Chapter III: The Cycle of Life (2)

If at any time the relatives of the girl have reason to doubt the husband's affection, they go to his home, and hold a gathering known as _nagkakaló-nan_. They place a pig, a jar, and a number of baskets on the floor; and the husband is obliged to exchange money and other gifts for them, if he desires to convince the people of his continued love. After the pig has been served as food, the old men deliberate; and should they decide that the relatives have erred, they assess the whole cost of the gathering to the plaintiffs, and return the gifts. If the charge is sustained, the relatives recover the price of the pig, and retain the articles received in exchange for the baskets and dishes.

Divorce is not uncommon, and is effected by a council similar to that just described. An attempt to reconcile the couple is made, but if that fails, the old men decide who is at fault, and assess the expenses of the gathering to that one. If blame attaches to the husband, he must complete any part of the marriage price still due; but if the woman is guilty, her parents and relatives must return the gifts distributed at the time of the engagement. The chief causes for divorce are cruelty or laziness on the part of the man, or unfaithfulness of the woman.

Small children are generally left with the mother, but when they are old enough to decide, they may choose between their parents. However, the father must aid in the support of his offspring, and they share in his property when he dies. Either party to a divorce may remarry at any time.

The Tinguian recognize only one wife, but a man may have as many concubines (_pota_), as he can secure. The _pota_ lives in a house of her own, but she is held somewhat in contempt by the other woman, and is seldom seen in the social gatherings or in other homes. Her children belong to the father, and she has no right of appeal to the old men, except in cases of cruelty. Men with concubines do not suffer in the estimation of their fellows, but are considered clever to have won two or three women.

The _pota_ is generally faithful to one man, and prostitution is almost unknown. Unfaithfulness on the part of a betrothed girl, or wife, or even a _pota_ is almost certain to cause serious trouble, and is likely to end in a murder.

The early pledging and marriage of the children has reduced illicit sexual intercourse to a minimum; nevertheless, it sometimes happens that an unbetrothed girl, not a _pota_, is found to be pregnant. In such a case the man is expected to make a gift of about one hundred pesos to the girl's people, and he must support the child when finally it comes into his keeping. Neither party to such an occurrence loses standing in the community unless the father should fail to redeem the child. Should this happen, he would be a subject of ridicule in the community, and a fine might also result. The usual outcome of such an illicit union is that the girl becomes the _pota_ of her child's father.

_Death and Burial_.--Sickness and death are usually caused by unfriendly spirits; [89] sometimes Kadaklan himself thus punishes those who refuse to obey the customs; sometimes they are brought about by mortals who practise magic, or by individuals themselves as punishment for violated taboos; and finally violent death is recognized as coming from human agency.

The methods of cajoling the spirits, of overcoming magic, and thwarting evil designs are discussed in another chapter (cf. pp. 295 _et seq_.). If all these fail, and the patient dies, the family and relatives at once don old garments, and enter on a period of mourning, while friends and relatives assist in the disposal of the corpse.

A funeral is a great event in a Tinguian village. The dead is bathed, "so that his spirit [90] may be clean," and is placed in a bamboo seat at the end of the house. This seat, which is known as _sangádel_, is constructed by placing three long bamboo poles against the wall and resting a frame of bamboo slats on them, to a height of about three feet. A mat is attached to the top, and is stretched onto the floor in front.

The corpse is dressed in its best garments, beads and silver wire surround its neck, while above and about it are many valuable blankets, belts, clouts, woven skirts, and the like, which the spirit is to take with him to the ancestors in Maglawa, his future home. A live chicken is placed behind the chair as an offering, but following the funeral it becomes the property of the friend, who removes the poles from the house. The flesh of a small pig is also offered to the spirits, while the intestines are hung just outside the door, until the body is buried. In the yard at the north-east corner of the house stands an inverted rice-mortar on which is a dish of _basi_,--an offering to the spirit Al-lot, who in return prevents the people from becoming angry.

The needs of the spirit of the deceased are looked after by the members of the family. It is their duty to place two small jars of liquor near to the corpse and to bring food to it, when the others are eating.

