Chapter VI: Some Rural Festivals and Ceremonies (2)

The same rule of secrecy and silence is observed in the worship of Dulha Deo. Among the Gaiti Gonds, their great festival is held after the ingathering of the rice harvest, when they proceed to a dense part of the jungle, which no woman is permitted to enter, and where, to represent the great god, a copper coin has been hung up, enclosed in a joint of bamboo. Arriving at the spot, they take down the copper god in his case, and selecting a small area about a foot square, they lay on it the copper coin, before which they arrange as many small heaps of uncooked rice as there are deities worshipped by them. The chickens brought for sacrifice are loosed and permitted to feed on the rice, after which they are killed and their blood sprinkled between the copper coin and the rice. Goats are also offered, and their blood presented in the same manner. Until prohibited by the Hindus, sacrifices of cows were also common. On the blood some country spirits is poured as a libation to their deities. The copper coin is now lifted, replaced in its bamboo case, which is shut up with leaves, wrapped up in grass, and returned to its place in the tree, to remain there till it is required on the following year. [842]

The Holî: Its Origin.

The most famous and interesting of the village festivals is the Holî, which is held in the early spring, at the full moon of Phâlgun. One account of its origin describes it as founded in honour of a female demon or Râkshasî called Dundhas, "she who would destroy many."

Another account connects the observance with the well-known legend of Hiranya-kasipu, "golden-dressed," and his son Prahlâda. Hiranya-kasipu was, it is said, a Daitya, who obtained from Siva the sovereignty of the three worlds for a million years, and persecuted his pious son Prahlâda because he was such a devoted worshipper of Vishnu. Finally the angry god, in his Nara-sinha or man-lion incarnation, slew the sinner.

Harnâkas, as the father is called in the modern version of the story, was an ascetic, who claimed that the devotion of the world was to be paid to him alone. His son Prahlâda became a devotee of Vishnu, and performed various miracles, such as saving a cat and her kittens out of the blazing kiln of a potter. His father was enraged at what he considered the apostasy of his son, and with the assistance of his sister Holî or Holikâ, commenced to torture Prahlâda. Many attempts on his life failed, and finally Vishnu himself entered a pillar of heated iron, which had been prepared for the destruction of Prahlâda, and tore Harnâkas to pieces. Then Holî tried to burn herself and Prahlâda together, but the fire left him unscathed and she was consumed. The fire is now supposed to be burnt in commemoration of this tragedy.

This legend has been localized at a place called Deokali near Irichh in the Jhânsi District, where Hiranya-kasipu is said to have had his palace. Just below it is a deep pool, into which Prahlâda was flung by the orders of his father, and the mark of the foot of the martyr is still shown on a neighbouring rock. [843]

Another legend identifies Holî with the witch Pûtanâ, who attempted to destroy the infant Krishna by giving him her poisoned nipple to suck. [844]

Lastly, a tale told at Hardwâr brings us probably nearer the real origin of the rite. Holikâ or Holî was, they say, sister of Sambat or Sanvat, the Hindu year. Once, at the beginning of all things, Sambat died, and Holî in her excessive love for her brother insisted on being burnt on his pyre, and by her devotion he was restored to life. The Holî fire is now burnt every year to commemorate this tragedy.

Propitiation of Sunshine.

There seems to be little doubt that the custom of burning the Holî fire rests on the same basis as that of similar observances in Europe. The whole subject has recently been copiously illustrated by Mr. J. G. Frazer. [845] His conclusion is that "they are sun charms or magical ceremonies intended to ensure a proper supply of sunshine for men, animals, and plants. We have seen that savages resort to charms for making sunshine, and we need not wonder that primitive man in Europe has done the same. Indeed, considering the cold and cloudy climate of Europe during a considerable portion of the year, it is natural that sun charms should have played a much more prominent part among the superstitious practices of European peoples than among those of savages who live near the equator. This view of the festival in question is supported by various considerations drawn partly from the rites themselves, partly from the influences they are believed to exert on the weather and on vegetation. For example, the custom of rolling a burning wheel down a hill-side, which is often observed on these occasions, seems a very natural imitation of the sun's course in the sky, and the imitation is particularly appropriate on Midsummer Day, when the sun's annual declension begins. Not less graphic is the imitation of his apparent revolution by swinging a burning tar barrel round a pole. The custom of throwing blazing discs, shaped like suns, into the air, is probably also a piece of imitative magic." [846] In these, as in so many cases, the magic force is supposed to take effect through mimicry or sympathy.

It is true, of course, that the climatic conditions of Northern India do not, as a rule, necessitate the use of incantations to produce sunshine. But it must be remembered that the native of the country does not look on the fierceness of the summer sun with the same dread as is felt by Europeans. To him it is about the most pleasant and healthy season of the year, and people who are sometimes underfed and nearly always insufficiently dressed have more reason to fear the chills of December and January than the warmth of May and June. It is also usually recognized in popular belief that seasonable and sufficient rainfall depends on the due supply of sunshine.

The Holî Observances.

The Holî, while generally observed in Northern India, is performed with special care by the cowherd classes of the land of Braj, or the region round the city of Mathura, where the myth of Krishna has been localized, and it is here that we meet with some curious incidents which are undoubtedly survivals of the most primitive usages.

The ceremonies in vogue at Mathura have been very carefully recorded by Mr. Growse. [847] He notes "the cheeriness of the holiday-makers as they throng the narrow, winding streets on their way to and from the central square of the town of Barsâna, where they break into groups of bright and ever varying combinations of colour, with the buffooneries of the village clowns, and the grotesque dances of the lusty swains, who, with castanets in hand, caricature in their movements the conventional graces of the Indian ballet girl.

