Chapter VII: The Ecstatic Dance

I

An important department of our subject is that of the type of dance performed by the early prophets of Israel. We say the “early” prophets because the one account which the Old Testament gives us of this kind of dance refers to it among the early prophets. There is, however, no reason for supposing—rather the contrary[174]—that this type of the sacred dance was confined to the _early_ prophets of Israel. Its purpose was connected with an aspiration deeply seated in human nature; its performance has been very widespread among peoples of antiquity; and it is found to exist at the present day among uncultured races. So that the presumption is that it did not cease abruptly among the Israelites, but continued, at any rate, up to the time of the Exile.

This type of dance is the outcome of strong religious emotion which necessitates some bodily expression. It may be paralleled with the exuberance of physical health which demands vigorous exercise. While it begins with moderated movements, held in check by rhythmical restraint, yet as the nervous excitement of the performer becomes increasingly intense and the physical exertion more exacting, so does the dance get wilder and wilder until, as the result of the abandonment of all self-control, the dancer ultimately loses consciousness. Its contagious character has often been remarked upon.

But the religious emotion which thus finds expression is engendered by an aspiration which is believed to be attained by means of the dance; and this aspiration is nothing less than union with the deity. The loss of consciousness which eventually takes place is replaced, so it is believed, by the indwelling of the divine spirit; the body thus becomes the temporary abode of the deity, and is utilized for divine purposes.

The first passage in the Old Testament with which we are specially concerned is 1 Sam. x. 5 ff.:

... and it shall come to pass, when thou art come thither to
the city, that thou shalt meet a band (_ḥebel_) of prophets
coming down from the high place (_bāmāh_), and in front of
them harp and drum and pipe and lyre, and they shall be
prophesying...,

cp. xix. 20-24. It is true, no direct mention of the sacred dance is made here, but in view of the enumeration of musical instruments which, as we have seen, usually accompanied dancing, it is reasonable to assume that a ritual dance was taking place. That it was a religious exercise of some kind is made clear by the fact that they had come down from the high place (_bāmāh_), _i.e._ a sanctuary. The technical name for such a band of prophets, _ḥebel_, “rope” or “string” (cp. Josh. ii. 15), shows that the procession was in single file[175]; with which we may compare the sacred dance in single file depicted on the Hittite inscription at Boghazkeui (see p. 59). The account given in the Old Testament of the “prophesying” of these early prophets, and of the means employed whereby they reached the pitch of excitement required for the purpose, is so sober and restrained that it would be difficult to form a picture of the whole proceeding without the help of analogous performances among other peoples. And we are justified in believing that the practice of this type of dance among other peoples does throw light on its mode of performance among these Israelite prophets, because it is a question here of a phenomenon, a curious phenomenon, which appears at a certain stage of religious development, with few exceptions, all over the world. Its details may, and do, differ; but the essence of the rite is the same. There are innate tendencies in human nature which produce similar results; and this is one of them. So that when the means used for producing such results are given in greater detail in many cases, we are justified in believing them to have been similar in a case in which, for some reason or other, the details are only partially described. But if the details of the means used to produce the result are somewhat lacking in the Old Testament account, the result itself is stated clearly enough. The object of all that took place was to be “possessed,”—in this case by the spirit of Jahwe; for it was this “possession,” this indwelling of the deity, which enforced the “prophesying.” In the passage before us the centre of interest, in the eyes of the writer, is Saul. Of him it is said that, as a result of his contact with the “rope” of prophets prophesying, “the spirit of Jahwe” would come “mightily” upon him, and that he, too, would prophesy with them, and “be turned into another man”; the context shows that his contact with the prophets meant joining in their ecstatic dance, the effect of which is graphically described in verses 11, 12:

And it came to pass, when all that knew him beforetime saw
that, behold, he prophesied with the prophets, then the people
said one to another, What is this that is come unto the son of
Kish? Is Saul also among the prophets?...

The surprise here expressed was natural enough seeing the extravagances to which the ecstatic state led, for in xix. 24 it is said of Saul that as one of the results of his “possession” he “stripped off his clothes ... and lay down naked all that day and all that night.”

The point with which we are primarily concerned is the means employed to get oneself into the ecstatic state required in order to become “possessed.” As is well known, these were of various kinds; but the one most prevalent in antiquity, as well as among men in a low stage of culture at the present day, was, and is, the sacred dance accompanied by music. While there is only one other passage (on which see below) in the Old Testament which deals in any detail with this type of sacred dance, it would be the greatest mistake to suppose that it was of only rare occurrence[176]. In the passage just referred to, there is no hint as to its being anything unusual; the only thing unusual was Saul’s “possession,” while the very saying, “Is Saul also among the prophets?” points to the peculiarity of the prophets as something recognized and well known. And from what we gather as to the existence of the ecstatic dance among other peoples, the fact of its existence among the Israelites does not strike one as other than what one would expect.