Up to this point only those spirits who attend the ceremony with friendly intent have been provided for, but the Tinguian realize that there are others who must be kept at a distance or at least be compelled to leave the body unharmed. The first of these evil beings to be guarded against is Kadongáyan, [91] who in former times used to attend each funeral and amuse himself by sliting the mouth of the corpse, so that it extended from ear to ear. Through the friendly instruction of Kaboniyan it was learned that, if a live chicken, with its mouth split down to its throat, were fastened to the door of the house, its suffering would be noticed by the evil spirit, who, fearing similar treatment, would not attempt to enter the dwelling. [92]

The spirit Ibwa is also much feared. [93] Long ago he used to mingle with the people in human form, without harming them, but the thoughtless act of a mourner started him on the evil course he has since pursued. In those times, it is said, the corpse was kept in the dwelling seven days; and, as the body decomposed, the liquid which came from it was caught in dishes, and was placed in the grave. On the occasion referred to, he was handed a cup of the "lard" to drink. He immediately acquired a great liking for this disgusting dish, and frequently even devoured the body as well. Since he fears iron, it is possible to drive him away by using metal weapons. It is also necessary to guard the grave against him and the spirit Selday, who demands blood or the corpse.

Akop is another evil spirit, who has a head, long slimy arms and legs, but no body. He is always near the place of death, awaiting an opportunity to embrace the spouse of the deceased, and once let the living feel his cold embrace, death is sure to follow. So a barricade of pillows is erected at one corner of the room, and behind this the wife is compelled to remain during the three days the body is kept in the house, while throughout the night she sleeps under a fish net, in the meshes of which the long fingers of the spirit are sure to become entangled. Meanwhile, two or three old women sit near the corpse fanning it and wailing continually, at the same time keeping close watch to prevent the spirits from approaching the body or the widow (Plate XVI). From time to time the wife may creep over to the corpse, and wailing and caressing it beg the spirit not to depart. [94] According to custom, she has already taken off her beads, has put on old garments and a bark head-band, and has placed over her head a large white blanket, which she wears until after the burial. [95] Likewise all the relatives don old garments, and are barred from all work. The immediate family is under still stricter rules. Corn is their only food; they may not touch anything bloody, neither can they swing their arms as they walk. They are prohibited from mounting a horse, and under no circumstances are they allowed to leave the village or join in merry-making. Failure to obey these rules is followed by swift punishment, generally meted out by the spirit of the dead. [96] Except for the wife, these restrictions are raised after the blood and oil ceremony (described in a later paragraph), but the widow continues in mourning until the Layog is celebrated, at the end of a year.

According to many informants among the older men, it was formerly necessary, following the death of an adult, for the men to put on white head-bands and go out on a head-hunt. Until their return it was impossible to hold the ceremony which released the relatives from the taboo. [97] During the first two days that the body is in the house, the friends and relatives gather to do honor to the dead and to partake of the food and drink, which are always freely given at such a time; but there is neither music, singing, or dancing. [98]

On the morning of the third day, the male guests assemble in the yard, and after drinking _basi_ they select one of their number and proceed to beat him across the wrist or thigh, with a light rod (Plate XVII). Two hundred blows are required, but since the stick is split at one end only, one hundred strokes are given. This whipping is not severe, but the repeated blows are sufficient to cause the flesh to swell. As soon as the first man is beaten, he takes the rod and then proceeds to apply one hundred and fifty strokes [99] to each man present, excepting only those whose wives are pregnant. Should one of the latter be punished, his wife would suffer a miscarriage. The avowed purpose of this whipping is "to make all the people feel as sorry as the relatives of the dead man."

Burial in most of the valley towns is beneath the house, "as it is much easier to defend the body against evil spirits, and the grave is also protected against the rain." In Manabo and many mountain villages, however, burial is in the yard. It is customary to open a grave already occupied by several of the relatives of the deceased.

Toward noon of the last day, some of the men begin clearing away the bamboo, which protects the old burial, and to remove the dirt.

