Chapter IX: Ragusa and Epidaurus (3)

[22] Hilferding, op. cit. i., identifies this original sect with a division of the Bogomiles known as ‘The Church of Dregovišce,’ and the later with ‘the Church of Bulgaria.’ These two Churches are among the thirteen Churches of the Cathari reckoned by the Italian Reniero Sacconi, a renegade member of that sect, in the thirteenth century. The two divisions are traceable in the Western heresies.

[23] The statements of Cosmas with reference to the existence of these dualistic tenets among the Bogomiles are attested by the ‘Synodic of Czar Boris,’ already referred to; by Euthymius Zygabenus, _Panoplia_; and, as regards the Bogomiles of Bosnia, by Raphael of Volaterræ, _Geographia_; and by the recent researches of Raški.

[24] Euthymius Zygabenus, _Panoplia_.

[25] It is remarkable that the only Bogomilian version of the Gospels which has been preserved, a Bosnian Codex written in 1404, contains, in spite of its late date, most primitive forms of speech; proving the care with which the Bogomiles copied from their older manuscripts. See Daničic’s account of the Bosnian Chval Codex in the _Starine_ of the South-Sclavonic Academy, III. 1-146. Cited by Jireček, op. cit. p. 177.

[26] τελειοῦν.

[27] Cosmas, corroborated by the ‘Synodic’ and Harmenopulos.

[28] For their aversion to the cross see also Euthymius, _Panoplia_, Anna Comnena, and Harmenopulos. See also p. 176.

[29] Cosmas. Their aversion to images, churches, and a hierarchy, is borne out by the testimony of Euthymius and Anna Comnena.

[30] So too Anna Comnena and Euthymius.

[31] Rački (in Jireček, op. cit.)

[32] Thus Pope Gregory XI. writes in 1376: ‘Cum Bosnenses uxores accipiant cum condicione, si eris bona, et intentione dimittendi, quando sibi videbitur’ (MS. of the South Sclavonic Academy, cited in Jireček, op. cit. p. 183).

[33] Cosmas is again slanderous when he says that the Bogomiles begged from door to door.

[34] Jireček, op. cit. p. 180.

[35] Jireček, op. cit. p. 181.

[36] So Cosmas, ‘At the fifth time, however, they have the door open.’ According to Euthymius, who also bears witness to the Paternoster being their only form, they prayed five times during the day and seven at night. Euthymius (see also Epiphanius) says that they prayed also to demons to avert evil, and that Basilius, their heresiarch, declared that in their gospels was the text, ‘Worship demons, not that they may do good to you, but that they may not do you harm.’ On this charge of devil-worship, however even Cosmas is silent.

[37] This is illustrated by the missionary work of St. Sava in that century. At the end of the ninth century the Narentines, living in the immediate neighbourhood of Spalato and Ragusa, the two focuses of Roman Christianity, were still unconverted, and their country, according to Constantine Porphyrogenitus, was still known as Pagania. See p. 367. How much more must this have been the case with the inland districts of Bosnia!

[38] I find that this explanation of the rapid advance of the Manichæan heresy among the Sclaves has suggested itself, quite independently, to Herr Jireček in his recent history. He says (_Gesch. der Bulgaren_, p. 175): ‘Es war für Bogomil keine schwere Aufgabe, das unlängst erst dem Heidenthüme entrückte Volk für eine Glaubenslehre zu gewinnen, welche, gleich dem alten slawischen Mythus von den Bosi und Bêsi, lehrt, dass es zweierlei höhere Wesen gebe, nämlich einen guten und einen bosen Gott.’ Herr Jireček, however, seems to forget that Armenian missionaries were at work in Bulgaria considerably before even the reputed date of Bogomil. If we remember that at the time when Manichæism first sought a footing among the Bulgarians a great part of the nation was still pagan, these considerations become still more cogent.

[39] See Schimek, _Pol. Gesch. des Königreichs Bosnien u. Rama_, p. 36.

[40] This is Hilferding’s conclusion.

[41] Or Spalato. Ragusa also laid claim to be the Metropolitan Church of Bosnia in Culin’s time.

[42] Culin had married a sister of Stephen Némanja of Serbia, whose Bogomilian opinions were notorious before her marriage. See Schimek, op. cit. p. 48.

[43] This we learn from a letter of the Apostolic Legate of Alexander III., then in Dalmatia, directed ‘Nobili et potenti viro Culin Bano Bosniæ.’ The Legate writes to say that he is in very good favour with the Pontiff; that he would like for himself a couple of slaves and a pair of martens’ skins; and ‘if you have anything to signify to the Pontiff we will benignantly listen to it.’ (!)

[44] Farlati, Episcopi Bosnenses. (In his _Illyricum Sacrum_, t. iv. p. 45.)

[45] The German word ‘_Ketzer_’ is derived from ‘_Cathari_,’ another name for the sect.

[46] As an example of the doctrinal identity of the Bogomilian and Albigensian creeds, I may be allowed to recall a few main features of the heresy about Toulouse as they struck the Roman Inquisitors in 1178. The heretics, we are told, declared that there were two Principles: one Good Spirit, who had created invisible things alone, and only those that were not susceptible of change and corruption; the other Evil, who had created the sky, earth, man, and all things visible. That the sacramental bread and wine were not transubstantiated into the body and blood of Christ. That they rejected priests, monks, bishops, and sacerdotalism generally. That churches were an abomination to them. That the laying on of hands, and that, on adults, was the only true baptism. As to marriage—‘virum cum uxore non posse salvari si alter alteri debitum reddat.’ That beggars deserved no alms. That they made use of the vernacular in their prayers: they were so ignorant of Latin ‘that they could not speak a couple of words.’ ‘It was necessary,’ says the Cardinal of St. Chrysogonus, ‘to condescend to their ignorance, and to speak of the sacraments of the Church, though this was sufficiently absurd, in the vulgar tongue.’ Their preachers seem to have styled themselves, in the figurative language common to the Bogomiles as well, ‘Angels of Light.’ The Abbot of Clairvaux states that one of them, doubtless in the same figurative sense, called himself John the Baptist. This man, their chief leader, was an aged man, who presided at the nocturnal prayer-meetings of the sectaries, clad in a tunic or dalmatic. See _Roger of Hoveden’s Chronicle_, (Prof. Stubbs’s edition, in the Rolls Series, vol. ii. p. 153, &c.)

[47] Of the two divisions of the original Bulgarian Church, that of Dragoviče, with its more uncompromising dualism, was followed in the West by the Churches of Toulouse and Albano on the Lake of Garda. The other Western Churches accepted the modified monotheism of what was known as ‘The Bulgarian Church’ _par excellence_. This was in the thirteenth century. At an earlier period, however, the absolute dualism of the Dragovician Church had triumphed at the heretical Council of St. Felix de Caraman, near Toulouse. See Jireček, op. cit. p. 213.