But we turn now to another passage in which we read of a sacred dance of a peculiar kind which seems to develop into an orgiastic form of ecstatic dance. This was a ritual limping dance performed at sanctuaries, and apparently in cases of great emergency. Its object was not the same as that form of it to which we have just referred; however, as it evidently must belong to the category of ecstatic dances, we consider it here. The passage is the familiar one, 1 Kings xviii. 26, where it is said that the prophets of Baal executed a special kind of limping dance around the altar: “They limped about the altar which was made.” This was done after the ineffectual calling upon the name of their god from morning till noon, so that it seems to have been regarded by them as a special means of appeal to which recourse was had as a last resort. The dance consisted of a step which had the effect of making the dancers look lame[177]. This is clear from the use of the root in other connexions. Thus, Mephibosheth “became lame” (2 Sam. iv. 4 and ix. 13), as the result of a fall. The same root is used in reference to men who are lame in 2 Sam. v. 6-8, and also in Lev. xxi. 18, where a lame man is not permitted “to offer bread to his God.” It is also used in reference to animals not regarded as fit to be sacrificed because of lameness (Deut. xv. 21, Mal. i. 8-13; cp. also Isa. xxxiii. 23, xxxv. 6, Jer. xxxi. 8, Prov. xxvi. 7, Job xxix. 15; and as a proper name it occurs in 1 Chron. iv. 12, Ezra ii. 49, Neh. iii. 6, vii. 51). In a figurative way, but connoting the same idea, the word occurs in 1 Kings xviii. 21: “How long will ye limp upon two legs?” That the prophet is making a word-play here is obvious; but the passage raises the question as to the kind of step in which the dance was performed. Limping on two legs can hardly mean that the “limping” was done on both legs at the same time, for a frog-leap of this kind would not suggest lameness! The limp must have been done on either leg alternately, yet neither leg being raised from the ground; as this involves the bending of the knees, one can form a fairly clear idea of what this dance looked like. The word for “legs” is used in Isa. xvii. 6, xxvii. 10 of the forked branches of a tree, cp. Ezek. xxxi. 6-8; if one pictures to oneself such a fork, gnarled and bent, it might certainly suggest the position of a man’s legs while performing this dance. The purpose of this curious dance-step may well have been that by simulating lameness it was thought that the pity of the god would be aroused, and that he would therefore be moved to answer petitions. As Robertson Smith says, “the limping dance of the priests of Baal in 1 Kings xviii. 26 is associated with forms of mournful supplication, and in Syriac the same verb, in different conjugations, means ‘to dance’ and ‘to mourn[178].’” While the dance began in sober style[179] it gradually increased to an orgiastic frenzy, as is clear from verse 28: “And they cried aloud, and cut themselves after their manner with knives and lances, till the blood gushed out upon them”; cp. Hos. vii. 14[180].

This dance was performed by the prophets of Baal, and it may therefore be objected that it does not reflect Israelite usage because the worship of these prophets was Phoenician (cp. 1 Kings xvi. 30-33); but to this it must be replied that the Old Testament gives ample evidence to show that the influence of the indigenous cults of the land was very powerful upon the Israelites[181]; the prophet Elijah himself regards practically the whole nation as under this influence (1 Kings xix. 10, 18). Moreover, we have mention of a ritual dance similar to that just referred to in Gen. xxxii. 30, 31 (31, 32 in Hebr.), though the word used is a different one (_zalaʿ_):

And Jacob called the name of the place Peniel; for I have seen
God face to face, and my life is preserved. And the sun rose
upon him as he passed over Penuel, and he limped upon his thigh.

We must see here, as Gunkel points out, an aetiological _trait_: “Just as, and because, Jacob limped in Penuel, so are we also wont to limp in Penuel[182].” The name implies that it was a sanctuary, a name such as “the face of God” proves that here a god was believed to manifest himself[183]; and, whatever may have originally been the reason for it, it was the custom at this sanctuary to perform the “limping” dance. It took place at sunrise (see verse 31), so that it may at one time have had something to do with sun-worship.

Conceivably another ancient sanctuary where this special kind of dance was performed was _Zēlaʿ_[184], the name of Saul’s ancestral dwelling-place (2 Sam. xxi. 14).

Although the passages in the Old Testament in which this type of sacred dance is referred to are not numerous, they are sufficient to show that the ecstatic dance was not unknown among the Israelites. We have already shown reasons to account for the comparative paucity of references in the Old Testament to the religious dance generally; what we have said applies to this limping dance with special force, since there are grounds for believing it to have been of Syrian origin; as characteristic of Syrian religion it would have been regarded with special abhorrence by Israelite religious leaders as being the heathen rite of that form of alien cult to the influence of which the Israelites were most exposed.

It will have been noticed that mention has been made of what are, in effect, two distinct forms of what for the want of a better term we have called the ecstatic dance, viz. that which had for its object the bringing about of a state of semi-consciousness, or total unconsciousness, during which state the deity was believed to take up his abode in the body of the worshipper, _i.e._ union with the deity; and that which had for its purpose the enforcing of the deity to answer prayer. They differed in important particulars, to which we shall refer again; but that wherein they were similar was the state of wild frenzy which both ultimately assumed.

We shall now draw attention to some examples of both forms of this ecstatic dance among other peoples.

II

It is a significant fact that, with the exception of Syria, there is scarcely any evidence of the existence of the ecstatic dance among the Semites. In the great mass of Babylonian and Assyrian texts of which translations have been published[185] many refer to ritual of various kinds; in these some incidental references to this type of dance might have been expected to occur had such been in existence. We have sought in vain among many of these translated texts for any hint of it; nor have we been able to find in the works of authoritative writers on Assyro-Babylonian religion any allusion to it. It may, we believe, be accepted as a fact that the ecstatic dance was unknown among these people; and this would accord with what is otherwise known of their religious practices, which were austere and restrained.