The grave is generally of one of the forms indicated in Fig. 3, and when a depth of about three feet has been reached, the workers encounter stone slabs which protect a lower chamber. [100] When these are reached, the diggers make an opening and thrusting in burning pine-sticks, they call to the dead within, "You must light your pipes with these." As soon as the slabs are raised, the oldest female relative of the deceased goes into the grave, gathers up the bones of the last person interred, ties them into a bundle, and reburies them in one corner. There is at present no such type of burial chamber, as is described by _La Gironière_, [101] nor is there a memory or tradition of such an arrangement. As his visit took place less than a century ago, it is unlikely that all trace of it would have been lost. The heavy rainfall in this district would make the construction and maintenance of such a chamber almost impossible, while the dread of leaving the corpses thus exposed to hostile spirits and the raids of enemies in search of heads would also argue against such a practice. His description of the mummifying or drying of the corpse by means of fires built around it [102] is likewise denied by the old men of Manabo, who insist that they never had such a custom. It certainly does not exist to-day. In a culture, in which the influence of custom is as strong as it is here, it would seem that the care of the corpse, which is intimately related to the condition of the spirit in its final abode, would be one of the last things to change, while the proceedings following a death are to-day so uniform throughout the Tinguian belt, that they argue for a considerable antiquity.

When the grave is ready, the fact is announced in the dwelling, and is the signal for renewed lamentation. The wife and near relatives throw themselves on the corpse, caressing it and crying wildly. Whatever there may have been of duty or respect in the wailing of the first two days, this parting burst of sorrow is genuine. Tears stand in the eyes of many, while others cease their wailing and sob convulsively. After a time an old woman brings in some _oldot_ seeds, each strung on a thread, and fastens one on the wrist of each person, as a protection against the evil spirit Akop, who, having been defeated in his designs against the widow, may seek to vent his anger on others.

When this has been done, a medium seats herself in front of the body; and, covering her face with her hands, begins to chant and wail, bidding the spirit to enter her body. Suddenly she falls back in a faint, while suppressed excitement is manifested by all the onlookers. After a moment or two, fire and water are placed at her head and feet, "in order to frighten the spirit away," and then the medium gives the last message of the dead man to his family. This is, except for very rare exceptions, the only time that the spirits of the deceased communicate with mortals; and it is, so far as the writer has been able to learn, the only occasion when the medium repeats messages given to her. At other times she is possessed by natural spirits, [103] who then talk directly with mortals.

As a last preparation for the grave, a small hole is burned in each garment worn by the dead person, for otherwise the spirit Ibwa will envy him his clothing and attempt to steal them. The corpse is then wrapped in a mat, and is carried from the house. [104] The bearers go directly to the _balaua,_ [105] and rest the body in it for a moment. Unless this is done, the spirit will be poor in its future life and unable to build _balaua_.

The body is deposited full length in the grave, the stone slabs are relaid, the chinks between them filled in with damp clay, and the grave is refilled. [106] As the last earth is pushed in, a small pig is killed, and its blood is sprinkled on the loose soil. Meanwhile Selday is besought to respect the grave and leave it untouched. The animal is cut up, and a small piece is given to each guest, who will stop on the way to his home, and place the meat on the ground as an offering, meanwhile repeating a _diam_. Should he fail to do this, sickness or death is certain to visit his home or village.

As a further protection against evily disposed spirits, especially Ibwa, an iron plough-point is placed over the grave, "for most evil spirits fear iron;" and during this night and the nine succeeding, a fire is kept burning at the grave and at the foot of the house-ladder. [107]

That night the men spend about an hour in the house of mourning, singing _sang-sangit_, a song in which they praise the dead man, encourage the widow, and bespeak the welfare of the family. The wailers still remain in the dwelling to protect the widow, and a male relative is detailed to see that the fire at the foot of the ladder is kept burning brightly.

