Chapter V: Part 5
It now appears that the King was all along against the Union, foreseeing that this question would be the price of it. It appears incredible that Ministers should esteem themselves so irrevocably bound to the Catholics, when the opinion of the King has uniformly been against complying with that measure, which they must have known at the time they held out the promise to the Irish. The King believes, and the belief so inculcated is sedulously maintained in his mind by the Bishops (especially by ye Archbishop of Canterbury and Dr. Stuart,[158] the Primate of Ireland), that any such relaxation towards the Catholics is incompatible with his Coronation oath. It was owing to these differences that the meeting of Parlt. was delayed on account of the tenor of the Speech. Pitt wanted it to breathe toleration and indulgence in the true spirit of amity; the King absolutely rejected all such promises. During the week in which the Speech was adjusting, there were many rumours of a change of Administration; indeed, one day they were so current that I believed enough to be tempted to send to Lansdown House to ascertain whether its noble owner had been sent for from Bath. Several tradesmen distributed their commodities gratis, so great was the joy; but on the Saturday previous to the meeting of Parlt. all was supposed to be amicably settled owing to the interposition of the Speaker, who was closeted with the King several hours during the Queen’s concert. However this honourable friend was occupied in a different negotiation than that designed for him by his munificent patron and employer--in one no less surprising and despicable than of tripping up his heels and offering his services to replace him. This huge and monstrous act of ingratitude was known publicly last Saturday, and Pitt on Monday, in his place, announced his resignation, and Ld. Grenville last night in the House of Lords spoke to the same effect. Nothing is yet known certainly as to the new Ministry; many of the places cannot be filled, and the opinion is they cannot hold together a month. Ld. Carlisle refused; at least he was sounded. Ld. Macartney refused. Jekyll said an Administration, formed out of the dregs of the old one and leaving Pitt out, was like getting up _The Beggar’s Opera_ without the character of Macheath.
_14th Feb., 1801._--Yesterday was a political fast ordered by Parliament during the continuance of the war. Jekyll wrote _ex tempore_:--
Why on this day the lot d’ye cast
To mortify the _British_ nation,
When every day’s a general fast
And every hour’s humiliation?
(_British_ added by Lewis to make the metre.)
Some person asked Jekyll why he did not put the Administration into verse, upon which he said it was already _inverse_.
_Feb. 26, 1801._--The first laugh over, people begin to think this Administration may last, and if they commence a negotiation they will even become popular. Pitt, however, is regretted, and there are those who think the whole a juggle, that he is, in fact, Minister behind the curtain; but these are refinements. He certainly solicits persons to take office, and his own friends to hold those they have; but this is but a shallow artifice to prevent the odious cry of his deserting the King. The new Ministers like to let it appear that Pitt is cordial to them, and account for the resignations by saying those who resign are chiefly of Canning’s faction, and that Pitt has reprimanded Canning for his intemperate language.
Lady Buckingham[159] (the Marchioness), the first drawing room after these changes, went to give thanks for her peerage (Baroness Nugent, with remainder to her second son); she is a bigoted Catholic, and gave great scandal during her husband’s government in Ireland by attending the R. C. Chapel openly. When she stood in the circle to be spoken to, the King came up to her and began a conversation, in the midst of which she turned upon her heel and said aloud to the person next to her, ‘I think I have treated him coldly enough.’ His Majesty heard her, and in an irritated tone said, ‘I don’t mind women’s politics.’ Those who are for Catholic Emancipation affect to believe that the discontents upon its rejection will break out, and an invasion from France will be successful.
This opinion produced a _bon mot_ from a man who never made one before. A person asked Lord Brome[160] who was to succeed his father (Ld. Cornwallis) in Ireland. ‘Most probably _Bonaparte_,’ replied the youth.
Lady Clare began abusing Ld. Cornwallis furiously before the Duchess of Gordon, who coolly answered that she ‘had never heard him abused but for two things, one was the not putting the town of Seringapatam to the sword, the other, that in Ireland he never whipped nor tortured.’ The retort was keen, as Lord Clare[161] made a speech in favour of the enormities committed by the Orangemen, which is called and known by the name of ‘The torture speech.’