What has been said applies also to the ancient Egyptians; evidence for the existence of this type of religious dance does not appear on the inscriptions, nor yet in Egyptian texts[186]. On the other hand, one has only to think of the Dancing Dervishes to realize that the ecstatic dance exists in Egypt at the present day. Tristram compares the dancing of the modern dervishes with that of the early Israelite prophets; and he gives an interesting description of Arabi Pasha leading a procession with the sacred carpet for the Kaaba of Mecca out of Cairo on its way to the Prophet’s shrine; “in front,” he says, “was a vast crowd of ulemas and dervishes, leaping, bounding, swaying their arms, and whirling round in time to the din of drums, trumpets, and cymbals which followed them[187].” One feels that there must be a long history behind this, and though the evidence is wanting it is difficult to believe that there was not something of the kind in ages long since past.

Again, as to the ancient Arabs, there is almost as great a dearth of evidence, though some slight indications exist of this type of dance having been performed in days gone by[188]. Thus, a proceeding very similar to that of Saul is mentioned by Robertson Smith of Kûkubûry, who used “under the influence of religious music, to become so excited as to pull off part of his clothes”; like Saul he was what the Arabs would now call _malbûs_[189]. This type of dance exists at the present day among the Arabs, and it is interesting to note, among other things, that it is regarded as a means to mystic experiences[190].

Fuller information is forthcoming with regard to the ancient Syrians.

There is the interesting story of Wen-Amon, an Egyptian official who came to Byblos in Phoenicia in the 11th century B.C. Here we are told of how a noble youth, while he was sacrificing to his gods, was seized by the god who caused him to fall into a state of ecstasy; the hieroglyph depicts a man rushing forward with outstretched arms. While the youth is in this state he prophesies, declaring that a certain messenger who had arrived had indeed brought the image of a god, and must be received, for he had been sent by Amon. This occurs as the messenger with his god is on the point of being sent away. We are not concerned with the various details of this story; the point is that a youth is supposed to have been caused by the will of the god to fall into an ecstasy; the hieroglyph clearly implies an ecstatic dance; and as a result he reveals the arrival of another god brought by the messenger. He speaks while in this state of ecstasy words which are divinely put into his mouth, so that he is the mouthpiece of the god[191]. This is precisely the same idea as that of the spirit of Jahwe coming mightily upon Saul, he prophesies, and is turned into another man.

Another example is given by Heliodorus (_Aethiopica_, IV. 16 f.), who describes the sacred dance of the Tyrian seafarers in the worship of the Tyrian Herakles; he says:

And I left them there with their flutes and their dances,
which they performed after the manner of the Assyrians [_i.e._
Syrians], hopping to the accompaniment of the quick music of
the Pektides, now jumping up with light leaps, now limping
along on the ground, and then turning with the whole body,
spinning around like men possessed[192].

The limping here recalls the dance of the prophets of Baal, or rather of its earlier phase, and that of Jacob at Penuel. For the wilder phase of the dance of these prophets we have a very interesting parallel given by Apuleius of the ecstatic dance of the priests of the Syrian goddess. This is well worth giving in full; it occurs in _The Golden Ass_, VIII. 27, 28:

The day following I saw them apparelled in divers colours, and
hideously tricked out, having their faces ruddled with paint,
and their eyes tricked out with grease, mitres on their heads,
vestments coloured like saffron, surplices of silk and linen;
and some ware white tunics painted with purple stripes which
pointed every way like spears, girt with belts, and on their
feet were yellow shoes. And they attired the goddess in silken
robe, and put her upon my back. Then they went forth with their
arms naked to their shoulders, bearing with them great swords
and mighty axes, shouting and dancing, like mad persons, to
the sound of the pipe. After that we had passed many small
villages, we fortuned to come to a certain rich man’s house,
where, at our first entry, they began to howl all out of tune
and hurl themselves hither and thither as though they were mad.
They made a thousand gests with their feet and their heads;
they would bend down their necks, and spin round so that their
hair flew out at a circle; they would bite their own flesh;
finally, everyone took his two-edged weapon and wounded his
arms in divers places. Meanwhile, there was one more mad than
the rest, that fetched many deep sighs from the bottom of his
heart, as though he had been ravished in spirit, or replenished
with divine power, and he feigned a swoon and frenzy, as if
(forsooth) the presence of the gods were not wont to make men
better than before, but weak and sickly.... And therewithal he
took a whip, such as is naturally borne by these womanish men,
with many twisted knots and tassels of wool, and strung with
sheep’s knuckle-bones, and with the knotted thongs scourged
his own body, very strong to bear the pain of the blows, so
that you might see the ground to be wet and defiled with the
womanish blood that issued out abundantly with the cutting of
the swords and the blows of the scourge...[193].

The close parallel of this procedure of these Syrian priests with that of the prophets of Baal needs no insisting upon.

III

We turn now to Greek sources; and here the material is as abundant as it is interesting; the examples to be given are therefore restricted in number, but they will be sufficient to illustrate the important part that this type of dance played in Greek religious ritual.