"Then follows a mock fight between the men of the adjoining village of Nandgânw and the women of Barsâna. The women have their mantles drawn down over their faces and are armed with long, heavy bamboos, with which they deal their opponents many shrewd blows on the head and shoulders. The latter defend themselves as best they can with round leather shields and stag horns, as they dodge in and out among the crowd, and now and again have their flight cut off, and are driven back upon the crowd of excited viragoes. Many laughable incidents occur. Not unfrequently blood is drawn; but an accident of this kind is regarded rather as an omen of good fortune, and has never been known to give rise to any ill-feeling. Whenever the fury of their female assailants appears to be subsiding, it is again excited by the men shouting at them snatches of ribald rhymes."

The Lighting of the Holî Fire.

Next day the Holî fire is lit. By immemorial custom, the boys are allowed to appropriate fuel of any kind for the fire, the wood-work of deserted houses, fences, and the like, and the owner never dares to complain. We have the same custom in England. The chorus of the Oxfordshire song sung at the feast of Gunpowder Plot runs,--

A stick and a stake
For King James's sake;
If you won't give me one,
I'll take two,
The better for me,
The worse for you.

This is chanted by the boys when collecting sticks for the bonfire, and it is considered quite lawful to appropriate any old wood they can lay hands on after the recitation of these lines. [848]

Mr. Growse goes on to describe how a large bonfire had been stacked between the pond and the temple of Prahlâda (who, as we have already seen, is connected with the legend), inside which the local village priest, the Kherapat or Panda, who was to take the chief part in the performance of the day, was sitting, telling his beads. At 6 p.m. the pile was lit, and being composed of the most inflammable materials, at once burst into a tremendous blaze. The lads of the village kept running close round it, jumping and dancing and brandishing their bludgeons, while the Panda went round and dipped in the pond, and then with his dripping turban and loin-cloth ran back and made a feint of passing through the fire. In reality he only jumped over the outermost verge of the smouldering ashes, and then dashed into his cell again, much to the dissatisfaction of the spectators, who say that the former incumbent used to do it much more thoroughly. If on the next recurrence of the festival the Panda shows himself equally timid, the village proprietors threaten to eject him as an impostor from the land which he holds rent-free, simply on the score of his being fire-proof.

It is hardly necessary to say that this custom of jumping through the fire prevails in many other places. We have already had an instance of it in the case of the fire worship of Râhu. In Greece people jump through the bonfires lighted on St. John's Eve. The Irish make their cattle pass through the fire, and children are passed through it in the arms of their fathers. The passing of victims through the fire in honour of Moloch is well known. [849]

The Throwing of the Powder.

In the Indian observance of the Holî next followed a series of performances characterized by rude horseplay and ribald singing. Next day came the throwing of the powder. "Handfuls of red powder, mixed with glistening talc, were thrown about. Up to the balconies, above and down on the heads of the people below; and seen through this atmosphere of coloured cloud, the frantic gestures of the throng, their white clothes and faces all stained with red and yellow patches, and the great timbrels with branches of peacocks' feathers, artificial flowers and tinsel stars stuck in their rims, borne above the players' heads, and now and then tossed up in the air, combined to form a curious and picturesque spectacle."

Then followed another mock fight between men and women, conducted with perfect good-humour on both sides, and when it was all over, many of the spectators ran into the arena, and rolled over and over in the dust, or streaked themselves with it on the forehead, taking it as the dust hallowed by the feet of Krishna and the Gopîs.

The Holî in Mârwâr.

Colonel Tod gives an interesting account of the festival as performed at Mârwâr. He describes the people as lighting large fires into which various substances, as well as the common powder, were thrown; and around which groups of children danced and screamed in the streets, "like so many infernals; until three hours after sunrise of the new moon of the month of Chait, these orgies are continued with increased vigour; when the natives bathe, change their garments, worship, and return to the ranks of sober citizens, and princes and chiefs receive gifts from their domestics." [850]

The Ashes of the Holî Fire.

The belief in the efficacy of the Holî fire in preventing the blight of crops, and in the ashes as a remedy for disease, has been already noticed. So in England, the Yule log was put aside, and was supposed to guard the house from evil spirits. [851]

The Basis of the Holî Rite.

We have seen that the primary basis of this and similar rites is probably the propitiation of sunshine. But the present observances in India are probably a survival of a very much more primitive cultus. We have already seen that in one form of the popular legend, Holî is the sister of Sambat, the year, and revived him from death by burning herself with his corpse. We find the same idea in Nepâl, where a wooden post adorned with flags is erected in front of the palace, and this is burned at night, representing the burning of the body of the old year, and its re-birth with each succeeding spring. [852]

The Drâvidian Hill tribes of Mirzapur do not perform the Holî ceremony like their Hindu neighbours, but on the same date the Baiga burns a stake, a ceremony which is known as Sambat Jalânâ, or "the burning of the old year."

In Kumaun each clan puts up the Chîr or rag-tree. A middle-sized tree or a large branch is cut down and stripped of its leaves. Young men go round and beg scraps of cloth, which are tied to the tree, and it is then set up in the middle of the village. Near it the Holî fire is burnt. On the last day the tree itself is burnt, and the people jump over the ashes as a cure for itch and similar diseases. While the tree is burning, men of other clans try to snatch away some of the rags. It is regarded as being very propitious to be able to do this, and the clan which loses is not allowed to set up the tree again. Faction fighting in order to gain the right of setting up the tree has practically ceased under British law. [853]

The ceremony in another form appears at Gwâlior. There, instead of a tree, they burn large heaps of cowdung fuel. The Marwâris erect a nude figure known as Nathurâm, made of bricks, of a most disgusting shape. This, when the pile of cowdung cakes is consumed, is broken to pieces with blows of shoes and bludgeons. Another beautifully carved image of the same kind is paraded through the bazars and kept safely from year to year. This Nathurâm is said to have been a scamp from some part of Northern India, who went to Mârwâr and seduced a number of women, until he was detected and put to death. He then became a malignant ghost and began to torment women and children, and now his spirit can be appeased only by a series of indecent songs and gestures performed by the women. No Mârwâri household is without an image of Nathurâm, and a representation of him is laid with the married pair after the wedding, while barren women and those whose children die pray to him for offspring. He is in short a phallic fetish.