[Sidenote: THE KING’S ILLNESS]
_8th March, 1801._--The King is recovering as fast as he can, say the courtiers; Pitt’s people cautiously say he may amend, but it must be slowly; Opposition declare he is as mad as the winds. Upon the first signal of madness the Prince notified to Ld. Fitzwilliam that circumstances were similar to those in ’88–’89 and that it was his intention to consult those who had been his friends at that period, and he wished Ld. F. to discuss it over with those with whom he had acted at that period. Ld. F., rather precipitately, sent off an express to St. Anne’s to fetch up Fox, who came early the next morning. Ld. Moira saw Grey and the D. of Bedford (separately) and proposed to each the formation of an Administration in case of a Regency, without either Fox or Pitt. This they declined, and unequivocally declared they would never take office unless Fox was the efficient man in the Cabinet. Ld. Moira had a private interview afterwards with Fox, in which nothing very material passed. The Chancellor begged to see Fox that they might refer back to their joint proceedings in ’88: Fox was astonished at the C.’s want of memory. He did not think his forgetfulness was wilful. In the course of their meeting, Loughborough gave him to understand that he was authorised to express Pitt’s wishes for an accommodation in private, and his disposition to adjust their differences of opinion upon the question of right, but Fox declined the interview on hearing the arguments, adding that the House of Commons was the proper place for political opponents to debate in.
Pitt is still Minister. The King’s illness occurred on Saturday, and the patent to admit Addington was to have been signed on Thursday: thus Addington has given up an immense place of £7000 pr. ann., and undergone the expense of his election, for the bare honour of having been thought worthy of His Majesty’s confidence.[162] Windham says he is one of the gentlemen who are _shut in_. Those only who are fairly out are Lord Spencer and Ld. Grenville.
The first act of Ld. St. Vincent’s Administration[163] was a pretty hard rap at Ld. Spencer’s; he gave the command of the Channel fleet to Ad. Cornwallis,[164] a man whom Ld. S. had brought to a Court martial and in a manner laid aside and disgraced.
Ly. Spencer[165] cannot reconcile herself to the insignificance of being out of power; she is carrying on an intrigue with Mrs. Fitzherbert thro’ Jack Payne to reinstate Mr. Pitt, by making him acceptable to the Prince. Ly. S. is the greatest prude alive, and yet because it is her interest she passes many hours daily with Mrs. F.[166] The latter is rancorous against Fox; she has never pardoned his compliance with the Prince’s orders in the last Regency, when he declared that no marriage had taken place between them.
_9th March._--A person said to the Duchess of Gordon that Pitt, now he was out of office, would have leisure to amuse himself and indulge in his favourite recreations. Among the latter _Pope Joan_ was named. ‘Aye,’ said the Dss., ‘I wish he would think more of _Joan_ and less of the Pope’--more of the ladies and less of the Catholics.
[Sidenote: MR. GEORGE PONSONBY]
George Ponsonby, distinguished in Ireland as a pleader and orator, has carried the election for the County of Wicklow. During the poll a man upon the hustings assigned for reason of his voting against him that _common report_ said he had been connected with the United Irishmen. ‘_Common report_ is known to be a liar,’ said Ponsonby, ‘and so, I think, are its trumpeters.’ More is expected from him in the Imperial Parlt., than from all the Irish put together; his talents are supposed to be well adapted to the English style of debate, and his language good without being too florid, the common defect of Irish eloquence. He is cautious, and will not hastily risk impairing the reputation he has already acquired. Mr. Fox has not the highest opinion of his political honesty, but Grey, who loves with fervour every person connected with him, is jealous at the suspicion.[167] We must wait to see how opportunity may tempt and time mature his propensities.
Horne Tooke has at length got into Parlt. for the rotten borough of Old Sarum, through the patronage of Lord Camelford. Ld. Temple has given notice of a motion to investigate into his eligibility; the question is whether he can sit in Parlt. after having taken priest’s orders. He has already spoken frequently, but his wit suits the mob at the hustings better than the genteel mob of Parlt. He is too fond of talking of himself, and his jokes are trite. He made formerly a very satirical good joke in a toast, and it was so well disguised that what is very Jacobinical appears extremely loyal--‘_The brave followers of the Duke of York_,’ meaning the _French_, who pursued him when his army was put to flight in Holland. It will be a good expulsion for ye Opposition, as he is very mischievous, and would overset any little popularity they might acquire if they could conduct themselves with tolerable prudence.