By way of introduction the following words of Farnell[194] will be found instructive; he is dealing with the earliest period of Greek religion, and in writing about the worship of Dionysos, says he was

vaguer in outline (than Apollo or Athene), a changeful power
conceived more in accordance with daimonistic, later with
pantheistic, thought, incarnate in many animal-shapes, and
operative in the life-processes of the vegetative world; and an
atmosphere of Nature-magic accompanied him;

then he goes on to say that

the central motives of this oldest form of ritual were the
birth and death of the god—a conception pregnant of ideas that
were to develop in the religious future, but alien to the
ordinary Hellenic theology, though probably not unfamiliar to
the earlier Cretan-Mycenaean creed. But the death of this god
was partly a fact of ritual; he was torn to pieces by his mad
worshippers and devoured sacramentally, for the bull or the
goat or the boy that they rent and devoured was supposed to
be his temporary incarnation, so that by this savage, and at
times cannibalistic, communion they were filled with his blood
and his spirit, and acquired miraculous powers. By such an
act, and—we may suppose—by the occasional use of intoxicants
and other nervous stimulants, the psychic condition that
this worship evoked was frenzy and ecstasy, which might show
itself in a wild outburst of mental and physical force, and
which wrought up the enthusiastic feeling of self-abandonment,
whereby the worshipper escaped the limits of his own nature
and achieved a temporary sense of identity with the god, which
might avail him even after death. This privilege of ecstasy
might be used for the practical purposes of vegetation-magic,
yet was desired and proclaimed for its own sake as a more
intense mood of life. This religion preached no morality, and
could ill adapt itself to civic life; its ideal was supernormal
psychic energy.

It is only one aspect of the ritual of this religion with which we are now concerned, and which is to be illustrated by the examples given, namely, the ecstatic dance which played such an important part in it. Therefore we naturally think of the mythic Maenads[195], and more especially of their historical counterpart, the Thyiads, who are much the same as the female Bacchantes. According to the myth concerning the origin of the Thyiads, they were so called because the first priestess of Dionysos was named Thyia, and she performed orgiastic dances in his honour; hence all women who danced, or “went mad,” in honour of Dionysos were called Thyiads after her. The Maenads are depicted on many Greek vases and bas-reliefs, so that we can form a good idea of the kind of dances they were supposed to perform; and these were, of course, the actual form of the dances executed by the Thyiads. Thus, for example, on a vase in the Naples Museum four Maenads are represented dancing; two, with head thrown back, carry the thyrsus, a staff with vine-leaves, at the top of which was a pine-cone. One of them has also a torch; two others, while dancing, play, one a tambourine, the other a pipe[196]. Or again, on a cup in the Athens National Museum a Maenad is represented playing a tambourine, or timbrel, and dancing in wild fashion[197]. Another example is the dancing, accompanied by instrumental music, which is portrayed on the beautiful cylix of Hieron, “perhaps the most exquisite that ceramography has left us[198]”; the movements of the maidens are superbly executed. But instances of this kind could be greatly multiplied; they all exhibit one or other phase of orgiastic dance, “the same mad revelry, the utter exhaustion and prostrate sleep[199]”; and they represent the kind of dancing which historically was performed by the Thyiads. “Maenad,” as Miss Harrison says, “is the Mad One, Thyiad the Rushing Distraught One, or something of the kind ... Mad One, Distraught One, Pure One, are simply ways of describing a woman under the influence of a god, of Dionysos[200]”; and, of course, this madness could be caused by any other orgiastic divinity.

Those who took part in these dances are described as “raving and possessed”; their over-wrought state caused them to see visions[201]; the god was believed to be present, though invisible; and at the Dionysos festivals the maidens celebrated his presence[202], thus direct contact with him by his worshippers was effected[203].

In an interesting passage in Pausanias we read:

But I could not understand why he (_i.e._ Homer, in _Od._ XI.
581) spoke of the fair dancing grounds of Panopeus till it was
explained to me by the women whom the Athenians call Thyiades.
The Thyiads are Attic women who go every other year with the
Delphian women to Parnassos, and there hold orgies in honour
of Dionysos. It is the custom of these Thyiads to dance at
various places on the road from Athens, and one of these places
is Panopeus. Thus, the epithet which Homer applies to Panopeus
seems to allude to the dance of the Thyiads[204].

The finest and most graphic description of this ecstatic dance is that given by Aristophanes in the _Frogs_, 325 ff. which is sung by the chorus of the Mystae:

Thou that dwellest in the shadow
Of great glory here beside us,
Spirit, Spirit, we have hied us
To thy dancing in the meadow!
Come, Iacchus; let thy brow
Toss its fruited myrtle bough;
We are thine, O happy dancer; O our comrade, come and guide us!
Let the mystic measure beat:
Come in riot fiery feet;
Free and holy all before thee,
And thy Mystae wait the music of thy feet!

Spirit, Spirit, lift the shaken
Splendour of thy tossing torches!
All the meadow flashes, scorches:
Up, Iacchus, and awaken!
Come, thou star that bringest light
To the darkness of our rite,
Till thine old men dance as young men, dance with every thought forsaken.
Of the dulness and the fear
Left by many a circling year:
Let thy red light guide the dances
Where thy banded youth advances,
To be joyous by the blossoms of the mere![205]

Iacchus was the name by which Dionysos was known at Eleusis[206].