[48] ‘Patarenes,’ the name by which the Bogomiles of Bosnia and other Sclavonic lands are always called by Roman writers, was derived from ‘Pataria,’ a suburb of Milan where heresy first raised its head in Italy.

[49] Jireček, loc. cit. The Armenian influence on Bulgaria and Bosnia, and the Bogomilian influence on the West, is connected with the spread of a curious heretical literature, derived from Oriental sources; of phantastic Apocrypha and spurious Gospels, as well as of works of Oriental magic, which, disseminated by the more corrupt adherents of the sect, entered into the mediæval mythology of the West, and have still left their traces on its folklore as well as on that of the Russians, Bulgarians, and Serbs. Jireček cites, among other such works, the favourite Bulgarian legend of St. John Bogoslov, containing a vision of the Dies iræ, which was brought from Bulgaria in 1170 by Nazarius, bishop of the Upper Italian Patarenes, and translated by him into Latin. Another such work is the account of the wanderings of the Mother of God in hell; but perhaps the most interesting of all, and one which in its origin seems to be almost purely Sclavonic, is the account—reflecting the primitive Sclavonic custom of the ‘_Pobratimstvo_’—of how the Sirmian Emperor, Probus, made Christ his sworn brother.

[50] Radulphi de Coggeshale, _Chronicon Anglicanum_ (in the Rolls Series, p. 121, &c.) The name ‘_Publicani_,’ by which the Essex chronicler alludes to them, is a common name for the Bogomiles in the West, and is, of course, a corruption of Pauliciani, or, perhaps, of a Sclavonic form of that word. The heretics seem to have spread to England from Flanders, where they were much oppressed by the Count. From the fragmentary details which Ralph has given us, they seem to have preserved their Bogomilian faith in a very pure form. They believed in the Two Principles and the evilness of matter, rejected Purgatory, prayers for the dead, invocation of saints, infant baptism, and accepted no scriptures but the Gospels and Canonical Epistles. Some went so far as to charge them (as Euthymius had done long before) with praying to Lucifer in their subterranean meeting-houses. They were ‘rusticani,’ and therefore not amenable to the argument of authority; by which, I suppose, the preference of the early Protestants for the _vulgar tongue_ is alluded to. They observed a vegetable diet, and condemned marriage. From a shameless relation of Gervase of Tilbury which Ralph reports, it appears that there were holy women of the sect under vows of perpetual chastity. Gervase himself, a clerk of the Archbishop of Rheims, coolly related to his monkish friend, who chronicled the story with pleasing gusto, how, having failed to seduce a beautiful country girl, he perceived her heresy, accused her successfully of being a ‘Publican’ before the Inquisition, and feasted his eyes with her dying agonies at the stake. Girl though she was, she died without a groan, ‘instar,’ as even the monk cannot refrain from adding, ‘martyrum Christi (sed dissimili causa) qui olim pro Christiana religione a paganis trucidabantur.’ The tragedy, even as told by Ralph, is of an intense pathos, and deserves immortalising. How beautiful is that innocence and how unutterable the villainy which provokes an under-current of humanity even in a monkish narrator! After relations like this, the conduct of Henry II. to the Oxford ‘Publicans’ will appear almost merciful: he merely gave orders that they should be branded on the forehead with a red-hot key and thrust forth from the city, and that nobody should give them food or shelter. The notices of the Publicani, Albigenses, and other Bogomilian sects who gained a footing in England, both by way of Flanders and Guienne, never seem to have attracted the attention they deserve from English historians. Yet the hatred born by the orthodox against these Bulgarian intruders has added a word of reproach to the language.

[51] Nor is this the place to enquire how far, in the Languedoc at all events, the spread of these doctrines may have been aided by survivals of an earlier Gnosticism. What, for example, became of those _Gnostici_ who had established themselves in the end of the fourth century in Spain and parts of the south of Gaul? (See Sulpicius Severus, _Sacræ Historiæ_, lib. ii.)

[52] By means of two merchants of Zara, Matthew and Aristodius, who brought the Patarene doctrines from Bosnia to Spalato. Thomas Archidiaconus, c. 24, quoted in Wilkinson’s _Dalmatia_.

[53] With the exception of the Croats, who perhaps hardly came under the denomination of Balkan Sclaves.

[54] _Hist. Maj. ad annum_ 1223 (Rolls Series, vol. iii. p. 78); and compare Ralph of Coggeshale’s account (Rolls Series, p. 195). Jireček (op. cit p. 214) refers to a diploma of Innocent IV. in 1244, which reveals an intercourse between Bosnia and the _Waldenses_ he cites Palacky and Brandl in the _Čas. matice moravské_, 1, 2.

[55] His residence is fixed as ‘on the borders of the Hungarians and between the limits of Bulgaria, Croatia, and Dalmatia,’ which indicates the position of Bosnia with sufficient exactitude.

[56] The style of Bartholomew, the vicar of the Roman antipope, was, according to Matthew Paris, ‘servus servorum sanctæ fidei;’ according to Ralph of Coggeshale, ‘servus servorum hospitalis sanctæ fidei.’ Ralph writes ‘Poios’ instead of ‘Porlos.’

[57] Raynaldus, _Annal. Eccles._ sub anno 1233.

[58] The Prince himself is described as ‘King of the Ruthenians, and Ban of Sclavonia.’ See Farlati, op. cit. and _Spicilegium Observationum Historico-Geographicarum de Bosniæ Regno_, Lugd. Bat. 1737.

[59] Yet the historian of Latin Christianity might have spared a line to chronicle the struggles and sufferings of these early Protestants of Bosnia, to whom even the cultured sons of Provence turned for spiritual guidance.

[60] Raynaldus, _Annal. Eccles._ s. a. 1238.

[61] Raynaldus, s. a. 1246. Ninosclav had succeeded Zibisclav as Ban.

[62] Farlati, _Episcopi Bosnenses_.

[63] Under the Franciscan ‘Vicar of Bosna’ we now read of the following _Custodiæ_, viz. Dulmna, Greben, Bosna Civitas, Ussora, Machovia, Bulgaria, Corvinum, and Rascia.

[64] Farlati, _Ep. Bosn._

[65] Waddingus, _Annales Minorum_ (Ed. Fonsecæ), tom. vii. sub. anno 1325.

[66] Presbyter Cosmas. Just the same account of the _apparent_ innocence of the Bogomiles appears in Euthymius: ‘They bid those who listen to their doctrines to keep the commandments of the gospel, and to be meek and merciful, and of brotherly love. Thus they entice men on by teaching all good things and useful doctrine, but they poison by degrees and draw to perdition.’

[67] Anonym. Acutheanus (in Farlati).

