europeans, or rather the English, were not allowed to wear arms. But to show the absurdity of this assertion, I stated that while travelling in Morocco we received armed horsemen for an escort, while here, where there was no settled form of government, we had to protect ourselves. He then spread the rumour that an armed English vessel had ascended the river as far as Gógó; and this curious report was backed with such strong assertions that my own servant, ʿAlí el Ágeren, felt convinced of its truth, and thought it strange when I attempted to prove its absurdity.

But notwithstanding this hostile feeling, ʿAbd e’ Salám deemed it prudent to send, next day, his friend, Múláy el Méhedí, in order to excuse himself for the expressions which he had used a few days before with regard to me. It was this man, Múláy el Méhedí, with whom I should have liked to be able to converse on friendly terms, as he was a person of intelligence, and even possessed some little knowledge of astronomy. Indeed, I was not a little astonished when, conversing with him one day about the situation of Timbúktu, he came out with the statement that the town was situated about 18° N. lat., without my having thrown out the slightest hint in this respect.

All this time the whole of the surrounding country was in a most disturbed state, owing to several expeditions, or forays, which were going on, especially by the restless tribe of the Welád ʿAlúsh. They had lately taken 600 camels from the Welád Mebárek, and had now turned their predatory incursions into another direction.

On the 12th of January we again went to the tents, which had now been pitched in another spot, called Ingómaren, at a distance of about six miles a little S. from E.; but this time our stay in the encampment was very unlucky for me in several respects. On the 13th I felt tolerably well, and had a cheerful conversation with my protector about my approaching departure, when he sent me several presents, such as a large cover for the top of the tent[8], called “sarámmu” by the Songhay, “e’ béni erréga” by the Moors hereabout, and several leather pillows; but on the 14th, a little after noon, I was seized with such a sudden and severe attack of fever as I had never experienced before, accompanied by violent shivering fits, which made my kind host fear that I had been poisoned. I had drunk, a short time before, some sour milk brought me by a Berbúshi, that is to say, a man who, although intimately attached to the family of the Sheikh, originally belonged to the tribe of the Berabísh, whose chief murdered Major Laing. Although I myself had no suspicion that the milk which I had drunk had in any way contributed to my sudden attack of illness, yet as that man had some private animosity against me, and did not seem content with a present which I had made him in return for his small gift, I became so irritated, that I ordered him away in a very unceremonious manner, which caused a most unpleasant scene; for, at this conjuncture, all the people, including my own servants and even my very best friends amongst the Sheikh’s people, without paying any regard to my feeble state, gave vent to their feelings against me as a Christian.

But the Sheikh himself did not for a moment change his kind disposition, sending me tea repeatedly, and calling frequently to see how I was getting on. Fortunately, a tranquil night’s repose restored me again to health, and the following morning my friends came to me, one after the other, in order to beg my pardon for their neglect. While we were conversing on the preparations for my journey, a messenger brought the news of the arrival of a very intimate friend of the Sheikh,—Mohammed ben ʿAbd-Alláhi el Fútáwi,—who had come, with a numerous suite, in order to stay some time with the Sheikh, and, if possible, to be cured by me of some serious disease: and the prospect of soon leaving this quarter was greatly darkened by this circumstance.

[Sidenote: January 15th.]

This was one of those rainy days which are said not to be unusual towards the end of January and the beginning of February in this quarter along the river, though, in the other parts of Negroland that I had visited, I had never beheld anything of the kind. But the quantity of rain that fell even here was very little, for the sky, which had been cloudy in the morning, cleared up about noon; and although in the afternoon it became again overcast, with thunder in the distance followed by lightning towards evening, yet there fell only a few drops of rain in the course of the night.

On the 16th, having made a good breakfast on a goat roasted whole before the fire, we returned again into the town, where I was desired to cure a man of a disease over which I had no power. The character and position of the person would have rendered it a circumstance of the highest importance to me if I had been able to do so. The chronic disease under which Mohammed ben ʿAbd-Alláhi, for this is the person of whom I speak, was labouring, cast a melancholy gloom over him. I admired his manners, and the fine expression of his features; but I was disappointed to find that, although well versed in his religious books, he did not possess any historical knowledge as to the former state of these countries, which formed an object of the highest interest to me. The arrival of this person made my protector forget all the thoughts of my immediate departure.