Pindar, in the Pythian Ode, refers to the dancing of the Thyiads at the annual festival celebrated in honour of Pan, when, according to Herodotus, VI. 105, sacrifice was offered and a torch procession took place:

I would pray to the Mother to loose her ban,
The holy goddess to whom, and to Pan,
Before my gate, all night long,
The maids do worship with dance and song[207].

Reference may also be made to Pausanias, V. xvi. 5, where we read of the “Sixteen Women” who get up two choruses, that of Physcoa and that of Hippodamia; the former was loved by Dionysos, and she is said to have been the first to pay reverence to him; and therefore “among the honours which Physcoa receives is a chorus named after her and arranged by the Sixteen Women.”

The Thyiads are, as already mentioned, the same as the female Bacchantes often spoken of Pausanias, for example, makes a reference to them:

... Beyond the theatre is a temple of Dionysos; the image
of the god is of gold and ivory, and beside it are female
Bacchantes in white marble. They say that these women are
sacred, and that they rave in honour of Dionysos[208].

It is to these that Euripides refers in the _Bacchae_[209]. Diodorus speaks of them thus:

... In many towns of Greece every alternate year Bacchanalian
assemblies of women gather together, and it is the custom for
maidens to carry the thyrsus and to revel together, honouring
and glorifying the god; and for the (married) women to worship
the god in organized bands, and to revel in every way to
celebrate the presence of Dionysos, imitating thereby the
Maenads who from of old, it is said, constantly attended the
god[210].

The male correlatives of Maenads, or rather Thyiads, are the Kouretes, who took their part in the Orphic mysteries. They were

the young population considered as worshipping the young male
god, the Kouros; they were “mailed priests” because the young
male population were naturally warriors. They danced their
local war-dance over the new-born child, and, because in those
early days the worship of the Mother and the son was not yet
sundered, they were attendants (_prospoloi_) on the Mother also
... they are divine (_theoi_), and their dancing is sacred[211].

Clement of Alexandria refers to them thus:

The mysteries of Dionysos are wholly inhuman; for while he
was still a child and the Kouretes were dancing their armed
dance about him, the Titans stole upon him, deceived him with
childish toys, and tore him to pieces[212].

A typical instance of myth regarded as reality. We are only dealing here, however, with a _few_ examples of the ecstatic dance among the Greeks. Those given will suffice for present purposes.

It will have been noticed that all these examples present the ecstatic dance in its milder form; it is comparable with the dance of the Israelite prophets, not with that of the Syrian prophets of Baal. The fact is that this latter form of worship was not popular among the Greeks. It is true, the worship of Attis, in which the ecstatic dance in its most barbaric form figured prominently, is mentioned in Pausan. VII. xvii. 9, XX. 3; but this is quite exceptional, for the rites, of Syrian origin, which were performed in honour of Kybele and Attis were un-Hellenic and did not appeal to the Greeks.

“The barbarous and cruel character of the worship, with its
frantic excesses, was doubtless repugnant to the good taste
and humanity of the Greeks, who seem to have preferred the
kindred but gentler rites of Adonis. Yet,” continues the same
writer, “the same features which shocked and repelled the
Greeks may have positively attracted the less refined Romans
and barbarians of the West. The ecstatic frenzies, which were
mistaken for divine inspiration, the mangling of the body, the
theory of a new birth, and the remission of sins through the
shedding of blood, have all their origin in savagery, and they
naturally appealed to peoples in whom the savage instincts were
still strong[213].”

Among the Romans, under the Empire and onwards, this worship became prominent, and was still existent in the 4th century, for Symmachus tells of the celebrations of the festivals of Magna Mater[214]. Its special feature was the orgiastic dance of the priests[215], accompanied by song, which culminated in self-laceration. The third day of this festival of Kybele and Attis was known as the Day of Blood (_Dies Sanguinis_); the Archigallus or high-priest drew blood from his arms and presented it as an offering. Nor was he alone in making this bloody sacrifice:

Stirred by the wild barbaric music of clashing cymbals,
rumbling drums, droning horns, and screaming flutes, the
inferior clergy whirled about in the dance with waggling heads
and streaming hair, until, rapt in a frenzy of excitement, and
insensible to pain, they gashed their bodies with potsherds or
slashed them with knives in order to bespatter the altar and
the sacred tree with their flowing blood[216].

Thus, while among the Romans during the early centuries of the Christian era, and owing to the influx of oriental cults, the ecstatic dance in its most barbaric form was prominent, among the Greeks this form of it made but little appeal, and it is only rarely that reference is made to it. But although this extreme and sanguinary form was distasteful to the Greeks, the ecstatic dance was with them of a very wild character; and it is possible that the _purpose_ of this type of dance among Greeks and Romans respectively may have had something to do with its form. Reference is made to this point below (see p. 138), but we must first take a brief glance at the ecstatic dance as practised among some of the uncultured races.

IV

Among uncultured peoples the ecstatic dance appears both in its milder and its more barbaric forms. To take a few examples of the former first.