Early the next morning, the widow, closely guarded by the wailers, goes to the river, throws her headband into the water, and then goes in herself. As she sinks in the water, an old man throws a bundle of burning rice-straw on her. "The water will wash away some of the sorrow, and the fire will make her thoughts clear." Upon her return to the village, the grave is enclosed with a bamboo fence, and above it is hung a shallow box-like frame, known as _patay_, in which are placed the articles needed by the spirit. [108] Within the house the mat and pillow of the dead are laid ready for use, and at meal time food is placed beside it. The length of time that the mat is left spread out differs somewhat between towns and families. In some cases it is taken up at the end of the period of taboo, while in others it is not rolled up; nor are the windows of the house opened until after the celebration of the _Layog_ ceremony, a year later.

The taboo is usually strictly observed through ten days; but should there be some urgent reason, such as planting or reaping, it may be raised somewhat earlier. It is concluded by the blood and oil ceremony. The _lakay_, the other old men of the settlement, and all the relatives, gather in the house of mourning, while the mediums prepare for the ceremony. They kill a small pig and collect its blood in a dish; in another receptacle they place oil. A brush has been made out of a variety of leaves, and this the medium dips into the blood and oil, then draws it over the wrists or ankles of each person present, meanwhile saying, "Let the _lew-lew_ (_Fiscus hauili_ Blanco) leaves take the sickness and death to another town; let the _kawayan_ ("bamboo") make them grow fast and be strong as it is, and have many branches; let the _atilwag_ (_Breynia acuminata_ Nuell. Arg.) turn the sickness to other towns." A little oil is rubbed on the head of each person present; and all, except the widow, are then freed from restrictions. She must still refrain from wearing her beads, ornaments, or good clothing; and she is barred from taking part in any merry-making until after the _Layog_ ceremony. [109]

At the conclusion of the anointing, the old men discuss the disposal of the property and other matters of importance in connection with the death.

_The Layog_. [110]--Several months after the burial (generally after the lapse of a year), the friends and relatives are summoned in the _Layog_,--a ceremony held with the avowed intention "to show respect for the dead and to cause the family to forget their sorrow." Friends come from near and far; and rice, pigs, cows or carabaos are prepared for food, while _basi_ flows freely. It is said that the liquor served at this time is "like tears for the dead." A medium goes to the guardian stones of the village, and there offers rice mixed with blood; she oils the stones, places new yellow headbands on each one, and after dancing _tadek_, returns to the gathering. Often she is accompanied by a number of men, who shout on their return trip "to frighten away evil spirits."

Near the house a chair is made ready for the deceased, and in it are placed clothing and food. In the yard four crossed spears form the frame-work on which a shield rests (Plate XVIII) [111] and on this are beads, food, and garments--offerings for the spirits; while near the house ladder is the spirits' table made of inverted rice mortars.

The duration of this ceremony depends largely on the wealth of the family, for the relatives must furnish everything needed at this time. Games are played, and there is much drinking and singing; but before the members of the family may take part, they are dressed in good garments, and the blood and oil ceremony is repeated on them. At the conclusion of the dancing, they go into the house, roll up the mat used by the dead, open the doors and windows, and all are again free to do as they wish. Should they fail to roll up the mat at this time, it must remain until another _Layog_ is held; and during the interval all the former restrictions are in force. [112]

About twenty years ago, a great number of people in Patok died of cholera; and since then the people of that village have held a _Layog_ in their honor each November, to the expense of which all contribute. As this is just before the rice-harvest, a time when all the people wear their best garments, it is customary for the old men to allow bereaved families to participate in this ceremony and then release them from mourning.