The Holî, then, in its most primitive form, is possibly an aboriginal usage which has been imported into Brâhmanism. This is specially shown by the functions of the Kherapat or village priest, who lights the fire. He is sometimes a Brâhman, but often a man drawn from the lower races. As we have seen, his duties among the Drâvidian races are performed by the Baiga, who is always drawn from the non-Aryan races. It seems probable that the legends connecting the rite with Prahlâda and Krishna are a subsequent invention, and that the fire is really intended to represent the burning of the old year and the re-birth of the new, which they pray may be more propitious to the families, cattle, and crops of the worshippers. The observance seems also to include certain ceremonies intended to scare the evil spirits which bring disease and famine. The compulsory entry of the local priests into the fire can hardly be anything but a survival of human sacrifice, intended to secure the same results; and the dancing, singing, waving of flags, screaming, the mock fight, and the throwing of red powder, a colour supposed, as we have seen, to be obnoxious to evil spirits, are probably based on the same train of ideas.

Finally comes the indecency of word and gesture, which is a distinct element in the rite. There seems reason to believe that in the worship of certain deities in spring, promiscuous intercourse was regarded as a necessary part of the ceremony. [854] This appears at what is called the Kâhi ka Mela in Kulu, in which indecency is supposed to scare evil spirits. [855] We have already noticed the practice of indecency as a rain charm, and it seems at least a plausible hypothesis that the unchecked profligacy which prevails among the Hindus at the spring feast and at the Kajalî in autumn may be intended to repel evil spirits which check the fecundity of men, animals, and crops. The same idea probably also underlies the licentious observance of the Karama among the Drâvidian races. The same theory explains similar usages in Europe, such as the Lupercalia, Festum Stultorum, Matronalia Festa, Liberalia, and our own All Fools' Day, where the indecent part of the performance has disappeared under the influence of a purer faith and a higher morality, and a little kindly merriment is its only survival.

Of the mock fight as a charm for rain we have spoken already, and at the Holî it may be merely a fertility charm. Of these mock fights we have numerous instances in the customs of Northern India. Thus, in Kumaun, in former days at the Bagwâh festival the males of several villages used to divide into two bodies and sling stones at each other across a stream. The results were so serious that it was suppressed after the British occupation of the country. [856] The people in some places attribute the increase of cholera and other plagues to its discontinuance. In the plains, the custom survives in what is known as the Barra, when the men of two villages have a sort of Tug of War with a rope across the boundary of the village. Plenty is supposed to follow the side which is victorious.

Another of these spring rites is that known as the Râli ka Mela in Kângra, the Râli being a sort of rude image of Siva or Pârvatî. The girls of the village in March take baskets of Dûb grass and flowers, of which they make a heap in a selected place. Round this they walk and sing for ten days, and then they erect two images of Siva and Pârvatî, who are married according to the regular rites. At the conjunction or Sankrânt in the month of Baisâkh the images are flung into a pool and mock funeral obsequies are performed. The object of the ceremonial is said to be to secure a good husband. [857]

In Gorakhpur this spring rite takes the form of hunting and crucifying a monkey on the village boundary. This is said to be intended to scare these animals, which injure the crops. But the rite seems to be intended to secure fertility, and is possibly the survival of an actual sacrifice.

Of the same class is what is known in the Hills as the Badwâr rite, where a Dom, one of the menial castes, is made to slide down a rope from a high precipice. The intention is to promote the fertility of the crops and expel the demons of disease.

Marriage of the Powers of Vegetation.

Mr. Frazer has collected instances of the marriage of the powers of vegetation, of which we have a survival in the English King and Queen of the May. This seems to be the explanation of the remarkable rite among the Kharwârs, of which Mr. Forbes has given an account. [858]

"One of the most remarkable of the Kharwâr deities is called Durgâgiya Deotâ; this spirit rejoices in the name of Mûchak Rânî. She is a Chamârin by caste, and her home is on a hill called Buhorâj; her priests are Baigas. All the Kharwârs regard her with great veneration, and offer up pigs and fowls to her several times during the year. Once a year, in the month of Aghan, what is called the Kâruj Pûjâ takes place in her honour.

"The ceremony is performed in the village threshing-floor, when a kind of bread and kids are offered up. Once in three years the ceremony of marrying the Rânî is performed with great pomp. Early in the morning of the bridal day both men and women assemble with drums and horns, form themselves into procession and ascend the hill, singing a wild song in honour of the bride and bridegroom. One of the party is constituted the priest, who is to perform the wedding ceremony. This man ascends the hill in front of the procession, shouting and dancing till he works himself into a frenzy. The procession halts at the mouth of a cave, which does, or is supposed to, exist on the top of the hill. The priest then enters the cave and returns bearing with him the Rânî, who is represented as a small oblong-shaped and smooth stone, daubed over with red lead. After going through certain antics, a piece of Tasar silk cloth is placed on the Rânî's head, and a new sheet is placed below her, the four corners being tied up in such a manner as to allow the Rânî, who is now supposed to be seated in her bridal couch, to be slung on a bamboo, and carried like a dooly or palanquin.

"The procession then descends the hill and halts under a Banyan tree till noon, when the marriage procession starts for the home of the bridegroom, who resides on the Kandi hill.

"On their arrival there, offerings, consisting of sweetened milk, two copper pice, and two bell-metal wristlets, are presented to the bride, who is taken out of her dooly and put into the cave in which the bridegroom, who, by the way, is of the Agariya caste, resides. This cave is supposed to be of immense depth, for the stone goes rolling down, striking the rocks as it falls, and the people all listen eagerly till the sound dies out, which they say it does not do for nearly half an hour.