The means employed to become “possessed” are various, but the most usual is the dance accompanied by the rhythmic beating of a drum or other instrument; this is persisted in until with the rising excitement it becomes wilder and wilder, and ultimately brings about unconsciousness, or at least semi-consciousness, in the dancer. Thus, the Vedda form of “possession” is attained by a dance which began with moderate movements in which “the shaman, while uttering invocations to the spirits, circles round the offerings; the dance increases in speed until the seizure takes place[217].” Again, in Southern India we have the example of the so-called “devil-dancers,” who work themselves into paroxysms in order to gain inspiration,

whereby they profess to cure their patients. So, with furious
dancing to music and chanting of the attendants the Bodo priest
brings on a fit of maniacal inspiration in which the deity
fills him and gives oracles through him[218].

Another instructive instance is that of the Tshi-speaking peoples of the Gold Coast whose priests and priestesses are believed to be from time to time

possessed or inspired by the deity whom they serve; and in that
state they are consulted as oracles. They work themselves up to
the necessary pitch of excitement by dancing to the music of
drums; each god has his special hymn, sung to a special beat
of the drums, and accompanied by a special dance. It is while
thus dancing to the drums that the priest or priestess lets
fall the oracular words in a croaking or guttural voice which
the hearers take to be the voice of the god. Hence dancing has
an important place in the education of priests and priestesses;
they are trained in it for months before they may perform
in public. These mouth-pieces of the deity are consulted in
almost every concern of life, and are handsomely paid for their
services[219].

Among the North American Indians with whom the sacred dance acts as the expression of religious feeling to a greater degree than perhaps among any other uncultured races with the exception of the aborigines of Oceania, dancing to the point of unconsciousness is an act of devotion to the god[220].

This is further illustrated by the ancient Peruvians; among them the religious dance was “the grand form of religious demonstration.” The very name of their principal festivals, _Raymi_, means “dance.” Their dances at these festivals are of such a violent character that the dancers seem to be out of their senses. “It is noteworthy,” says Réville, “that the Incas themselves took no part in the violent dances, but had an ‘Incas’ dance of their own, which was grave and measured[221].”

Another example, offered by Skeat, is from a very different centre. In writing about dances among the Malays, which, as he says, are almost all religious in their origin, he goes on to tell of one which “began soberly like the others, but grew to a wild revel until the dancers were, or pretended to be, possessed by the Spirit of Dancing, _hantu mĕnāri_ as they called it ...[222].”

Lastly, in Borneo the Kayan medicine-women, in the course of exorcism of the evil spirit for the cure of disease, whirl round until they fall in a faint[223].

A modern European example of this type of dance is that performed among some Russian sectaries; in order to produce a state of religious exaltation wild, whirling dances, like those of the dancing dervishes, are executed[224].

These are but a very few examples of many which could be given; but they are sufficient to answer our purposes.

Before coming to one or two illustrations of the more barbaric form of this type of dance, one instance may be offered of the ecstatic dance of the milder kind being performed with an object different from those which are usually connected with it. Among the Maoris the war-dance, which was looked upon as a religious act, was often performed on the eve of battle in order to impart daring and bravery to the warriors; and this dance often assumed the form of frenzy when accompanied by the beating of drums and the shouting of the dancers. An eye-witness describes it thus:

The Maoris turned their faces into close imitations of their
demonlike carved images. But the thrust-out tongue, the wild
rolling eyes standing out of the head, the fierce grimaces, and
the quivering hands and fingers, with the accompaniment of the
deep-drawn cries and the stamp of feet, had all the advantages
of living movement to add to the terrifying effect. It is
difficult to efface the deep impression that its massive energy
and furious, almost epileptic, passion makes on the mind, when
produced by hundreds. It surpassed in fury anything that kava
or any other drug or fermented liquor could have given to the
harmonious movements of a mass of warriors[225].

Strictly speaking, this hardly belongs to the category of ecstatic dances because it is not performed with any idea of communication with a supernatural power, whether as a means of effecting union with it, or honouring it, or as a form of supplication to it; nevertheless, it is worth recording here, if only because it affords an illustration of the extended use of a rite for purposes with which originally it had nothing to do.

And now to give, finally, an example or two of the ecstatic dance in its most extreme and barbaric form. Frazer tells us that

when game was very scarce, certain Basuto tribes which lived
partly by the chase, were wont to assemble and invoke the
spirit of a famous dead chief and other ancestral deities.
At these ceremonies they cut themselves with knives, rolled
in ashes, and uttered piercing cries. They also joined in
religious dances, chanted plaintive airs, and gave vent to loud
lamentations. After spending a whole day and night in wailing
and prayer, they dispersed next morning to scour the country in
search of the game which they confidently expected the ghosts
or gods would send in answer to their intercession[226].

He compares this with the frenzied rites of the Canaanite prophets of Baal, and refers to another well-known case among the Israelites themselves (Hos. vii. 14), in which they lacerated their bodies by way of appealing to the deity on behalf of their corn and vines. The non-mention of the sacred dance in this passage does not imply that it did not take place; analogies suggest that it was an indispensable part of the rite.