Besides this circumstance, nothing of interest happened for some days, all the people exhorting me to patience; and, my departure being again put off, fresh attempts were made to convert me, even by my friends, who from sheer friendship could not bear to see me adhere to a creed which they thought erroneous. But I withstood all their attacks, and at times even ventured to ridicule freely some of their superstitious notions. I was far from laughing at the chief principles of their doctrine; but, as they always recurred in their arguments to their belief in sorcery and demons, I declared one day that, as for us, we had made all the demons our “khóddemán.” This is an expression with which these people are wont to denote the degraded and servile tribes; and I represented the Europeans as having obtained a victory over the spirits, by ascending in balloons into the higher regions, and from thence firing at them with rifles. The idea that the Christians must have subjected to their will the demoniacal powers, occurs very easily to the mind of the Mohammedan, who does not understand how the former are able to manufacture all the nice things which issue from their hands.

Meanwhile I was glad to break off my relations with my former friend the Waláti, who had recently returned from a journey to Áribínda, and who came to ask me officially whether he was to accompany me on my home journey or not; but although I told him plainly, that after all that had happened he could no longer be my companion, I treated him with more generosity than he deserved.

At the same time, I thought it also prudent to cultivate the good will of my servant ʿAlí el Ágeren, although he had almost entirely separated himself from me, and left me to my fate, since he had become fully aware of the dangerous nature of my position. I demanded from him no sort of service, though his salary of nine dollars a month went on all the time. However, being rather short of cash, and not being able to procure a loan from the people to whom I had been recommended, I was glad to obtain from a friendly Ghadámsi merchant, of the name of Mohammed ben ʿAlí ben Táleb, about 50,000 shells, equal to 13⅓ mithkál, reckoned at 3800 shells each, and I afterwards was obliged to add another small sum, making the whole 25 mithkáls.

In this place I think it well to give a short sketch of the commercial relations of Timbúktu, though it cannot make the slightest pretension to completeness, as I did not enter into such free intercourse with the natives as would have enabled me to combine a sufficient number of facts into a graphic view of the commercial life of the city. The people with whom I had most intercourse could offer little or no information on the subject. My situation in Kanó had been very different.

The great feature which distinguishes the market of Timbúktu from that of Kanó is the fact, that Timbúktu is not at all a manufacturing town, while the emporium of Háusa fully deserves to be classed as such. Almost the whole life of the city is based upon foreign commerce, which, owing to the great northerly bend of the Niger, finds here the most favoured spot for intercourse, while at the same time that splendid river enables the inhabitants to supply all their wants from without; for native corn is not raised here in sufficient quantities to feed even a very small proportion of the population, and almost all the victuals are imported by water-carriage from Sansándi and the neighbourhood.

The only manufactures carried on in the city, as far as fell under my observation, are confined to the art of the blacksmith, and to a little leatherwork. Some of these articles, such as provision or luggage bags, cushions, small leather pouches for tobacco, and gun-cloths, especially the leather bags, are very neat, as shown in the accompanying wood-cuts; but even these are mostly manufactured by Tawárek, and especially females, so that the industry of the city is hardly of any account. It was formerly supposed that Timbúktu was distinguished on account of its weaving[9], and that the export of dyed shirts from hence was considerable; but I have already had an opportunity of showing that this was entirely a mistake, almost the whole clothing of the natives themselves, especially that of the wealthier classes, being imported either from Kanó[10] or from Sansándi, besides the calico imported from England. The export of the produce of Kanó, especially by way of Árawán, extends to the very border of the Atlantic, where it comes into contact with the considerable import of Malabar cloth by way of St. Louis, or Ndér, on the Senegal, while the dyed shirts from Sansándi, which, as far as I had an opportunity of observing, seem to be made of foreign or English calico, and not of native cotton, do not appear to be exported to a greater distance. These shirts are generally distinguished by their rich ornament of coloured silk, and look very pretty; and I am sorry that I was obliged to give away, as, a present a specimen which I intended to bring home with me. The people of Timbúktu are very experienced in the art of adorning their clothing with a fine stitching of silk, but this is done on a very small scale, and even these shirts are only used at home. There is, however, a very considerable degree of industry exercised by the natives of some of the neighbouring districts, especially Fermágha, who produce very excellent woollen blankets, and carpets of various colours, which form a most extensive article of consumption with the natives.