[68] Raynaldus, _Annal. Eccles._ sub anno 1369. The Franciscan Mission had complained to the Pope of Tvartko the same year, as protector of the Patarenes and ‘persecutor of that true son of the Church,’ his brother, Stephen Wuk. In 1370 the Pope writes to the bishops of Ragusa, Spalato, and ‘Dirrhachio’ to put the Patarenes under ban. In 1372, from a letter of Pope Gregory XI. to the Vicar of the Minorites in Bosnia, we learn that, in view of the continuance of the heresy in Bosnia, Rascia, ‘Bassarat,’ and the neighbouring regions, he granted them many privileges of building religious houses in those countries; ‘Bourich, belonging to the noble Nicolas de Altomanich’ in Rascia, and the ‘Contrata de Glas’ in the dominion of the King of Hungary, being specified. Waddingus, _Annales Minorum_, sub anno 1372.

[69] Farlati, _Ep. Bosn._

[70] Waddingus, _Annales Minorum_, tom. xiii. sub anno 1462.

[71] See Farlati, _Ep. Bosn._; and _Spicilegium_, &c. _de Regno Bosniæ_.

[72] Raynaldus, _Annal. Eccles._ sub anno 1450.

[73] Laonicus, _de Rebus Turc._ lib. x.; Gobelinus, lib. ii.; and Johannes Leunclavius. The Sultan is said to have made use of the authority of the captured king to obtain the seventy cities, but the account given of the betrayal of Bobovac shows that the Bogomiles were the real cause of the quick submission.

[74] I have already noticed the early branching off of a Bogomilian church which rejected _Dualism_ pure and simple. Herr Jireček remarks this compromising tendency, and observes that an Italian adherent of the sect, Giovanni di Lugio, taught the real humanity of Christ and accepted the Old Testament: while others conceded free will.

[75] Waddingus, _Annales Minorum_, sub anno 1478. There is also a curious passage in Raphael of Volaterra, who appears to have written his _Geographia_ towards the end of the fifteenth century. He says (_Geog._ p. 244, ed. Lyons, 1599), ‘In Bosnia, Rascia, and Serbia the sect of the Manichees is still followed. They say there are two _Principia Rerum_—one good, one evil. Nor do they acknowledge the Roman Pope, nor Christ “_Omousion_.” They have monasteries (cœnobia) in hidden mountain valleys, where go matrons who have escaped from certain diseases.’ These matrons say that for a certain period they act as menials to holy men in accordance with a vow: ‘Atque ita inter monachos mixtæ una vivunt; quæ quidem labes adhuc durat.’

[76] Besides the evidence on this point which I have gathered from other sources, I may notice a most interesting allusion to the Bogomiles or Patarenes who had turned renegades, and a direct testimony that they went over wholesale to Islâm, in J. Bapt. Montalbano, _Rerum Turcarum Commentarius_, written certainly before the year 1630 (when it was published in the Elzevir _Turci Imperii Status_). After mentioning the Catholic inhabitants, the writer goes on to say, ‘Est aliud eo in regno (sc. Bosnæ) hominum genus _Potur_ appellatum, qui neque Christiani sunt, neque Turcæ, circumciduntur tamen, pessimique habentur.’ ‘Potur’ is evidently a Sclavonised form of Patarene. The writer goes on to say of these ‘Poturs’ that they, ‘to the number of many thousand,’ offered to renegade from the Christian faith to that of Mahomet if Sultan Soliman would grant them indemnity, and release them from tribute. Soliman, says the writer (a Bolognese Doctor), thereupon doubled their tribute, and enrolled their children among the Janissaries, and ‘hence they are despised by both Turks and Christians.’ But this whole account evidently bears witness to the wholesale renegation of the Bogomiles. Further on the same writer, who had visited the country, bears witness to the continuance of Protestantism in Turkish Bosnia in the sixteenth century. ‘Eos inter,’ says he, of the inhabitants, ‘Calvinistæ Arrianique multi.’

[77] I am indebted for this fact to Mr. W. J. Stillman, the excellent correspondent of the _Times_ in the Herzegovina, who gives an account of these refugees in a letter from Ragusa dated Oct. 19, 1875, which I may be allowed to quote as illustrating the more recent sufferings of this interesting sect, and the sad case of the Christian refugees of Bosnia and the Herzegovina generally. ‘The people of Popovo were tranquilly engaged in their fields and houses, when the troops—Regulars and Bashi-Bazouks—came up; the latter killed the first they came upon where they found them (one of them, the brother of a villager who had appealed successfully to the Pashà at Trebinje against the extortions of the Agas some months ago, being cut to pieces alive), and all the rest fled in panic. The good _curé_ of Ossonich is doing all he can for them; but there are only eighty-five houses in this village, and he has 2,125 souls of the Popovites on his register for succour. Of these 300 were out on the mountain-side on the night of the worst storm we have had this season. One woman with a new-born babe was so exhausted in her flight that she went to sleep, sitting on a rock nursing her child, fell off in her sleep, and was found by one of the other peasants next morning still sleeping, with her babe at her bosom, in a pool of water which had fallen during the storm. The _curé_ tells me that these people are mainly Bogomilites, remains of an ancient sect once widely spread in Bosnia and identical with the Albigenses.’ I observe that Jireček, quoting Kosanović (Glasnik 29, (1871), 174), alludes to a rumour that in the valley of the Narenta and near Creševo, ‘there are still Christians who neither submit to Franciscans, nor Popes, nor Imâms, but govern themselves according to old traditions, which an Elder delivers to the rest.’ I hope at some future period to be able to say more on the present state of the Bogomiles.

[78] See p. 214. There seems, however, to be some discrepancy as to dates. According to Schimek (op. cit. p. 76), Czar Dūshan only annexed Bosnia in 1347, whereas the date of the Armorial is 1340. The Ban, Stephen Kotromanović, retained a small part of his dominions on the Hungarian frontier. Dūshan placed the rest under the despot Lazar of Rascia. On Dūshan’s death in 1355 the Ban recovered the whole of Bosnia, including a part of Serbia beyond the Drina and the grave of St. Sava at Mileševo, where he built a Franciscan Monastery, and where he himself was buried in 1357.

[79] Spicilegium, &c., _De Bosniæ Regno_, p. 51; Farlati, _Ep. Bosn._ &c. Schimek (op. cit. p. 84).

[80] Henceforth he is generally known as Stephen Myrza.

[81] Thoemmel, _Vilajet Bosnien_, p. 12.

[82] For an account of the collection of Bishop Strossmayer I am entirely indebted to Canon Liddon, who visited Diakovar in the summer of this year. As a slight monument of mediæval art in Bosnia I may refer the reader to the Great Seal of King Tvartko III. engraved on the title-page of this book.

[83] See p. 384 for the Župa Canawlovska and the Roman aqueduct from which it derived its name. Tribunja or Terbunja is, of course, Trebinje, the Roman Terbulium.

[84] Jireček (op. cit. p. 338), who brings out clearly the prominent part played by King Tvartko in the last great South-Sclavonic struggle against the Turks.