"When all is silent, the people return rejoicing down the hill, and finish off the evening with a dance. The strangest part of the story is that the people believe that the caves on the two hills are connected, and that every third year the Rânî returns to her father's house. They implicitly believe that the stone yearly produced is the same. The village Baigas could probably explain the mystery.

"In former times the marriage used to take place every year, but on one occasion, on the morning succeeding the marriage ceremony, the Rânî made her appearance in the Baiga's house. The Baiga himself was not present, but his wife, who was at home, was very indignant at this flightiness on the part of the Rânî, and the idea of her going about the country the morning after her marriage so shocked the Baigâin's sense of propriety, that she gave the Rânî a good setting down, and called upon her to explain herself, and as she could give no satisfactory account of her conduct, she was punished by being married every three years, instead of yearly as before."

The mock marriage of Ghâzi Miyân, to which some reference has been already made, a very favourite rite among the Musalmâns and low Hindu castes of the North-Western Provinces, is very possibly the survival of some non-Aryan rite of this kind, performed to secure the annual revival of the year and the powers of vegetation.

The Drâvidian Saturnalia.

Some of the Drâvidian tribes enjoy the Saturnalia in other forms.

Thus, the Gond women have the curious festival known as Gurtûtnâ or "breaking of the sugar." "A stout pole about twelve or fifteen feet high is set up, and a lump of coarse sugar with a rupee in it placed on the top; round it the Gond women take their stand, each with a little green tamarind rod in her hands. The men collect outside, and each has a kind of shield made of two parallel sticks joined with a cross-piece held in the hand to protect themselves from the blows. They make a rush together, and one of them swarms up the pole, the women all the time plying their rods vigorously; and it is no child's play, as the men's backs attest next day. When the man gets to the top, he takes the piece of sugar, slips down, and gets off as rapidly as he can. This is done five or six times over with the greatest good-humour, and generally ends with an attack of the women en masse upon the men. It is the regular Saturnalia for the women, who lose all respect, even for a settlement officer; and on one occasion when he was looking on, he only escaped by the most abject submission and presentation of rupees." [859]

The Bhîls of Gujarât plant a small tree or branch firmly in the ground. The women stand near it, and the men outside. One man rushing in tries to uproot the tree, and the men and women fall upon him and beat him so soundly that he has to retire. He is succeeded by another, who is belaboured in the same way, and this goes on till one man succeeds in bearing off the tree, but seldom without a load of blows which cripples him for days. [860]

All these mock combats have their parallels in English customs, such as the throwing of the hood at Haxey, the football match at Derby, the fighting on Lammas Day at Lothian, and hunting of the ram at Eton. [861]

The Desauli of the Hos.

The Hos of Chutia Nâgpur have a similar festival, the Desauli held in January, "when the granaries are full of grain, and the people are, to use their own expression, 'full of devilry!' They have a strange notion that at this period men and women are so overcharged with vicious propensities that it is absolutely necessary for the safety of the person to let off steam by allowing for the time full vent to the passions. The festival, therefore, becomes a sort of Saturnalia, during which servants forget their duty to their masters, children their reverence for their parents, men their respect for women, and women all notions of gentleness, modesty, and delicacy; they become raging Bacchantes. It opens with a sacrifice to Desauli of three fowls, a cock and two hens, one of which must be black, and offered with some flowers of the Palâsa tree (Butea frondosa), bread made from rice flour and sesamum seeds. The sacrifice and offering are made by the village priest, if there be one, or if not by any elder of the village who possesses the necessary legendary lore; and he prays that during the year they are going to enter on they and their children may be preserved from all misfortune and sickness, and that they may have seasonable rain and good crops. Prayer is also made in some places for the souls of the departed. At this period an evil spirit is supposed to infest the locality, and to get rid of it, men, women, and children go in procession round and through every part of the village with sticks in their hands, as if beating for game, singing a wild chant and vociferating loudly, till they feel assured that the bad spirit must have fled, and they make noise enough to frighten a legion. These religious ceremonies over, the people give themselves up to feasting, drinking immoderately of rice-beer till they are in a state of wild ebriety most suitable for the purpose of letting off steam." [862]

With these survivals of perhaps the most primitive observances of the races of Northern India we may close this survey of their religion and folk-lore. To use Dr. Tylor's words in speaking of savage religions generally, "Far from its beliefs and practices being a rubbish heap of miscellaneous folly, they are consistent and logical in so high a degree as to begin, as soon as even roughly classified, to display the principles of their formation and development; and these principles prove to be essentially rational, though working in a mental condition of intense and inveterate ignorance." [863]

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Grimm, "Teutonic Mythology," translation by J. S. Stallybrass, 4 vols., London, 1880-88.

Grimm, "Household Tales," translated by Margaret Hunt, 2 vols., London, 1884.

Grote, G., "History of Greece," 12 vols., London, 1869.

Growse, F. S., "Mathura, a District Memoir," Allahabad, 1885.

Growse, F. S., "Râmâyan of Tulasi Dâs," Allahabad, 1877-80.

Gunthorpe, Major E. J., "Notes on the Criminal Tribes of Bombay, Berar and the Central Provinces," Bombay, 1882.

Hardy, E. S., "Manual of Buddhism," London, 1880.

Hartland, E. S., "Science of Fairy Tales," London, 1891.

Hartland, E. S., "Legend of Perseus," London, 1894-95.

Haug, M., "Aitareya Brâhmanam of the Rig Veda," 2 vols., Bombay, 1863.

Hearn, W. E., "The Aryan Household," London, 1879.

Heber, Bishop R., "Narrative of a journey through the Upper Provinces of India," 2 vols., London, 1861.