The foreign commerce has especially three great high-roads: that along the river from the south-west (for lower down the river there is at present scarcely any commerce at all), which comprises the trade proceeding from various points; and two roads from the north, that from Morocco on the one hand, and that from Ghadámes on the other. In all this commerce, gold forms the chief staple, although the whole amount of the precious metal exported from this city appears to be exceedingly small, if compared with a European standard. It probably does not exceed an average of 20,000_l._ sterling per year.[11] The gold is brought either from Bambúk or from Búre, but from the former place in a larger quantity. The gold from the country of the Wángaráwa does not reach this market, but, as it seems, at present is directly exported to that part of the southern coast which on this account is called the Gold Coast. The species of gold from Bambúk is of a more yellow colour; that from Búre is rather whitish; and that from Wángara has a greenish hue. Most of this gold, I think, is brought into the town in rings. I do not remember to have seen or heard of gold dust, or “tibber,” being brought to market in small leathern bags, such as Shabíni and other people describe, containing about one ounce, equal to twenty-five dollars in value. But, nevertheless, a considerable amount of this article must come into market, as most of the gold dust which comes to Ghadámes and Tripoli passes through Timbúktu, while another portion goes directly from Sansándi to Árawán.[12]

It was evidently in consequence of the influence of the Arabs, that the scale of the mithkál[13] was introduced in the trade in gold; but it is a very general term, which may signify very different quantities, and thus we find various kinds of mithkáls used in Negroland, especially those of Ágades, Timbúktu, and Mango, the Mandingo place between Yendí and the Niger, the former of which is the smallest, and equal, as I have stated in the proper place, to 1000 shells of Háusa standard, although in the present decayed state of the town of Ágades, where all the gold trade has ceased, it possesses rather an imaginary value. The mithkál of Timbúktu contains the weight of 24 grains of the kharúb tree, or 96 of wheat, and is worth from 3000 to 4000 shells.[14] The mithkál of Mango is equal to 1¼ of that of Timbúktu. Besides rings, very handsome ornaments are worked of gold; but, as far as I could learn, most of this workmanship comes from Waláta, which is still celebrated on this account.[15]

The next article that forms one of the chief staples in Timbúktu, and in some respects even more so than gold, is salt, which, together with gold, formed articles of exchange all along the Niger from the most ancient times.[16] It is brought from Taödénni, a place whose situation has been tolerably well established by M. Caillié’s journey[17], and the mines of which have been worked, as we know from Áhmed Bábá, since the year 1596, when the former mines of Tegháza, situated some seventy miles further to the north, were given up. These salt mines of Tegháza appear to have been worked from very remote times, or at least before the eleventh century; and there can be little doubt that the mines of Tátentál, described by the excellent geographer El Bekrí as situated twenty days’ journey from Sijilmésa, and two from the beginning of the desert, are identical with Tegháza. Even at that time both Sigilmésa and Ghánata were provided from here, while at least the eastern and original portion of Songhay was supplied at that early period from the mines of Taútek, six days from Tademékka.[18]

In Taödénni the salt, which covers a very extensive tract of ground in the district “El-Jóf,” is formed in five layers, or “úje,” the uppermost of which is called el-wára; the second, el-bentí; the third, el- hammamíye; the fourth, el-káhela, or the black one; and the lowest, which is embedded in the water, el-kámera, or el-bédha. The upper of these layers are of little value, and the most in request is the fourth layer, or el-káhela, the colour of which is a most beautiful intermixture of black and white, like a species of marble. The ground is let out by the “káíd,” who resides here, and whose name at the present time is Zén, in small portions, where the diggings are made, and he levies a tribute called the khomús from each hofra, or hole, the rest being sold by the workmen.