[85] Rački, _Pokret na Slavenskom jugu, koncem XIV. i pocetkom XV. stolieca_ (cited in Jireček, loc. cit.)

[86] The English reader will find a full and graphic account of the battle of Kóssovo Polje (or the field of Thrushes) in _The Slavonic Provinces of Turkey in Europe_, by G. Muir Mackenzie and A. P. Irby, ch. xv. Some extracts from some of the Servian _Pjesme_ on this subject are translated by Sir John Bowring in his _Servian Popular Poetry_. There is also an interesting account of the battle in Knolles’ _Turkish History_, 1610, which shows how great was already the poetic influence on the story. ‘The brightness of the Armor and Weapons,’ writes our English historian, ‘was as it had been the Lightning, the multitude of Launces and other horsemen’s staves shadowed the light of the Sun. Arrows and darts fell so fast that a man would have thought they had poured down from Heaven. The noise of the Instruments of War, with the neighing of Horses and outcries of men was so terrible and great that the wild Beasts of the mountains stood astonied therewith; and the Turkish Histories, to express the terror of the day (vainly say) that the Angels of Heaven amazed with that hideous noise for that time forgot the heavenly hymns wherewith they always glorifie God.’ It is possible that the thunder of cannon was now heard for the first time in the Balkan peninsula. In 1383 the Venetians had sold King Tvartko a _Falconus_.

[87] Zinkeisen, (I. 290) cited in Jireček (op. cit. p. 344).

[88] See p. 106.

[89] Also known as Tvartko II.

[90] See pp. 105, 106.

[91] Spicilegium, &c., _De Bosniæ Regno_, p. 7.

[92] See deed of Stephen Dabiscia to Goiko Mergnjavić (translated on p. 223) in return for services performed: ‘Quando venit Paiasit cum Turcis et stetit in Naglasincis et destruxit Bosnam.’

[93] According to the Spicilegium he assumed the title _Princeps Bosnæ_ et dominus Jayczæ. When under Ostoja’s suzerainty he styled himself ‘_Supremus Vayvoda Regni Bosnæ et Vicarius Regum Vladislai et Ostojæ_.’ According to Schimek (op. cit. p. 25) his land extended from the middle of the vale of Bosna along the Croatian border.

[94] Stephen assumed the style _Liber Princeps et Dominus Bosnæ, Ussoræ, Salæ atque plurium aliorum locorum, atque Chelmi Comes_.

[95] From him the noble Venetian family of Cozzas derives its origin.

[96] It seems to me probable that the title accorded by Frederick was Duke of _Primorie_ (which is now incorporated in the County of Chelm), and that the name Duke of St. Sava was rather a popular piecing together of this and his other title of ‘Keeper of the Sepulchre of St. Sava.’ In 1446 he is called _Herzegh Sancti Sabbæ_ by the Bosnian king in the account of the Conventus of Coinica; but if we may judge from the Italian style used by his son, the refugee duke, he called _himself_ Duke of Primorie. Stephen Cosaccia’s son calls himself ‘_Duca Primorschi, Signor di Hum, e Guardiano del Sepolchro del beato Sava_.’

[97] Herzegovina, the adjectival form of Herzega—literally ‘the ducal’—land being understood.

[98] Stephen Cosaccia’s father, Sandalj Hranić, in addition to his original heritage of Chelm, had been ceded lands beyond the Drina by Ostoja. Stephen himself succeeded in annexing from Tvartko’s successor the districts of Duvno, Rama, and Ljubuška. On the other hand Sandalj had parted with Ostrovizza to the Venetians, and the Župa Kanawlovska to Ragusa. See _L’Herzégovine, Étude Géographique, Historique, et Statistique_, par E. de Sainte-Marie.

[99] For Mostar and its bridge see p. 347, &c.

[100] Schimek (op. cit. p. 100).

[101] This is illustrated by a curious fact. A deed (described by Schimek, op. cit. p. 117) is still extant in the Imperial Archives at Vienna, in which King Thomas, in return for services in reconciling him to his Hungarian suzerain, grants John Hunyadi an annuity of 3000 ducats. In this document, _datum in Castro Bobovacz, feria quarta post festum Pentecostes (3 Junii) An. Dom. 1444_, Thomas still makes use of the seal of his predecessor Tvartko III. A representation of this seal from Schimek is given on the title-page of this book.

[102] See p. 307.

[103] Schimek (op. cit. p. 119, note 2), on what authority I know not, asserts that the _Electi omnium comitatuum regni nostri nobiles_, who attended at the ‘Conventus,’ were the Elders of the Patarene (Bogomilian) clergy, ‘und die Edlen (nobiles) scheinen, nach der polnischen Art, die Landboten gewesen zu seyn.’

[104] Datum sub castro nostro regali de Bobovatz in oppido Sutischæ, die xxiv Julii, A.D. 1457 (in _Spic. De Bosniæ Regno_).

[105] This appears from a curious document, dated that year, by which King Stephen Thomas engages not to introduce the Turks into Hungary. ‘Nec iisdem Turcis in tenutis nostris, apud manus nostras existentibus a Drino usque fluvium Ukrina, vadum seu navigium præstabimus.’ It does not appear whether these were actual settlers, or a Turkish garrison quartered on the dominions of the Bosnian King.

[106] Other accounts make Mahomet disguise himself as a merchant; others transfer the scene to Jaycze; and, according to another version, the Bosnian King was not Stephen Thomas, but his son Tomašević.

[107] Proceres Regni.

[108] Præfecti.

[109] This summons is preserved in the monastery of the Holy Ghost at Foinica, and is given in Balthasar Kerselich, _De Regnis Dalmatiæ, Croatiæ, Sclavoniæ, notitiæ præliminares_, Zagrab, _s. a._ In my first edition I had followed the wrong chronology of Farlato and referred it to Stephen Thomas, but there can be no doubt that it is, as Schimek points out, the act of Tomašević.

[110] Schimek (op. cit. p. 144).

[111] Variously described as Radovil Večinćić, Radić, Radac, and, in latinised forms, Radazes and Rastizes.

[112] For the fall of the Bosnian kingdom and the Banat of Jaycze I have compared the accounts of Johannes Leunclavius, Laonicus, _De Reb. Turc_, lib. x.; Gobelinus, lib. ii.; Isthvanfius, and Bonfinius.

[113] A few towns on the Bosna and Save, where, as nearer Hungary, the strength of the Bogomilian malcontents would be weakest, are said (Schimek, op. cit. p. 109) to have resisted, but were soon reduced by the Beg Omer from Thessaly, and laid waste with fire and sword.

[114] Schimek beheads Tomašević at Blagai after the Herzegovinian campaign.