_11th March._--Lord Morpeth is to be married in a few days to Lady Georgina Cavendish, a suitable match in every respect. Without possessing great beauty she has many charms, and is so well disposed that _il a beau jeu_ before him, if he will renounce _le gros jeu_, but it unfortunately happens that love only suspends that passion when it has taken deep root. However, he has so good an understanding and such right feelings, that what a man can do to conquer a vicious habit he will do.
[Sidenote: A MOTHER’S SORROWS]
The loss of my child sits heavily upon me, my heart is oftentimes overflowing, and my health very much impaired. The system that Sr. Walter Farquhar[168] has put me upon is calculated to rouse my constitution, but grief and a certain natural morbid tendency may baffle all his endeavours. My Charles is delicate, and has frequent and severe attacks: anxiety for him and regrets for my poor Ste. make the hours of reflection and solitude pass sorrowfully over. There is a sensation in a mother’s breast at the loss of an infant that partakes of the feeling of instinct. It is a species of savage despair. Alas! to lose my pretty infant, just beginning to prattle his little innocent wishes, and imagination so busily aids my grief by tracing what he might have been. In those dreary nights whilst I sat watching his disturbed sleep, I knelt down and poured out to God a fervent prayer for his recovery, and swore that if he were spared me the remainder of my life should be devoted to the exercise of religious duties; that I should believe in the mercy of a God who could listen to and alleviate my woe. Had he lived I should have been a pious enthusiast. I have no superstition in my nature, but from what I then felt it is obvious how the mind may be worked upon when weakened and perplexed by contending passions of fear, hope, and terror.
Ah! my child, perhaps if I had not left you in the summer, but stayed and watched with maternal care all your little ailments, I might have had you still; but the disease was inveterate. He was opened, and his fatal malady ascertained--two tubercles upon his lung, and a pint of water upon his chest. The surgeon and medical men who attended thought the disease was inherent, and that nothing could have saved him, but even in the most inveterate hereditary diseases life is prolonged to a very advanced period by care. But it is over, and regret is now superfluous.
An interesting play, taken from the French, is now acting with success at Drury Lane.[169] The story is of a deaf and dumb boy found in the streets of Paris, who became from his infirmities a pupil of the celebrated Abbé d’Epée, who discovers great intelligence in the boy, and from various circumstances suspects he is of high origin, but abandoned from motives of interest by his family. This he infers from his distress at the meanness of his clothes, his expressions of delight at seeing a Chief Magistrate, whom he gives his patron to understand resembles in dress one who used to caress him. From a variety of incidents the Abbé at length traces that he is the orphan of a great magistrate, defrauded of his rights by a false guardian. I only mention the piece to show the spirit of the times.
The first night it was played, Theodore, the orphan, to show his talents, is asked to give his opinion who is the greatest genius France has produced. He replied, in writing, ‘For science, D’Alembert, wit, Voltaire, sentiment, Rousseau.’ This was deemed Jacobinical, and it is now strangely transposed, ‘For science, Pascal, wit, Boileau, and _sentiment_, _Montesquieu_.’ This is absurd, but, much as it is so, the fury of the times is very much abated within these few years, or rather year.
[Sidenote: LADY OXFORD]
Lady Oxford passed a few days here with her daughter and sisters, and by a harmless _supercherie_ she contrived that Sir Francis Burdett should be invited, a scheme I disliked, as she is so gentle and good that it pains me to see her a prey to him. Knight was here also. To use a vulgar phrase, he has corrupted her mind by filling her head with innumerable vain conceits, and teaching her to exclaim against institutions, especially that of marriage, to which she says she has been a helpless victim. If I were to see much of her she might perhaps be benefited, for as nobody can do more mischief to a woman than a woman, so perhaps might one reverse the maxim and say nobody can do more good. A little mild reproof and disapprobation of some of her doctrines might possibly rescue her from the gulf.