The largest pieces of salt which are dug out here measure 3 feet 5 inches in length, 13 inches in height, and 2⅓ inches in thickness, but they are of very unequal size, varying from 50 to 65 lb. in weight; this, however, is only half of one layer, each layer being sawn into two slabs. The price of these slabs of course varies greatly at different times, but, as far as I became aware, in general does not reach such an exorbitant price as has been mentioned by Leo Africanus, Mr. Jackson, General Daumas, and others. When lowest, the price of each middle-sized slab does not exceed 3000 shells; and the highest price which was paid during my residence in the town was 6000, the price always rising towards spring, when the salt caravans become scarce on account of the number of blood-flies which infest the town and the neighbourhood of the river. Of course, when this great highroad is shut up for a long period, in consequence of feuds between the various tribes, the price may for a time rise much higher, but such cases must be quite exceptional.

The trade in salt on a large scale, as far as regards Timbúktu, is entirely carried on by means of the túrkedí, or the cloth for female apparel, manufactured in Kanó; the merchants of Ghadámes bartering in the market of Árawán six túrkedí, or “mélhafa,” for nine slabs, or “hajra,” of salt, on condition that the Arabs bring the salt ready to market; or twelve, including the carriage to Taödénni. If they themselves then carry the salt to Timbúktu, they sell there eight slabs of salt for six mithkál of gold; but if they carry it to Sansándi, each slab of salt fetches two mithkál.

But the expense of this journey up the river is very great, on account of the boats being obliged to unship their merchandise at the islands of Jafarábe, whence it is taken to Sansándi on the backs of asses, and on account of the ʿashúr, which is levied by the Fúlbe, the expense is equal to about thirty-three per cent; so that, out of every six slabs of salt transported to Sansándi, two are required for covering the expense of transport. Thus, each túrkedí bought in Kanó for about 1800 shells fetches two mithkál of gold when sold in Sansándi, while in Timbúktu it fetches from one to one and one sixth. This certainly, when we take into account the price of gold in Ghadámes and Tripoli, is a considerable profit: but the road which this merchandise takes from Kanó to Ghát, thence to Tawát, and from that place to Timbúktu, is very circuitous and expensive, and requires the agency and cooperation of several persons, no single merchant undertaking the whole of the traffic.

I have already remarked, in the proper place, that Libtáko, or rather Dóre, forms the market-place for the salt for supplying the provinces to the south-east of Timbúktu. It is transported thither by a direct road by way of Tósaye or Gógó, without touching at Timbúktu; while, with regard to the region to the south-west, Sansándi is the great entrepôt for this commerce. The trade in this article, which, in countries where it is wanting entirely, becomes so precious, and the more so the greater its bulk, is, as I said before, of very ancient date in this western part of Negroland. But the salt was brought at that period, not from Taödénni, but from the neighbouring salt mines of Tegháza; and, in the former period, found its entrepôt in Ghánata and Waláta.

The gúro, or kóla nut, which constitutes one of the greatest luxuries of Negroland, is also a most important article of trade. Possessing this, the natives do not feel the want of coffee, which they might so easily cultivate to any extent, the coffee plant seeming to be indigenous in many parts of Negroland. The gúro which is brought to the market of Timbúktu is imported from the provinces of Tangréra, the town which was touched at by M. Caillié on his journey from Sierra Leone to Morocco, and of Teuté and Káni, to the south of Timé; while the gúro which is brought to the market of Kanó is imported from the northern province of Asanti; and the trees which furnish these different kinds of kóla nuts do not belong to the same species, being distinguished as _Sterculia acuminata_, or the red kóla nut, and _Sterculia macrocarpa_, or the white kóla nut; although the variety appears merely to apply to the seed, the fruit of the latter kind being generally of larger size, while both flower and leaf are quite identical.