Another instructive example is given by Jevons which he takes from Bishop Caldwell’s “very careful observations in Tinnevelly[227].” He says:

In Tinnevelly evil spirits have no regular priests; but when
it becomes necessary, in consequence of some pressing need,
to resort to the aid of these spirits, some one is chosen,
or offers himself, to be the priest for the occasion, and
is dressed up in the insignia of the spirit. As blood is
the sacrifice to a god, so in the dance with which the evil
spirits, like the tribal god, are worshipped, the dancer in
an ecstasy draws his own blood and drinks that of the victim,
a goat, say, and thus the spirit passes into him, and he has
the power of prophecy. As the sacrifice of the sacred victims
was a solemn mystery to be celebrated by night, and terminated
before sunrise, so the worship of the evil spirits must be
performed by night, and the general opinion is that night is
the appropriate time for their worship[228].

Here we have another interesting parallel to the procedure of the priests of Baal, though, as the Canaanite worship had reached, in comparison, a higher stage, the parallel does not hold good in all particulars. But we have the pressing need of the Baal-worshippers, the sacrifice to the god, the dance round the altar, the dancers in an ecstasy drawing their own blood, and the spirit of prophecy passing into them[229]; the sacrifice takes place after sunset. They do not drink the blood of the sacrificial victim in order to become possessed by the god because this is effected by means of the ecstatic dance whereby they prophesy; and probably this points to an advance in religious conception; for the belief that union is effected by the ecstatic dance is certainly not so crass and materialistic as that which requires the essence of the deity to pass into his worshippers by drinking the blood of the sacrificial victim offered to him, and which is supposed to become identified with the god. In other respects the parallel is sufficiently striking. In each case it is clear that the ecstatic dance is an essential part of the ritual.

The pressing needs which this type of sacrifice with its ecstatic dance are supposed to supply are various, but there is a curious and instructive similarity in most of the details of the ritual wherever it is practised, showing that the underlying ideas are generally the same in every case. Here is one more example. In his book on Serpent-worship in India Mr C. F. Oldham describes what he saw during the great sacrifice to _Kailang Nāg_, which was celebrated in the village of the Ravi, and which had for its object the obtaining of fine weather for the sowing,—this had been delayed owing to storms. _Kailang_, a demi-god, is supposed to control the weather. The writer says:

On my arrival I found the people assembled on the open grassy
space in front of the temple. The men and the boys sat
together, the women and the girls being at a little distance.
Soon the music struck up, and some of the men and boys began
to dance in a circle, the _chela_[230] dancing in the centre.
After a time the music became wilder and the dance more
energetic. Some of the men, when tired, sat down, and others
took their places. The _chela_ continued dancing, and he
applied the _sungal_[231] to his own back and shoulders, and
to those of some of the other dancers. Some of the men then
applied another similar scourge to their backs, with great
effect, amid shouts of _Kailang Mahārāi ki jāi_ (“Victory to
the great king Kailang”). Then, all being ready, a victim (a
ram) was led out, and having shown, by shivering, that it was
acceptable to the deity, its head was struck off. The body
was immediately lifted up by several men, and the _chela_,
seizing upon it, drank the blood as it spouted from the neck,
amid renewed shouts of _Kailang Mahārāi ki jāi_. The carcase
was thrown down upon the ground, and the head, with a burning
coal upon it, placed before the threshold of the temple. The
dancing was then renewed, and became more violent, until the
_chela_ gasped out _Kailang āya_ (“Kailang has come”). All then
became silent, and the prophet announced that the sacrifice was
accepted, and that the season would be favourable. This was
received with a storm of shouts of _Kailang Mahārāi ki jāi_,
and the _chela_ sank down upon the ground exhausted. Water was
poured over him, and he was vigorously fanned till he showed
signs of revival. The assembly then began to disperse[232].

These three examples exhibit essentially the same _traits_ and sufficiently illustrate this type of dance in its extreme form among peoples of low civilization, so that it is unnecessary to multiply illustrations. It must, however, be said that this more barbarous form of the ecstatic dance is not nearly so prevalent as the form previously mentioned; it seems to be resorted to in times of emergency, and in this offers a further parallel to the case of the prophets of Baal.

SUMMARY AND CONSIDERATIONS

The ecstatic dance is performed as the outcome of strong religious emotion; it begins quietly and without any indication of what is to come; but the intention to increase it gradually to an extravagant pitch is there from the commencement, and it continues until semi-consciousness, and even total unconsciousness is reached. The excitement caused by the dance frequently becomes contagious, so that others join in. The purpose of this dance is to effect union with a superhuman spirit; the body, temporarily “emptied” of consciousness, is believed to be entered by the god or spirit in whose honour the dance takes place. Among peoples of low culture, among whom belief in the “external soul” is common, there can be no doubt that the conviction existed that the soul took its departure from the body for the time being, thus making room for the higher spirit of the god. While thus inhabiting the body, the god utilized it for his own purposes. The prime motive of the ecstatic dance was union with the deity; that being once effected other things might or might not follow.