[115] So too in the Languedoc the strength of the heretics seems to have lain with the industrial population of the times, and one of the names applied to them, _Tisserands_, shews that they made many converts among the weavers. This illustrates what I have already noticed, the connexion between Bogomilian propagandism and commercial intercourse. It is interesting to notice that the Bogomiles who still survive in the district of Popovo have retained certain mechanic arts that have died out among the rest of the Bosnian and Herzegovinian population.

[116] Including Ragatica, Cernica, Kecka, and Michiac.

[117] The Venetians at different times succeeded in extending their dominion over parts of Herzegovina. The coast-land (_Primorie_), including Macarska, Castelnuovo, &c., passed definitely into their hands in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, to become at a later period the inheritance of Austria. The Venetians at one time extended their suzerainty over the Popovo Polje, Gacko and Piva. In 1694 their Proveditor-General in Dalmatia, Delfino, took Gabella Citluk (Počitelj); and their general, Marcello, pursued the Seraskier to Nevešinje. At this time the Christian inhabitants of the districts of Trebinje, Popovo, Klobuć, and Grahovo (i.e. of much the same area as that of the latest Herzegovinian outbreak) rose against the Pashàs and Agas, and the Mussulman inhabitants. By the peace of Carlovitz in 1699 the Herzegovinian towns of Citluk, Gabella, Cattaro, Castelnuovo, and Risano, with Knin and Zengg and other places, were left in the hands of the Venetians; and the only remaining strips of Herzegovinian coast-land, the narrow _enclaves_ of Klek and Sutorina, were left to the Turks by English influence and Ragusan precaution, which feared Venetian contact.

[118] The Duke’s son.

[119] Possibly rather _restored_. A convent and royal residence (the two were generally combined by the Sclavonic princes) had certainly existed at Sutisca much earlier, and as far back as 1278 a Ban, Stephen Kotromanović, dates a diploma ‘from our palace of “Suttisca.”’ The convent reared by the pious Thomas and his Queen was destroyed by the Turks, but the Franciscans obtained permission to rebuild it, and set a great cross there, which according to their own account (Relation of Bosnian Monks in Farlati) was made by St. Bernardin, ‘and is most formidable to demons and drives off airy tempests.’ Perhaps it acted as a lightning-conductor.

[120] This account is taken from the relation of Bosnian monks ‘On the Present State of Bosnia,’ supplied to Farlati in 1769. I have assumed above that the picture of King Thomas still exists.

[121] Her mother was Helena Comnena, wife of Stephen Cosaccia.

[122] Waddingus, _Annales Minorum_, sub anno 1475.

[123] Waddingus, op. cit. sub anno 1478.

[124] See frontispiece to this Historical Review of Bosnia. I have copied my illustration of the monument of Queen Catharine, from a representation of it as existing in 1677, in Alphonsi Ciacconii _Vitæ et Res Gestæ Pontificum Romanorum et S. R. E. Cardinalium ab Augustino Oldoino recognitæ_, &c., tom. iii. col. 41 (Romæ, 1677). I do not know whether the monument is still existent.

[125] Ciacconius, loc. cit.

[126] Foinica also appears to have belonged to Mathias. See the interesting diploma of 1469, by which he cedes it to Tomko Mergnjavić, given on p. 224.

[127] Niklas Ujlak was made titulary king, and assumed the style _Nicolaus Dei Gracia Rex Bosniæ_. See diploma of 1464, given by Kerczelich, _Histor. Eccl. Zagrab._ cap. xiii. p. 183 (cited by Schimek). With Nicklas’ death even the titulary kingship of Bosnia died out, and his son, in a diploma of 1492, styles himself simply _Dux Boznæ_.

[128] Literally ‘a little egg,’ the diminutive of ‘_Jaje_,’ an egg.

[129] Waddingus, sub anno 1478.

[130] See p. 115.

[131] _Kraljevo Polje_, perhaps ‘Field’ in the old English sense, would be a better rendering of _Polje_. According to one account, it was the scene of the execution of the last king of Bosnia.

[132] _Tormenta Curulia._

[133] J. Bapt. Montalbano, _Rerum Turcicarum Commentarius_, s.v. _Bosnæ Regnum_.

[134] A very interesting account of ‘the War in Bosnia,’ during the years 1737-9, has been left us by a native Bosnian historian, Omer Effendi, of Novi, which was printed by Ibrahim in Turkish, and was translated into English by C. Fraser, and published by the ‘Oriental Translation Fund’ in 1830.

[135] Thoemmel, _Vilajet Bosnien_.

[136] Of course there are plenty of accounts of border warfare carried on between Bosnian Pashàs and Agas and the Imperialists and Venetians, many of which have been collected by Schimek, whose work—which professes to be a political history of Bosnia—is absolutely silent as to the inner relations of the province for the last two centuries of Bosnian history after the conquest, which he professes to describe. A more confused and purposeless tissue of wars and rumours of wars it is impossible to conceive. The difficulty of obtaining trustworthy materials for the history of Bosnia after the Turkish conquest has led me to confine my sketch of this period to a few general remarks. I hope to discuss the subject more fully at some future opportunity.

[137] J. Bapt. Montalbano, loc. cit. The writer had visited Bosnia, apparently in the days of the Banat of Jaycze.

[138] See p. lxxx.

[139] To this westward and northward immigration of Serbs and Rascians I am inclined to attribute the peculiarity of many of the Bosnian _Piesme_, the half mythical heroes of which are taken rather from the history of the Serbs proper than of the Bosnians.

[140] _Die letzten Unruhen in Bosnien_ (translated into English by Mrs. Alexander Kerr, and published in Bohn’s series).

[141] I am indebted to Canon Liddon for this valuable information. On such occasions the bishop generally takes his text from the Sermon on the Mount.

[142] M. de Ste. Marie.

[143] Ami Boué. In corroboration of this I may cite the testimony of an English traveller, Edmund Spencer:—‘While attending the Parliamentary debates of the Skuptchina, I was much struck with the self-possessed, dignified air of the almost unlettered orators, who were earnest without violence, impassioned without intemperance, depending rather on the force of their arguments than the strength of their lungs and theatrical gesticulations, to win the attention of their auditors. The Serbs resemble us in more than one particular: they have the same dogged resolution, the same love of fair play, the same detestation of the use of the knife, together with no inconsiderable portion of that mixture of the aristocratic and democratic in their character which so especially distinguishes the Anglo-Saxon race.’ The last remark is now peculiarly applicable to the Bosnian branch of the Serbs.

[144] M. Yriarte, _Bosnie et Herzégovine_, p. 245.

[145] Franz Maurer, ‘Reise durch Bosnien, die Saveländer und Ungarn.’ Berlin, 1870, p. 45.

[146] See Brachet, ‘Dictionnaire Etymologique de la Langue Française,’ and Wedgewood’s ‘Dictionary of English Etymology.’

[147] See, for instance, the Croat man in the engraving on p. 4.