_Beliefs Concerning the Spirit of the Dead_.--Direct questioning brings out some differences of opinion, in the various districts, concerning the spirit of the dead. In Manabo, a town influenced both by the Igorot of the Upit River valley and the Christianized Ilocano of San Jose, the spirit is said to go at once to the great spirit Kadaklan, and then to continue on "to the town where it lives." "It is like a person, but is so light that it can be carried along by the wind when it blows." [113] The people of Ba-ay, a mountain village partially made up of immigrants from the eastern side of the Cordillera Central, claim that the spirits of the dead go to a mountain called Singet, where they have a great town. Here, it is also stated, the good are rewarded with fine houses, while the bad have to be content with hovels. The general belief, however, is that the spirit (_kalading_) has a body like that of the living person, but is usually invisible, although spirits have appeared, and have even sought to injure living beings. Immediately following death, the spirit stays near to its old home, ready to take vengeance on any relative, who fails to show his body proper respect. After the blood and oil ceremony, he goes to his future home, Maglawa, carrying with him gifts for the ancestors, which the people have placed about his corpse. In Maglawa he finds conditions much the same as on earth; people are rich and poor; they need houses; they plant and reap; and they conduct ceremonies for the superior beings, just as they had done during their life on earth. Beyond this, the people do not pretend to be posted, "for Kaboniyan did not tell." With the exception of the people of Ba-ay and a few individuals influenced by Christianity, the Tinguian has no idea of reward or punishment in the future life, but he does believe that the position of the spirit in its new home can be affected by the acts of the living (cf. p. 289). No trace of a belief in re-incarnation was found in any district inhabited by this tribe.

_Life and Death_.--The foregoing details concerning birth, childhood, sickness, and death, seem to give us an insight into the Tinguian conception of life and death. For him life and death do not appear to be but incidents in an endless cycle of birth, death, and re-incarnation ad infinitum, such as pictured by _Lévy-Bruhl_; [114] yet, in many instances, his acts and beliefs fit in closely with the theory outlined by that author. In this society, there is only a weak line of demarcation between the living and the dead, and the dead for a time at least participate more or less in the life of the living. This is equally true of the unborn child, whose future condition, physical and mental, may be largely moulded by the acts of others. According to _Lévy-Bruhl_, this would indicate that the child at delivery is not fully born, is not as yet a member of the group; and the succeeding ceremonies are necessary to its full participation in life. Death is likewise of long duration. Following the last breath, the spirit remains near by until the magic power of the funeral severs, to an extent, his participation with society. The purpose of the final ceremony is to complete the rupture between the living and the dead.

To the writer, the facts of Tinguian life and beliefs suggest a somewhat different explanation. We have seen how strong individuals may be affected by magical practices. The close connection between an individual, his garments, or even his name, must be considered to apply with quite as much force to the helpless infant and the afterbirth. So strong is this bond, that even unintentional acts may injure the babe. Evil spirits are always near; and, unless great precautions are taken, they will injure adults if they can get them at a disadvantage, particularly when they are asleep. The child is not able to protect itself from these beings; therefore the adults perform such acts, as they think will secure the good will and help of friendly spirits, while they bribe or buy up those who might otherwise be hostile; and lastly they make use of such magical objects and ceremonies, as will compel the evil spirits to leave the infant alone. As the child grows in size and strength, he is less in need of protection; and at an early age he is treated like the other younger members of the community. Naming follows almost immediately after birth, while puberty and initiation ceremonies are entirely lacking. Apparently then, a child is considered as being fully alive at birth, and at no time does he undergo any rites or ceremonies which make him more a part of the community than he was on the first day he saw the light.

When death occurs, the spirit remains near to the corpse until after the funeral, and even then is close by until the ten days of taboo are over. He still finds need of nourishment, and hence food is placed near to his mat. As at birth, he is not in a position to protect his body from the designs of evil spirits, and if his relatives fail to give the corpse proper care, it is certain to be mutilated; likewise certain acts of the living towards the corpse can affect the position of the spirit in Maglawa. Hence it is of supreme importance that the former owner guards against any possible neglect or injury to the body, and it seems plausible that the presence of the spirit near its old haunts may be for the purpose of seeing that its body is carefully attended to. The folktales tell of several instances, in which the spirits took vengeance on relatives who neglected their bodies, or violated the period of taboo. [115]

When the danger period is past, the spirit at once leaves its old home, and returns again only at the time of the _Layog_. From that time on, he continues his existence in the upper world, neither troubling, nor being troubled by mortals on earth. [116] Ancestor worship does not occur here, nor are offerings made to the dead, other than those described above.