Soon after Fox’s arrival in March (as mentioned already somewhere in these scrawls) a negotiation was set on foot to bring together all the opposers of Governt. to procure a degree of concert in their proceedings. Tierney was instrumental in getting Ld. Moira and Ld. Lansdown together. Soon after, a numerous meeting at the house of the former was held, where Fox, D. of Bedford, Grey, and others all came to an agreement as to their mode of acting in case of a Regency. The King recovered unexpectedly and rapidly, and the zealous _Patriots_ dispersed.
Ld. Moira is offended, and thinks himself ill-used by the desertion of his new allies, who, immediately upon the chance of getting into power becoming more distant, each fled and followed his own devices. Tierney also is discontented, and declares himself no longer a party man, wishing it universally to be understood that he will not consider Fox as his leader.
Previous to the King’s illness I was witness to rather an unpleasant scene at my own house between him and Grey, where the D. of Bedford was the moderator. The immediate cause of the dispute was that Sheridan most unjustifiably repeated and _added unto_ a conversation held over a table when most of the hearers and talkers were drunk. The origin of the quarrel, however, was more remote. Tierney came into Parlt. entirely by his own talents, neither owed his election or his success in the Committee to the interference of any of his political friends. Shortly after his becoming permanently seated, secession began to be rumoured; he had spoken several times, but had not then much distinguished himself. Fox still attending of course made him diffident of putting himself too forward, nor probably had he acquired the facility of speaking or weight enough to claim the notice of the House. At a meeting held in Mr. Fox’s house upon the measure of seceding, he offered to resign his seat, adding that he felt it incompatible with his duty as a member of the H. of Commons to represent a body of people without fulfilling _actively_ his engagements towards them; and submitted to the will of Fox what he should do. (Ye D. of Bedford, who was afterwards displeased with Tierney for his attendance, saying it spoilt the effect of secession, affects ignorance of this proposal of Tierney, but Fox himself, Fitzpatrick, and others, but especially the first, say that Tierney behaved well, because he behaved frankly.) Fox could not, and did not exact his renunciation of his seat, and he remained near three sessions alone, unassisted, and unsupported, Sheridan alone of the Foxites ever attending, and his attendance was as much directed against Tierney as it was against Pitt.
[Sidenote: TIERNEY AND GREY]
This solitary opposition was of infinite use to T. as an orator and as a public man; the daily use of his tongue taught him readily to debate, and his diligence, ability, and plainness acquired him the respect and confidence of the country. Successful as he was, he wanted aid; he knew the aristocratical temper of the House was such that the obscurity of his family would retard his progress, but that assisted by Grey he could be high and well propped. Grey was a fit subject to work upon; of an active, restless, unsatisfied temper, of boundless ambition, he found himself a prey to melancholy in calm retirement. Chance threw them together in the neighbourhood of Ham. Tierney did not fail of encouraging his disposition to return, and strove to combat his feelings of remorse about Fox, who had merely in compliance to Grey and ye Duke of Bedford, adopted the measure of secession, a measure notoriously against his own judgment.[170] In short, Grey resumed his post in Parlt. Things went on smoothly, Grey made some capital speeches, the divisions of Ministers fell off, but Opposition gained nothing. Some of Fox’s old friends, the _staunch_ ones (such as Coke, Ld. J. Townshend, and a few others), were offended at being written to to attend, replying that no good could be done if Fox abstained from coming, and that without his presence they would not attend. Grey, always fickle, and generally desponding, grew soured; he saw Fox, and at length persuaded him to come up upon his motion upon the State of the Nation. Tierney, when he knew Fox was coming, expressed himself strongly upon the absurdity of Grey’s going down to St. Anne’s to get sense, and imprudently enough at the Friday Club declared his intention of keeping away on the day of the debate, unless Fox gave a pledge of his future attendance.
This was the conversation reported by Sheridan to Grey, and brought forth a burst of rage and indignation from Grey against Tierney. The expressions used on both sides were alarmingly strong. Upon T. saying he should withdraw himself, if Fox was to come down occasionally and Grey was not generally understood to be the leader, G. accused T. of deceiving him by betraying him into attending by promises of support. In short, the explanations and accusations were sharp and bitter on both sides.