Henderson, W., "Notes on the Folk-lore of the Northern Counties of England and the Border," Folk-lore Society, London, 1879.

Herklots, G. A., "Qânûn-i-Islâm," Madras, 1863.

Herodotus, translated by G. Rawlinson, 4 vols., 3rd edition, London, 1875.

Hewitt, J. F., "The Ruling Races of Prehistoric Times," London, 1894.

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Jacobs, J., "English Fairy Tales," London, 1890.

Jacobs, J., "Indian Fairy Tales," London, 1891.

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Knowles, J. H., "Folk-tales of Kashmîr," London, 1888.

Lane, E. W., "Account of the Manners and Customs of the Modern Egyptians," 2 vols., London, 1871.

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NOTES

[1] For some of the literature of the Evil Eye see Tylor, "Early History," 134; Henderson, "Folk-lore of the Northern Counties," 187 sq.; Westropp, "Primitive Symbolism," 58 sqq.; Gregor, "Folk-lore of North-East Scotland," 8.

[2] "Natural History," vii. 2.

[3] Ibbetson, "Panjâb Ethnography," 117.

[4] Lady Wilde, "Legends," 24.

[5] Campbell, "Notes," 207.

[6] On this see valuable notes by W. Cockburn in "Panjâb Notes and Queries," i. 14.

[7] For many lists of such names see Temple, "Proper Names of Panjâbis," 22 sqq.; "Indian Antiquary," viii. 321 sq.; x. 321 sq.; "Panjâb Notes and Queries," i.26, 51; iii. 9.

[8] Gregor, "Folk-lore of North-East Scotland," 35.

[9] "Folk-lore," iii. 85.

[10] Lady Wilde, "Legends," 20.

[11] "Folk-lore," i. 273; Spencer, "Principles of Sociology," i. 242; Lubbock, "Origin of Civilization," 243; Farrer, "Primitive Manners," 119 sq.

[12] "Notes," 400.

[13] Cunningham, "Archæological Reports," vii. 6.

[14] "Folk-lore," ii. 179.

[15] "Bombay Gazetteer," v. 45 sq.

[16] "Folk-lore," iv. 147.

[17] "Panjâb Notes and Queries," ii. 42.

[18] Leland, "Etruscan Roman Remains," 53.

[19] Gregor, "Folk-lore of North-East Scotland," 7.

[20] Brand, "Observations," 753.

[21] Campbell, "Notes," 184.

[22] "Notes," 34.

[23] Gregor, "Folk-lore of North-East Scotland," 5, 60, 62.

[24] Reg. vs. Lalla, "Nizâmat Adâlat Reports," 22nd September, 1853.

[25] Gubernatis, "Zoological Mythology," ii. 281.

[26] "Folk-lore," i. 154.

[27] Tawney, "Katha Sarit Sâgara," i. 386, 575; ii. 64.

[28] Brand, "Observations," 339.

[29] "Primitive Manners," 293.

[30] Lady Wilde, "Legends," 181.

[31] "Etruscan Roman Remains," 264.

[32] "Bombay Gazetteer," v. 123; and for another instance, see Jarrett, "Aîn-i-Akbari," ii. 197.

[33] Lâl Bihâri Dê, "Folk-tales," 108 sqq.; Wilson, "Indian Caste," ii. 174.

[34] Campbell, "Notes," 69.

[35] Brand, "Observations," 344, 733.

[36] v. 21.

[37] For further examples see Campbell, "Notes," 126 sqq.

[38] Temple, "Wideawake Stories," 83; Tawney, "Katha Sarit Sâgara," i.478.

[39] Cunningham, "Archæological Reports," vii. 50.

[40] Campbell, "Notes," 119.

[41] "North Indian Notes and Queries," iii. 53.

[42] Brand, "Observations," 733.

[43] "Anatomy of Melancholy," 434.

[44] Henderson, "Folk-lore of the Northern Counties," 146; Leland. "Etruscan Roman Remains," 267.

[45] Hunt, "Popular Romances," 213.

[46] "Panjâb Notes and Queries," iii. 67.

[47] Campbell, "Notes," 49 sq.

[48] Dalton, "Descriptive Ethnology," 115, 270, 272.

[49] "Panjâb Notes and Queries," i. 51.

[50] Risley, "Tribes and Castes," ii. 209.

[51] Brand, "Observations," 166.

[52] Leland, "Etruscan Roman Remains," 260, 279; Hartland, "Legend of Perseus," ii. 258 sqq.

[53] "Folk-lore," iv. 358, 361.

[54] Brand, loc. cit., 724.

[55] Campbell, "Notes," 131; Tylor, "Primitive Culture," ii. 439.

[56] Brand, loc. cit., 668.

[57] Tawney, "Katha Sarit Sâgara," ii. 198.

[58] Schrader, "Prehistoric Antiquities," 163 sqq.

[59] Gregor, "Folk-lore of North-East Scotland," 45; Lady Wilde, "Legends," 205.

[60] "Folk-lore," ii. 292; Rhys, "Lectures," 446, 553; Campbell, "Popular Tales," Introduction, lxx.; ii. 98; Hartland, "Legend of Perseus," i. 37.

[61] Brand, "Observations," 355.

[62] Frazer, "Golden Bough," i. 125.

[63] "Bombay Gazetteer," xii. 117.

[64] Campbell, "Notes," 95.

[65] Dalton, "Descriptive Ethnology," 261, 321.

[66] Brand, "Observations," 58.

[67] Hartland, "Legend of Perseus," ii. 289.

[68] Dalton, loc. cit., 261.

[69] "Settlement Report," 274.

[70] "North Indian Notes and Queries," ii. 29.

[71] Campbell, "Notes," 92.

[72] Growse, "Râmâyana," 99.