[148] The Italian Testo, the Spanish Tjesto, and French Têt, came rather from the Latin Testum; while Testa, among the Romance population of Gaul, supplied the word for a head, tête. But in East Europe Testa does not seem to have developed this secondary meaning, as the Wallacks use Cap (Caput) for ‘head;’ and therefore _Testa_ may still have retained its sense of ‘a pot.’

[149]

‘Fistula cui semper decrescit arundinis ordo,
Nam calamus cera jungitur usque minor.’—Tibullus II. v. 31.

[150] This, however, may be connected with the Croatian word _Fuk_, which is used to express the howling of the wind, the whirring of birds’ wings and other sounds, and can hardly be a derivative from Fistula.

[151] γαμήλιον αὔλημα. See Chappell, ‘History of Music,’ vol. i. p. 277.

[152] Chappell, loc. cit. p. 301.

[153] See Diez, _Etymologisches Wörterbuch der romanischen Sprachen_.

[154] Venice strove to make the connection political; from 1115 to 1358 A.D. her Doges maintained the title of Dukes of Croatia.

[155] Vuk Karadjić was not a Croat, but a Serb.

[156] Called by Germans and Germanizers, Carlstadt.

[157] Thus our forefathers knew the Romans as Rom-Weallas. Wales and Welsh still preserve their name for Roman Britain and its inhabitants. The Romance population of the Netherlands is known as Walloon. Italy is still Welschland to the German. It is, however, quite wrong to suppose, as good writers do, that the Wallacks got their name from a German population. They certainly were first called Vlach by their Sclavonic borderers. Vlach is also said to be Sclavonic for shepherd.

[158] _Slavonia_ and _Slavonian_ are used throughout this book to denote the Austro-Hungarian province and its people. The branch of the Aryan Family of which these, the Serbs, Croats, &c., are severally members, I call _Sclaves_, and their tongue _Sclavonic_.

[159] For the charter of Rudolf to Karlovac, in 1581, and its confirmation by Ferdinand III., see _Balthazar Kerselich, De Regnis Dalmatiæ, Croatiæ, Sclavoniæ, Notitiæ Præliminares, Zagreb. s. a._ p. 392, &c.

[160] If we understood the peasants correctly, it was called Terg; and if so, is almost identical in name with _Torg_, the Swedish for a market-place. Terg in Croatian means generally ‘wares;’ Tirgovac, a merchant or dealer; Tirgoviste, a market.

[161] The house-father and house-mother are not necessarily man and wife; nor, though generally chosen with respect to age, are they always the oldest members of the community.

[162] The usual word for brigand, &c., in Eastern Europe. The word is said to be Magyar originally, and to signify ‘the unmarried.’ It was originally applied to youthful Free-lances—‘_Knights Bachelors_’—and has been compared with the derivation of Cossack, which has the same meaning. In Hungary the population of certain towns are known as Hajduks, and the towns are called Hajduk towns.

[163] Belenus, the Celtic Apollo, and tutelary god of Aquileja.

[164] From whom the earlier title of the city _Flavia Siscia_ may have been derived.

[165] Ausonius, _De Claris Urbibus_. The order of eminence given by the rhetorician to the great cities of the empire is evidently perverted by pedantry and provincial favouritism. Neither Siscia, Sirmium, nor Nicomedia is mentioned. Illyria has, at least, as much right to be heard on this question of precedency as Aquitaine!

[166] Very few _tituli militares_ have been discovered at Siscia. The camps originally established here and at Pætovio were soon moved on to Aquincum and Brigetio. See Mommsen, _Corpus Inscriptionum_, vol. iii. pt. 1, where he insists on the _civil_ character of Siscia.

[167] Prudentius, Peristephanon vii.

[168] The inscription was

CERERI‖AVG SAC‖Q. IVLIVS‖MODERATVS‖B. PROC‖VSLM.

It is given in the _Corpus Inscriptionum_, vol. iii. pt. I. No. 3944. The vase, however, beside the _patera_, is not mentioned there.

[169] Balthasar Kerselich, _De Regnis Dalmatiæ, Croatiæ, Sclavoniæ Notitiæ præliminares_; and see _Danubian Principalities, by a British Resident of Twenty Years in the East_, vol. i. p. 88.

[170] See p. 85.

[171] The usual name given to the residence of a Turkish official.

[172] According to some accounts _Dobor_, a village further down the Bosna, was the scene of this conspiracy and its _dénouement_. But _Doboj_, whose great castle was certainly the scene of the tragedy of 1408, seems the more probable reading. It seems to me possible that Doboj was first called Dobor like the lower village, and that the name Doboj or _Dvoboj_ was afterwards affixed to it by reason of its having been the scene of these two struggles. Towns run a good deal in couples in Bosnia, and there may well have been a _Veliki_ and _Mali_ Dobor.

[173] Martial, _Ep._ lib. iv. 64.

[174] I assume that the Castrum Tessenii of the Chronicles mean Tešanj.

[175] This curious impress of Mahometanism on Bosnian Christianity may be illustrated by other facts. Pilgrimages to Jerusalem are undertaken by Christians almost as frequently as pilgrimages to Mecca by Mahometans. The performance of such is reckoned as honourable among the rayahs as among the Turks, and the Christian pilgrims assume the same title of Hadji. The Holy Sepulchre is often known by the name Tjaba, which is nothing but the Arabian Caaba!—_See_ Ranke, ‘Die letzten Unruhen in Bosnien, 1820-1832,’ (in Bohn’s translation, p. 314.)

[176] For the story of Marko Kraljević or ‘Kings’ son Marko,’ and the Cycles of Serbian poetry, see ‘The Slavonic Provinces of Turkey in Europe,’ by G. Muir Mackenzie and A. P. Irby, p. 87, &c.

[177] Wessely, quoted in Introduction to ‘Servian Popular Poetry,’ translated by Sir John Bowring.

[178] Let any English reader who thinks these encomiums overdrawn procure the faithful and beautiful translations of Sir John Bowring, cited above, and judge for himself.

[179] Miller.

[180] ‘Servian Popular Poetry,’ translated by J. Bowring, p. 219.

[181] ‘A Voyage into the Levant. A Briefe Relation of a Iourney lately performed by Master _Henry Blunt_, Gentleman, from _England_ by the way of _Venice_ into _Dalmatia_, _Sclavonia_, _Bosnah_, _Hungary_, _Macedonia_, _Thessaly_, _Thrace_, _Rhodes_, and _Egypt_, unto _Gran Cairo_.’ The Third Edition. London: 1638; p. 8. The giant size of the Bosniacs also struck the Bolognese doctor J. Bapt. Montalbans who visited Bosnia in the 16th century. v. _Rerum Turcarum Commentarius_,—_Bosnæ Regnum_.

[182] An officer of the general staff who was employed by the Austrian Government to draw up a map of Bosnia, and followed this up by his ‘Studien über Bosnien und die Herzegovina,’ partly an itinerary, partly a statistical account, but meagre and disappointing. Franz Maurer, ‘Reise durch Bosnien,’ is equally loud in his denunciations of the Major’s map.