The ecstatic dance takes, however, a different form, and has a different purpose under special circumstances. It acts sometimes as a means of forcing the deity (or, rather, it is believed to do so) to answer prayer; then during the ecstatic state self-laceration takes place, apparently with little or no sensation of pain; the loss of consciousness does not necessarily ensue. Both these forms of the ecstatic dance are met with among the Israelites. The former was practised by the prophets, and its contagious character is forcibly illustrated; as a result the spirit of Jahwe comes upon the performer. The latter is mentioned as a Syrian rite practised in time of emergency by the prophets of Baal; but the influence of Syrian, or Canaanite, practice upon the Israelites here is plainly indicated by the prophet Hosea who tells of how the people “cut themselves for corn and wine,” thus rebelling against their God. Though in this instance the dance is not mentioned we know from the parallel case of the prophets of Baal that it was part of the ritual, and therefore took place; and this quite apart from the analogous practice elsewhere. It was done with the purpose of forcing the god (in this case some local Baal) to give good crops. It was, so we may believe, an emergency rite; the more normal method may have been the dance round the sacred tree (see above, pp. 96, 99, 103). As to the special form of dance on these occasions, it is probable, so far as the prophetic dance was concerned, that it began in quite moderate style, and in single file formation; as the excitement increased it is obvious that it assumed a very different form, a whirling round with head thrown back, judging from analogy. In the case of the wilder, Syrian, form, there is reason to suppose that it began also quietly, with the “limping” step, and presently got wilder and wilder, until knives and other sharp instruments were seized, and self-inflicted wounds caused blood to flow from the bodies of the performers. The purpose of the “limping” step is believed, with good reason, to have been to arouse the pity of the god, or else to imitate him and thus induce him to hear the prayers addressed to him; the flowing blood may be regarded as having been a means of forcing the god to answer prayer.

The ecstatic dance, at any rate in its more barbarous form, is unknown among other Semitic peoples. This holds good also of the Egyptians, though the present day existence of it, in its less barbarous form, among the Dancing Dervishes supports the belief of its having been in vogue in earlier times.

With regard to the Syrians, however, there is the clearest evidence of its existence in both forms; for we have the story of Wen-Amon, and the detailed accounts of Heliodorus and Apuleius.

Very full evidence is forthcoming as to the ecstatic dance among the Greeks; it is, however, not indigenous, and can be shown to have come to them from the Syrians. It is, in the main, connected with the worship of Dionysos, in whose honour the Thyiads danced and raved, often until they became insensible. The god was supposed to be present at the orgies which took place during his festivals, and those who, by means of orgiastic dances, lost consciousness, came under his influence and were “possessed” by him. The instances of this dance among the Greeks, of which some notable ones are recorded above, show to what an extent it was in vogue; but we find that, in general, it is the less barbarous form of the ecstatic dance that was performed among them. The more objectionable form was rare; it occurred in connexion with the worship of Attis, but this was not popular among the Greeks. On the other hand, strange to say, among the Romans, especially during the later period of the Empire and owing to the influx of alien oriental cults, this form of worship became prominent. National characteristics undoubtedly had much to do with this contrast between Greeks and Romans; but it is probable that the respective purposes of the dance also had something to do with it; for while the main purpose of the ecstatic dance among the Greeks was to bring about the union of the god with his worshippers, among the Romans it appears to have been that of offering their blood. Among the Greeks, that is to say, it was in the nature of an act of devotion; but among the Romans it was to induce the goddess of fertility to give abundant crops.

Both forms of this dance appear among uncultured peoples. Its purpose is “possession” during which the possessed becomes endowed with supernatural powers; he is able to cure diseases, or to give oracles; or else it is purely an act of devotion. Among the Maoris it is supposed to have the effect of imparting courage, so it is performed on the eve of battle.

In its more barbaric form it is supposed to induce the higher powers to supply wants, as among the Basutos when game is scarce. An interesting example of the rite is offered by the natives in Tinnevelly in which both union with a supernatural being, and the power of prophecy is attained by means of this type of dance; it is true that, among these natives the actual union with the spirit is effected by offering him blood and drinking that of the victim sacrificed to the spirit; but the necessary spiritual condition into which the worshipper must be transported for this purpose is brought about through the sacred dance. But in this instance, as invariably among the uncivilized races, there is always some practical end in view; a material need of some kind arises which, it is believed, will be supplied by means of this rite.

In comparing this type of dance, as practised among many peoples, with the three instances of it given in the Old Testament, it will have been seen that there is a striking similarity both in purpose and performance. It is noteworthy, however, that among the Hebrews it is the milder type that is indigenous, and it is essentially an act of devotion; it is a means of receiving the spirit of Jahwe, and this for the practical purpose of divining His will and proclaiming it. The rite as practised by the prophets of Baal is Syrian; and there can be little doubt that the custom recorded by Hosea was of Syrian origin. So that, as among the Greeks, the milder form of the ecstatic dance was indigenous, while the more barbarous form was due to Syrian influence.

Reviewing the subject as a whole, there is no shadow of doubt that Hebrew and Greek practice here, though it is but a small item of religious ritual with which we have been concerned, illustrates their religious superiority over all the other races. But of these two the Hebrews stand on distinctly higher ground; there is not the remotest reason for believing that the ecstatic dance among them was ever contaminated by the licence which often obtained among the Greeks. Among the Hebrews, moreover, the object of it was purely devotional; and when an oracle was put forth it was only to declare the will of their God. So that it is true to say that even in the lower planes of religious thought and practice the Hebrews showed that they were in the vanguard of religious evolution.