[73] Frazer, "Totemism," 26 sq.

[74] Dalton, "Descriptive Ethnology," 157, 161, 191, 219, 251.

[75] Bholanâth Chandra, "Travels of a Hindu," i. 326; "Panjâb Notes and Queries," i. 27, 99; Farrer, "Primitive Manners," 125.

[76] Campbell, "Notes," p. 134.

[77] Yule, "Marco Polo," ii. 69,99; Herodotus, v. 6; and for the Dacians, Pliny, "Natural History," vii. 10; xxii. 2.

[78] Loc. cit., ii. 218.

[79] Hislop, "Papers," ii., note; Risley, "Tribes and Castes," i. 292.

[80] Brand, "Observations," 399. For the Indian versions of Cinderella and her shoe, see "North Indian Notes and Queries," iii. 102, 121.

[81] "Legend of Perseus," i. 171.

[82] Hunt, "Popular Romances," 409.

[83] Campbell, "Notes," 105.

[84] "North Indian Notes and Queries," i. 86.

[85] Brand, "Observations," 335.

[86] Campbell, "Notes," 91, quoting Chambers, "Book of Days," 720.

[87] Leland, "Etruscan Roman Remains," 93.

[88] "Panjâb Notes and Queries," iv. 132; Campbell, "Notes," 284.

[89] Brand, "Observations," 121.

[90] Brand, "Observations," 598.

[91] Rhys, "Lectures." 348; Miss Cox, "Cinderella," 489; Grimm, "Household Tales," ii. 429; Hartland, "Legend of Perseus," i. 12.

[92] Knowles, "Folk-lore of Kashmîr," 333.

[93] Dalton, "Descriptive Ethnology," 283.

[94] Spencer, "Principles of Sociology," i. 254, note, 301.

[95] "History of Indian Architecture," 57 sqq.; Cunningham, "Archæological Reports," ii. 87; xvi. 8 sqq.

[96] Monier-Williams, "Brâhmanism and Hinduism," 203.

[97] Aubrey, "Remaines," 57.

[98] "Notes," 177.

[99] Westropp, "Primitive Symbolism," 58 sqq., 61 sqq.

[100] "Bombay Gazetteer," xviii. 473, 426.

[101] "Settlement Report," 59 sqq.

[102] Tod, "Annals," i. 383, note, 411, note.

[103] Campbell, "Notes." 251.

[104] "Panjâb Notes and Queries," ii. 44.

[105] "Panjâb Notes and Queries," iii. 186.

[106] "Folk-lore," ii. 75; Lady Wilde, "Legends," 110; Brand, "Observations," 754.

[107] Lady Wilde, loc. cit., 79.

[108] Tawney, "Katha Sarit Sâgara," i. 337; ii. 233, 358.

[109] ii. 279.

[110] "North Indian Notes and Queries," i. 61.

[111] Tod, "Annals," i. 457; "North Indian Notes and Queries," i. 169.

[112] Brand, "Observations," 359.

[113] Trumbull, "Blood Covenant," 65; Lubbock, "Origin of Civilization," 25; Tylor, "Early History," 128 sq.; Jones, "Finger-ring Lore," 91 sqq.

[114] Knowles, "Folk-tales," 23.

[115] Tawney, "Katha Sarit Sâgara," i. 61; ii. 80; Lane, "Arabian Nights," i. 9.

[116] Miss Frere, "Old Deccan Days," 230, 236.

[117] Knowles, "Folk-tales," 467.

[118] Risley, "Tribes and Castes," ii. 49; Tawney, loc. cit., i. 300.

[119] Henderson, "Folk-lore of Northern Counties," 155; Gregor, "Folk-lore of North-East Scotland," 145.

[120] "Notes and Queries," i. ser. iv. 500.

[121] Leland, "Etruscan Roman Remains," 259.

[122] Lady Wilde, "Legends," 195, 197, 199.

[123] "Settlement Report," 278, 286.

[124] "North Indian Notes and Queries," i. 15.

[125] Tod, "Annals," i. 415; Henderson, "Folk-lore of the Northern Counties," 20.

[126] Knowles, "Folk-tales of Kashmîr," 71; Tawney, "Katha Sarit Sâgara," i. 340.

[127] Risley, "Tribes and Castes." i. 173, 315.

[128] Leland, "Etruscan Roman Remains," 168.

[129] Risley, loc. cit., i. 425.

[130] Tawney, "Katha Sarit Sâgara," i. 576, quoting Lenormant, "Chaldean Magic and Sorcery," 141; Ralston, "Songs of the Russian People," 288.

[131] Campbell, "Notes," 60.

[132] Harland, "Science of Fairy Tales," 79 sqq.

[133] Growse, 146.

[134] "Primitive Culture," i. 120.

[135] Frazer, "Golden Bough," ii. 151.

[136] Henderson, "Folk-lore of the Northern Counties," 48; Lady Wilde, "Legends," 146 sqq.

[137] Lâl Bihâri Dê, "Govinda Sâmanta," i. 12.

[138] Tawney, "Katha Sarit Sâgara," ii. 66. It has been suggested that the idea arose from the Sanskrit word sasin, meaning "hare-marked" or "the moon"; but this seems rather putting the cart before the horse. Conway, "Demonology," i. 125; Gubernatis, "Zoological Mythology," ii. 8; Aubrey, "Remaines," 20, 109.

[139] "Bombay Gazetteer," vi. 126; Gregor, "Folk-lore of North-East Scotland," 128; Lady Wilde, "Legends," 179.

[140] Tod, "Annals," ii. 577 sq.

[141] Malcolm, "Central India," i. 253, note.

[142] Tawney, loc cit., ii. 128.

[143] Blochmann, "Aîn-i-Akbari," i. 91.

[144] "Annals," i. 694.

[145] Malcolm, "Central India," i. 12, note.