The King’s illness put a stop to the question; the motion was put off from day to day, and Fox came, grew eager, and coalesced with Moira, as has been mentioned elsewhere. The King’s recovery, like magic, drove the whole set back to their hiding-places. Some fancied that Fox would have continued in town but for Mrs. A. and the expense of a house; upon which it was suggested to Ld. Hd. to hire one for him. This with his usual alacrity to serve his uncle, he did without hesitation, announced it to him by letter, and received the following reply.[171]
_April 28, 1801._--When Tierney heard of his determination against coming, except to Tooke’s business, he told Grey peremptorily that he should adhere to Ld. Moira and the neutrals. The assurance of attending Horne Tooke’s question has not added to his popularity. In short, all are offended with him.
* * * * *
[Sidenote: A FOOLISH PROTEST]
_Holland House: April 30th, 1801._
Dissentient.
We deprecate and protest against this Measure because, as far as it may be carried into execution, it tends to dissolve the allegiance of the subject. A country over which Martial Law is exercised may be crushed or subdued, but it is not governed, much less is it practical. Allegiance is not more a duty on one side than protection on ye other; the character of subjects and of enemies cannot exist together. A military force can exercise nothing but the dominion of the sword. With respect to the people there is no government. We, therefore, conceive it to be our bounden duty, in our endeavours to preserve the Governt. of the United Kingdom, not to lose sight of those advantages which alone render it worth preserving.
THANET
ALBEMARLE
HOLLAND
KING.
This protest was entered against the Martial Law Bill for Ireland. The composition is Francis’s, whose brevity and terseness make the performance nonsense.[172] Mr. Pitt remarked that the sentence which asserts the incompatibility of the character of subject and enemy is the precise definition of a traitor.
This foolish Protest made a great deal of noise; Ld. Clare moved the expunging it on account of its treasonable and seditious tendency, which was opposed by 17 peers, some of very respectable characters. I quarrelled with Francis, and would not make peace with him. His explanation was worse than the original offence; he declared that he disapproved of the sentiments, and feared the making them public would get the protesters into a scrape. Then _why_ abet and assist what you think mischievous and of bad consequence to your friends?
Ld. Wycombe returned about a fortnight since from Paris, and tho’ he will not see _me_, he has entrusted his journal for my inspection.
‘Paris, which I had known under so many different circumstances, and which I had originally known in times so very opposite to these. It is an observation of Thucydides that, in the country of which he was a native and of which he wrote, the traveller could not take a step without treading on historic ground. With equal truth may it be said that it is impossible to traverse Paris, without at each step being reminded of occurrences which are destined to become the materials of future history: occurrences which are the more striking, inasmuch as they have not been received by us on the faith of tradition obscured by the lapse of ages or gathered from the Annals of our ancestors, but have taken place within our own memories, have involved the fall of persons we ourselves have known, have overwhelmed institutions with which we have been personally conversant, and have already materially affected the destinies of the generation to which we belong.’
‘The most eloquent discourse cannot half so well illustrate the character of human passion, the vicissitudes of human fortune, the vanity of human pursuits, and the instability of human things, as the aspect of this metropolis.’
[Sidenote: THE INFERNAL MACHINE]
‘When we were within a few steps of the _Théâtre de la République_ we were surprised by an explosion resembling the report of a cannon.[173] On stepping out of the carriage I perceived a column of smoke making its way over the tops of the houses. In an instant the rattling of cavalry announced the approach of the First Consul, who drove by us with rapidity. We entered the theatre lost in conjecture as to the probable cause of so strange and sinister an incident. We had but little disposition to attend to the business of the drama, which was presently put a stop to by the account of that heinous atrocity which exhibits such a melancholy instance of the most deliberate depravity, and which had so nearly terminated the transcendent career of that illustrious man, whose fame will be more durable than the Pyramids he has visited, whose life is consumed in a succession of dangers, whose preservation should be dear not only to all good citizens, but to all good men, whose fortunes may be deemed inseparable from the fortunes of the Republic. The actor who came forward upon this occasion made the audience acquainted neither with extent or particulars of the misfortune which made it indecent to proceed. The theatre was immediately evacuated; guards were seen moving in various directions, and the measures of precaution were taken with a degree of calmness, quickness, precision, and intelligence which served to give me some idea of the perfection of the military system.