[183] Had Milton viewed a scene like this? or was his sublime simile for the fallen Angels a pure creation of his imagination?

‘Yet faithful how they stood
Their glory withered; as when heaven’s fire
Hath scathed the forest oaks or mountain pines,
With singed top their stately growth, though bare,
Stands on the blasted heath.’—_Par. Lost_, i. 612.

[184] Asplenium Trichomanes.

[185] Clausilia laminata.

[186] Omer Effendi of Novi, op. cit. p. 85.

[187] Bryum ligulatum.

[188] As, for instance, some rough Roman sarcophagi found at York, and now in the garden of the Philosophical Society of the town.

[189] There are at present about 3,000 Jews in Bosnia, resident mainly in Serajevo, Travnik, Banjaluka, and Novipazar. See Thoemmel, _Beschreibung des Vilajet Bosnien_, p. 108.

[190] _Dalmatia and Montenegro_, by Sir J. Gardner Wilkinson, F.R.S., vol. ii. p. 181, &c. For some in Narenta Valley, see p. 31.

[191] The coincidence between the appearance of the moon on these monuments and on the Bosnian arms had already suggested itself to me before I was aware that it had also struck Sir Gardner Wilkinson.

[192] The moon and stars were favourite symbols on Mithraic gems and monuments, which are nowhere more plentiful than in Illyria, if I may judge from personal experience. They were also in vogue with the Gnostics. According to Manes the moon was a purgatory of good spirits; their immediate haven after death. See King’s _Gnostics and their Remains_. But, for a more probable explanation of the moon and stars on Bosnian arms and monuments, see page 219.

[193] Euthymius Zygabenus, _Panoplia_. Presbyter Cosmas, Harmenopulus, and Anna Comnena give the same account. See my _Historical Review of Bosnia_.

[194] Raph. Volat. 1-8.

[195] See the introductory _Historical Review of Bosnia_.

[196] The respective numbers at the last official return were:—Greeks, 576,756; Mahometans, 442,050.

[197] See p. 222.

[198] In Bosnia even the parochial duties are performed by monks of this order, who discard the monastic dress and wear the ordinary civil costume, including cutlasses and pistols. Every three years the chapter of the order (the Provincial, that is, of the Minorites, with a custos and four definitors) elects a ‘mission for the cure of souls,’ and the monks who are doing service an secular priests are either confirmed in their office or exchanged for others. The head or ‘Quardian’ of every monastery is also priest for his district. Thus the parish churches are completely dependent on the Franciscan brotherhood, each monastery possessing so many churches. This at Gučiagora has nine; that at Sutiska, the largest in Bosnia, as many as twenty-two churches. As parish priests, however, the brothers find their allegiance somewhat divided between the Vicar Apostolic of Bosnia and the Provincial of their order. See Thoemmel, _Beschreibung des Vilajet Bosnien_, p. 96, &c.

[199] Gustav Thoemmel, op. cit. pp. 94-6, gives statistics showing the improved state of the Roman Catholic Church in Bosnia since the establishment of the Austrian Consulate-General in Serajevo. Writing in 1867, he says that in 1850 there were only forty-one parsonages in Bosnia, now sixty-nine. Up to 1860 only the three old monasteries of Sutiska, Foinica, and Kreševo existed; since then three more have been founded, namely this at Gučiagora, one at Gorica, near Livno, and one at Siroki-brieg, in the Herzegovina, six hours west of Mostar. In 1850 the Roman Catholic population was 160,000, in 1874 it had risen to 185,503.

[200] Gustav Thoemmel, _Beschreibung des Vilajet Bosnien_. Wien, 1867, p. 101.

[201] According to the last census there were 576,756 Bosniacs of the Orthodox Greek Church, and only 185,503 Roman Catholics.

[202] I am indebted to Canon Liddon for this fact.

[203] Since the new constitutional laws of July, 1865, Travnik has become the seat of Government for one of the seven circles, or Mutasarifliks, into which the Vilajet of Bosnia (including Herzegovina) is divided. The Mutasarìf is an officer superior to the Kaïmakàm as the Kaïmakàm to the Mudìr. The Mutasarifliks answer to the German _Kreise_, the Kaïmakamliks (districts under Kaïmakàm) to _Bezirke_.

[204] Omer Effendi of Novi, whose writings were edited and printed by Ibrahim in Turkish, and were translated into English by C. Fraser in 1830.

[205] See Roskiević.

[206] I take this anecdote from the author of _The Danubian Principalities_ (vol. ii. p. 326), to whom Omer Pashà related it.

[207] See A. von Hilferding, _Bosnien,—Reise-Skizzen aus dem Jahre 1857_, p. 12 (translated from the Russian).

[208] In the French translation (Paris, 1674), which is the only copy I have by me. P. 76.

[209] The old name of Travnik appears to have been Herbosa. (See Farlato, _Illyricum Sacrum_, t. iv.) I notice a serious error in Dr. Spruner’s _Historisch-Geographisches Hand-Atlas_, where Travnik is made identical with Bobovac, the old seat of Bosnian bans and kings, which is 40 miles to the west, near Vareš.

[210] It is curious that the Italian word should pass current in Bosnia.

[211] See page 118.

[212] Of what place I am uncertain. He was only visiting Foinica, which itself does not possess so exalted a functionary.

[213] In the original Bosnian, as written into Latin characters for me by one of the monks, it ran—Rodoslovje Bosanakoga aliti Iliričkoga, i Srbskoga vladanja, zai edno postavlieno po Stanislaú Rubčiću popu, na slavu Stipana Nemanjiću, Cara Srblienak Bosniakak, (1340.)

[214] Hunc codicem ab immemorabili tempore, nempe a captivitate Regni Bosniæ, studiose conservatum esse a Reverendis Fratribus Franciscanis Familiæ Foinicensis.

[215] Query, a monastic error for St. Mark.

[216] I refer to the Church of _Giurgevi Stúpovi_, whose dome still rises on a hill above Novipazar. A description of it will be found in _Travels through the Slavonic Provinces of Turkey in Europe_, by G. Muir Mackenzie and A. P. Irby. London, 1866, p. 309.

[217] I find this erroneous theory put forth by the author of the _Spicilegium Observationum Historico-Geographicarum de Bosniæ Regno_, Lug. Bat. 1736, p. 84. He supposes that this change must have taken place about 1463, when Mahomet subdued the Duchy of St. Sava, and quotes Varennes to the effect that the original arms of Bosnia were an arm of offence—Varennes himself having mistaken the arms of Primorie for those of Bosnia. The Bosnian arms, however, appear to have changed. Thus, in a MS. armorial in the Bodleian Library, the date of which seems to be about 1506, they are given as—Quarterly, first and fourth, gules, a crown or; second and third, azure, a heart argent. This may have been the arms of the _titulary_ Kingdom of Bosnia, erected by Mathias when Upper Bosnia was in the hands of the Turks. Compare also the arms on the monumental slab of Queen Catharine of Bosnia.