[146] "North Indian Notes and Queries," i. 137, 207; ii. 28; iii. 18; "Panjâb Notes and Queries," i. 15, 87, 137.

[147] Growse, "Mathura," 128.

[148] Gregor, "Folk-lore of North-East Scotland," 200 sq.

[149] "North Indian Notes and Queries," i. 15.

[150] Hunt, "Popular Romances," 379; "Contemporary Review," xlviii. 108; Gregor, "Folk-lore of North-East Scotland," 206.

[151] Monier-Williams, "Brâhmanism and Hinduism," 293.

[152] Spencer, "Principles of Sociology," i. 153.

[153] Gregor, loc. cit., 206; Conway, "Demonology," i. 53; Farrer, "Primitive Manners," 23.

[154] "Bombay Gazetteer," xii. 107; Campbell, "Notes," 394.

[155] Risley, "Tribes and Castes," ii. 34.

[156] Brand, "Observations," 450.

[157] Dalton, "Descriptive Ethnology," 219.

[158] "Folk-lore," i. 155.

[159] Knowles, "Folk-tales," 401.

[160] Leland, "Etruscan Roman Remains," 260.

[161] "North Indian Notes and Queries," ii. 10; iii. 90.

[162] "Folk-lore," iv. 257.

[163] "Himâlayan Gazetteer," ii. 832; Tylor, "Primitive Culture," ii. 126; Wilson, "Essays," ii. 292; Spencer, "Principles of Sociology," i. 147.

[164] Risley, "Tribes and Castes," ii. 19.

[165] Lady Wilde, "Legends," 83.

[166] "Zoological Mythology," i. 49.

[167] Frazer, "Golden Bough," i. 154.

[168] "Bombay Gazetteer," viii. 159.

[169] Lady Wilde, "Legends," 83.

[170] Henderson, "Folk-lore of the Northern Counties," 14, 271; Tawney, "Katha Sarit Sâgara," i. 305, 546; Tylor, "Primitive Culture," ii. 194 sq; "Contemporary Review," xlviii. 113; Grierson, "Behâr Peasant Life," 388; "Folk-lore," ii. 26, 294.

[171] "Bombay Gazetteer," xii. 109; "Illustrations of the History and Practices of the Thags," 9.

[172] Risley, "Tribes and Castes," ii. 75.

[173] "Notes," 214, 473.

[174] "Folk-lore of the Northern Counties," 264.

[175] Dalton, "Descriptive Ethnology," 202 sq.

[176] "Folk-lore," iv. 360.

[177] "Settlement Report," 263 sq.

[178] Hislop, "Papers," 19.

[179] Dalton, "Descriptive Ethnology," 274.

[180] "Principles of Sociology," i. 161.

[181] Dalton, "Descriptive Ethnology," 12; Tylor, "Primitive Culture," ii. 33 sq.

[182] "North Indian Notes and Queries," ii. 7; iii. 17; Campbell, "Notes," 495.

[183] Frazer, "Golden Bough," i. 196.

[184] "Bombay Gazetteer," iii. 220.

[185] Leland, "Etruscan Roman Remains," 281.

[186] "Legend of Perseus," ii. 320.

[187] Temple, "Wide-awake Tales," 414; "Legends of the Panjâb," i. Introduction xix.; "Folk-lore," ii. 236; Miss Cox, "Cinderella," 504; Clouston, "Popular Tales," i. 341; Campbell, "Santâl Folk-tales," 16; Grimm, "Household Tales," ii. 382.

[188] Spencer, "Principles of Sociology," i. 157, 206; Tylor, "Primitive Culture," i. 482; Lubbock, "Origin of Civilization," 37; Farrer, "Primitive Manners," 21 sq.

[189] Gubernatis, "Zoological Mythology," i. 49.

[190] "Descriptive Ethnology," 205.

[191] Lady Wilde, "Legends," 118, 140.

[192] "Bombay Gazetteer," xii. 118; "Folk-lore," iv. 245.

[193] "Travels in the Himâlaya," i. 342.

[194] Risley, "Tribes and Castes," i. 126, 174, 395; ii. 71; "Bombay Gazetteer," xiii. 187; Dalton, "Descriptive Ethnology," 218.

[195] Hunt, "Popular Romances," 82.

[196] Brand, "Observations," 519.

[197] Tylor, "Primitive Culture," ii. 152.

[198] Risley, loc. cit., ii. 326.

[199] Dalton, "Descriptive Ethnology," 204 sq.

[200] Dyer, "Popular Customs," 57.

[201] Ibid., 199.

[202] Ibid., 398.

[203] "Folk-lore," ii. 310.

[204] Leland, "Etruscan Roman Remains," 345.

[205] "North Indian Notes and Queries," iii. 35.

[206] "Remaines," 95; Henderson, "Folk-lore of the Northern Counties," 57.

[207] Gregor, "Folk-lore of North-East Scotland," 213.

[208] Frazer, "Contemporary Review," xlviii. 117; Spencer, "Principles of Sociology," i. 195.

[209] Campbell, "Notes," 334.

[210] Numbers xix. 15.

[211] "Annals," ii. 542.

[212] Grimm, "Household Tales," ii. 402; Clouston, "Popular Tales," i. 380.

[213] Lane, "Arabian Nights," i. 71; Lâl Bihâri Dê, "Folk-tales," 198, 274.

[214] Brand, "Observations," 435.

[215] Lâl Bihâri Dê, "Folk-tales of Bengal," 198, 206; "Govinda Sâmanta," i. 135; "North Indian Notes and Queries," iii. 199.

[216] "Folk-lore," ii. 286.

[217] "Notes," 165.

[218] Dalton, "Descriptive Ethnology," 25.

[219] Tawney, "Katha Sarit Sâgara," i. 229; ii. 116; Tylor, "Primitive Culture," i. 476; ii. 148, 215.