But there is a good deal of variety in the character of the gúro nut of each of these two species; and in Kanó four different kinds are distinguished, according to the size of the fruit; namely, the guríye, the largest fruit, which often measures an inch and a half, and sometimes even nearly two inches in diameter, and is sold at a very high price; secondly, the marsakátu; in the third place, the sára-n-wága; and fourth, the ménu. But this is not all. There is a further distinction of three kinds, according to the season when the fruit is gathered: first, the já-n-karágu, the first gúro, which is collected about the end of February, but spoils easily, like the takdúf among the dates; secondly, the gammagári, collected at a later season, when the greater part of the fruit is ripe, and remaining from three to four months on the tree, being regarded by the Arabs as corresponding to those kind of dates called tásfirt; and lastly, there is the náta, the rest of the gúro, and of small size, which does not spoil.

As for the gúro sold in Timbúktu, I had no opportunity of observing so many different varieties, but only became aware of three distinctions being made, viz. the tinóro, or Tíno-úro, “úro” being the corresponding Songhay name for gúro, and Tíno, or Tína, the name of a district; then the kind called síga; and thirdly, that called fára-fára.

As regards Selga, the district to which the Háusa traders go for their supply of this article, three points are considered essential to the business of the kóla trade; first, that the people of Mósi bring their asses; secondly, that the Tonáwa, or natives of Asanti, bring the nut in sufficient quantities; and thirdly, that the state of the road is such as not to prevent the Háusa people from arriving. If one of these conditions is wanting, the trade is not flourishing. The price of the asses rises with the cheapness of the gúro. The average price of an ass in the market of Selga is 15,000 shells; while in Háusa the general price does not exceed 5000. But the fatáki, or native traders, take only as many asses with them from Háusa as are necessary for transporting their luggage, as the toll, or fitto, levied upon each ass by the petty chiefs on the road, is very considerable. From 5000 to 6000 gúro, or kóla nuts, constitute an ass load.

Selga, the market-place for this important article, being, it appears, a most miserable town, where even water is very scarce and can only be purchased at an exorbitant price, the merchants always manage to make their stay here as short as possible, awaiting the proper season in Yendi, a town said to be as large as Timbúktu, or in Kulféla, the great market-place of Mósi; and they are especially obliged to wait in case they arrive at the beginning of the rainy season, there being no kóla nuts before the latter part of the kharíf. The price of this nut in Timbúktu varies from 10 to 100 shells each, and always constitutes a luxury, so that, even on great festivals, alms consisting of this article are distributed by the rich people of the town.

So much for three of the most important articles of trade in Timbúktu,—gold, salt, and the kóla nut; the salt trade comprising also the dealings in the native cloth manufactured in Kanó, which forms the general medium of exchange for this article, and about which I have already spoken in detailing the commerce of the great entrepôt of Háusa. I will only add here, that, as Kanó is not a very old place, this want must have been supplied before from some other quarter. It is probable that, as long as Songhay was flourishing, such an import was not needed at all; and we find from several remarks made by El Bekrí, and other ancient geographers, that the art of weaving was very flourishing on the Upper Niger, but especially in the town of Silla, from very ancient times.[19] It is highly interesting to learn from these accounts that even in the eleventh century the cotton cloth was called in this region by the same name which it still bears at the present day, namely, “shigge.”

The price of the articles brought to this market from the region of the Upper Niger, especially from Sansándi, varies greatly, depending as it does upon the supply of the moment. Provisions, during my stay, were, generally speaking, very cheap, while Caillié complains of the high prices which prevailed in his time.[20] But it must also be taken into account that the French traveller proceeded from those very countries on the Upper Niger from which Timbúktu is supplied, and where, in consequence, provisions are infinitely cheaper, while I came from countries which, owing to the state of insecurity and warfare into which they have been plunged for a long series of years, were suffering from dearth and famine.