[218] The Ban Legeth, who reigned at the end of the tenth century. Risano, Castelnuovo, &c., on the Bocche di Cattaro, belonged directly to Bosnia till King Tvartko ceded his immediate sovereignty over them to the Duke of St. Sava.

[219] ‘There can be no doubt,’ says Sir Gardner Wilkinson, ‘that the crescent on the Turkish arms is an old Byzantine emblem copied by the Moslems on their invasion of the provinces of the empire.’ It had been chosen of old, so the story goes, by Byzantium because she had been saved from a night attack of Philip by the moon coming out and revealing the approach of the enemy. See _Dalmatia_, &c. vol. ii. p. 184. The Osmanlìs must have borrowed the device from their Saracenic predecessors.

[220] Of course it is not meant to connect either family with the royal races of France or England.

[221] This is given by Thoemmel, _Vilajet Bosnien_, p. 92, from whom I take its substance.

[222] ‘Indicia vetustatis et nobilitatis familiæ Marciæ vulgo Marnavitzæ, Nissensis.’ Per Joannem Tomkum ejusdem generis collecta. Romæ typ. Vat. 1632. Whether this book is still attainable I know not; its contents are copied as curious by Balthasar Kerselich in the seventeenth century. See _De Regnis Dalmatiæ_, &c. p. 295, _et seq._

[223] ‘In Naglasincis:’ no doubt—Nevešinje, near Mostar. See ‘Historical Review of Bosnia.’

[224] ‘Dedi et donavi et descripsi Goico Marnaitio, Voinicum et Godaliensem Campum in Imoteschio territorio prope Possussinam, et illi et illius posteritati, et postremæ posteritati in sæcula sæculorum. Amen.’ Posusje, near Imoschi, seems to be the ‘Possussina in territorio Imoteschio.’

[225] It was translated into Latin in 1629, and witnessed by the Pope. To avoid fraud two translations of the original document were prepared, one by the interested Tomko, and the other by a certain Father Methodius Terlecki.

[226] In Kerselich, ‘Pagus Huonice,’ a misprint for Foinicæ.

[227] At the village of Dušina.

[228] Gučiagora, which is the centre of another Roman Catholic district, may be added to these. The waters of the Lašva, which runs through this neighbourhood, contain gold, for which its sands were formerly washed. But I noticed another trace of _Ragusan_ mining influence in the name of the spur of Mt. Vlašić, which overlooks the monastery. This is called _Mt. Mossor_, a name given in the Dalmatian coast-lands to mountains where gold existed, and which will recall the Mossor that rises above Almissa in Dalmatia. The derivation is simply ‘_Mons Auri_,’ the gold mountain.

[229] Præpositus Thesaurorum Dalmaticorum.

[230] The Serbs or members of the Greek Church are most imbued with _patriotic_ ideas, it is true; but these aim rather at a re-establishment of a Serbian Empire, or a Democratic government of some kind, with, or without, a princely figure-head. The _Provincially_ historic party are the Roman Catholics, or rather their instructors, the monks.

[231] See, for the original French, Stubbs’ _Select Charters_, p. 461. I have followed Professor Stubbs’ translation, substituting only ‘wheresoever’ for ‘whereas.’

[232] To such a conclusion I am led by an examination of several similar monuments given in Montfaucon—_L’Antiquité Expliquée_. A monument of this kind is alluded to by Isaac Disraeli (_Curiosities of Literature_) in ‘The Skeleton of Death,’ where the contrast between the Classical and Mediæval representations of death is drawn out.

[233] Dr. Blau (formerly Prussian Consul at Serajevo), who has worked at the Roman remains in Bosnia, does not mention any in this vicinity, and even thinks it worthy of mention that he could hear of no Roman remains near Illidzje. See papers in _Monatsbericht der k. preuss. Acad. der Wissensch_. Dec. 1866, Nov. 1867, and Aug. 1870. Dr. Blau has especially explored the remains at Tašlidzje or Plevlje (about half way between Serajevo and Novipazar), where he has discovered twenty inscriptions and other antique fragments. The existence of a Roman Municipium here is shown by two monuments—one recording a decree of the _Decuriones_; another mentioning the _Duumviri_. On these and other Bosnian inscriptions one can trace the development of a kind of Illyrian _Romance_ dialect. _Masimile_ appears for _Maximillæ_, _Amavilis_ for _Amabilis_, and another reads _Filie defunte_.

[234] The Roman baths at Novipazar are briefly described by Roskiević, op. cit. p. 75.

[235] Dr. Blau identifies Banjaluka with the Roman station AD LADIOS.

[236] Banjaluka = Luke’s bath.

[237] Omer Effendi, of Novi, compares the climate of Bosnia to that of Misr and Sham (Egypt and Syria). Op. cit. p. 85.

[238] Damascus is described by Easterns as ‘a pearl set round with emeralds.’

[239] Engel, _Geschichte des Freistaates Ragusa_. See Roskiević, p. 175. The Ragusans worked mines in Mt. Jagodina, where the present Turkish citadel of Serajevo is. Traces of these are still to be seen.

[240] Blunt, _Voyage into the Levant_, p. 8. Anno 1634.

[241] Eugenii _Heldenthaten_, cited in Spicilegium, &c.

[242] See Ranke’s _Bosnia_, ch. 1, and especially ‘_The Danubian Principalities_,’ vol. ii. p. 345.

[243] Miss Irby and Miss Johnston are at the present moment engaged, amid the barbarous wilds of Slavonia, in alleviating the urgent needs of the Bosnian refugees, with a philanthropy and devotedness worthy of the land which can number among its daughters a Mrs. Fry and a Florence Nightingale. Those who, by subscribing to the ‘Bosnian and Herzegovinian Fugitives’ Orphan Relief Fund,’ have aided their efforts, will be glad to learn that these practical manifestations of English sympathy have rescued hundreds from incalculable misery, and produced a profound impression on all South-Sclavonic peoples.

[244] See ‘Bosnia in 1875,’ an interesting paper by Miss Irby in the _Victoria Magazine_ for Nov. 1875.

[245] The Cattle-tax is of three kinds: the _Porez_, or from fifteen to twenty piastres on every head of large cattle; the _Resmi Agnam_, of two piastres on every head of small cattle; and the _Donuzia_, or hog-tax. To these pastoral imposts may be added the _Travarina_ or _Herbatico_, four piastres for every head of neat cattle pastured in mountain forests claimed by the State; four piastres levied on every plot of ground planted with _Broc_, a flower which produces a red dye much used in Bosnia; a tax of four piastres on every beehive; the _Rad_, or labour-tax, of about twenty-five piastres; Corvée on public roads; and the _Komore_, or forced loan of horses.