[220] Tawney, loc. cit., ii. 338, 511.

[221] "Notes," 146 sq.

[222] Tawney, loc. cit., i. 337, 204; ii. 427, 83.

[223] Temple, "Wide-awake Stories," 317; "Indian Antiquary," xi. 260 sq.; Leland, "Etruscan Roman Remains," 163.

[224] As if from Jaksh, "to eat;" a more probable derivation is Yaksh, "to move," "to worship."

[225] Spencer Hardy, "Manual of Buddhism," 269; Conway, "Demonology," i. 151 sq.

[226] "Bombay Gazetteer," v. 133, 236.

[227] Frazer, "Golden Bough," ii. 17.

[228] "Himâlayan Gazetteer," iii. 117.

[229] Ibid., ii. 833; "North Indian Notes and Queries," i. 56.

[230] Ganga Datt, "Folk-lore," 71.

[231] Aubrey, "Remaines," 59; Henderson, "Folk-lore of the Northern Counties," 263.

[232] Ghoghar in Bombay takes the form of a native seaman or Lascar, "Bombay Gazetteer," iv. 343.

[233] Jacobs, "English Fairy Tales."

[234] "Principles of Sociology," i. 359.

[235] "Primitive Culture," ii. 221, 89.

[236] "Golden Bough," i. 39.

[237] Dalton, "Descriptive Ethnology," 56, 40, 43, 283; Hislop, "Papers," 10.

[238] "Brihatsanhita," Rajendra Lâla Mitra, "Indo-Aryans," i. 245.

[239] Campbell, "Notes," 225.

[240] Forlong, "Rivers of Life;" Westropp, "Primitive Symbolism."

[241] Groome, "Encyclopædia Britannica," s.v. "Gypsies."

[242] "Calcutta Review," xxvi. 512.

[243] Tawney, "Katha Sarit Sâgara," i. 174; ii. 181, 592, 286.

[244] Ibid., ii. 270.

[245] "North Indian Notes and Queries," iii. 123; Grimm, "Household Tales," ii. 429.

[246] Ibid., ii. 142.

[247] Grimm, "Household Tales," ii. 596.

[248] Temple, "Wide-awake Stories," 413.

[249] Knowles, "Folk-tales," 184; Grimm, loc. cit., ii. 428.

[250] Tawney, "Katha Sarit Sâgara," i. 153; ii. 387, 460.

[251] Dyer, "Popular Customs," 467.

[252] Führer, "Monumental Antiquities," 304; "North Indian Notes and Queries," i. 4, 37; "Bombay Gazetteer," ii. 355.

[253] "Golden Bough," i. 61.

[254] "North Indian Notes and Queries," ii. 112.

[255] Dalton, "Descriptive Ethnology," 129, 132, 141, 186, 188.

[256] Hislop, "Papers," 20.

[257] "Berâr Gazetteer," 29, 31.

[258] Growse, "Mathura," 70, 76 sqq., 83, 420, 470, 458.

[259] "Himâlayan Gazetteer," iii. 47.

[260] Moorcroft, "Travels," i. 211.

[261] "North Indian Notes and Queries," iii. 16.

[262] Conway, "Demonology," i. 315 sq.; Farrer, "Primitive Manners," 309; Sir W. Scott, "Letters on Demonology," 79; Gregor, "Folk-lore of North-East Scotland," 116, 179; Henderson, "Folk-lore of the Northern Counties," 278.

[263] "Oudh Gazetteer," i. 566; Führer, "Monumental Antiquities," 304. See instances collected by Hartland, "Legend of Perseus," ii. 35 sqq.

[264] Henderson, loc. cit., 273.

[265] Campbell, "Notes," 221 sq.

[266] "Calcutta Review," lxix. 364 sq.

[267] Campbell, "Notes," 237.

[268] Haug, "Aitareya Brâhmanam," ii. 486 sq.

[269] Cunningham, "Bhilsa Topes," 24; "Archæological Reports," i. 5 sq.; Ferguson, "Eastern Architecture," 69; Führer, "Monumental Antiquities," 127.

[270] "Himâlayan Gazetteer," ii. 783.

[271] Campbell, "Notes," 238.

[272] Tod, "Annals," i. 611.

[273] See instances collected by Wake, "Serpent Worship," 18.

[274] Tawney, "Katha Sarit Sâgara," ii. 293.

[275] Ibbetson, "Panjâb Ethnography," 118; "Panjâb Notes and Queries," ii. 55; O'Brien, "Multâni Glossary," 82.

[276] "Panjâb Notes and Queries," ii. 74; Elliot, "Supplementary Glossary," 26.

[277] Dalton, "Descriptive Ethnology," 148, 281, 283; Rousselet, "India and its Native Princes," 369 sq.

[278] Tawney, "Katha Sarit Sâgara," i. 162.

[279] Sleeman, "Rambles and Recollections," ii. 18; Tylor, "Primitive Culture," ii. 225.

[280] "Quarterly Review," cxiv. 226; "Folk-lore," iii. 88.

[281] Hunt, "Popular Romances," 420.

[282] Temple, "Legends of the Panjâb," i. 473.

[283] Campbell, "Notes," 234.

[284] Mullaly, "Notes on Madras Criminal Tribes," 20.

[285] "Panjâb Notes and Queries," iii. 38.

[286] i. 287.

[287] Ward, "Hindus," ii. 13, quoted by Campbell, "Notes," 229.

[288] Lâl Bihâri Dê, "Folk-tales," 280.

[289] Campbell, loc. cit., 229.

[290] "North Indian Notes and Queries," i. 207.

[291] Dalton, "Descriptive Ethnology," 189.

[292] "Sirsa Settlement Report," 154.

[293] Wilson, "Works," iii. 68.