‘No one was able to tell what was the number of persons who had been killed and wounded; but it was understood that the disaster had originated in an attempt to destroy the First Consul in his way to the Opera. At the portico of the Opera, I heard that the performance was going on without interruption, and that Bonaparte, unmoved, was partaking of the entertainment, which was an Oratorio,[174] as if nothing unusual had happened. The next morning heard a few particulars; some of the manner in which the Chief Consul had conducted himself. He appears to have expressed a conviction that in his situation and at a period like the present, such an occurrence was not to be considered as being justly matter of surprise. He told those who had an opportunity of seeing him that when, a short time before, his life had been conspired against, he felt no particular solicitude in relation to the punishment of a crime which seemed to have him only for its object; but that now when the blow which was levelled at himself had fallen upon others, when the safety of a part of the population of the capital had been actually endangered, and when several individuals had become the innocent victims of so great an atrocity, he should not hesitate to demand a law authorising the immediate trial of those who might prove implicated in its guilt. That as to what regarded himself personally, he should die with as much glory at the head of the Legislature as he could do at the head of one of the armies of the Republic. To the Prefect of the Police[175] he expressed his dissatisfaction with an asperity which sufficiently proved that he imputed a defect of vigilance to that department.’...
[Sidenote: A REVIEW]
‘Went to the Review. In front of the Thuilleries were drawn up the Grenadiers of the Consular Guard, who had followed Bonaparte to Marengo, and had from their conduct in that memorable battle been compared by Berthier to a redoubt of granite. On ye remaining sides of the square were drawn up other troops. In the centre of the _place_ were stationed the officers of the _État Major_ on horseback, whose uniforms and accoutrements were splendid to the greatest degree. A beautiful cream-coloured Spanish horse, adorned with crimson velvet, magnificently embroidered in gold, was held in readiness for Bonaparte. A sudden burst of martial music, issuing from a profusion of instruments, proclaimed his descent from the Palace. He wears no plume. He is distinguished by the quietness of his deportment, the pensiveness of his aspect, and by the paleness of his countenance, which thought and watchfulness have worn. He was attended by his Mameluke. Mounted on his docile charger, he galloped thro’ the ranks. The air resounded with acclamations of applause, to which he seemed insensible. His attention was confined to the troops. When he passed the colours he saluted with a singular propriety of manner. After having rapidly inspected the difft. corps, he rode to the centre of the ground, where he prescribed the evolutions of the day, which took up very little time. Nothing can exceed the precision and intelligence with which the whole manœuvre is conducted. I particularly remarked the fine appearance of the Pioneers, who, as well as the Grenadiers, seem to be picked men. The flying Artillery is much to be admired, but the horses of the Dragoons, altho’ active, were inferior in beauty to those which are commonly purchased for the English Cavalry.’...
‘One of the party had been in the society of the First Consul, where General Lannes was present, subsequent to the villainous attempt made in the Rue Nicaise. B. observed that when the circumstance took place he was a great way off in imagination, that the explosion had been heard by him without reflection, and that he was first excited to attend by Lannes, who was with him. General Lannes explained by saying that he thought at the time, by the breaking of the glasses, that musketry might be firing at them. ‘Lannes,’ said B., ‘you are not of the Institute; if you were, you would have known that it was the air contained within my carriage which broke the windows of it.’
On 16th May, 1801, I dined at Mrs. Sharp’s, in the City, on Irish Hill, to meet Horne Tooke. He was ill, and in all probability would not have kept his engagement, had he not been aware that the dinner was expressly made to give me an opportunity of seeing him, and wise as he is, he is not free from the frailty of the weak (and oftentimes of the wise, as in this instance), in possessing a considerable portion of vanity, for he was gratified at knowing he was sought as a _sight_. He is an infirm, exhausted old man, with a mild, placid countenance, a small penetrating eye, and a flat, broad forehead. His manners are those of a remarkably high-bred, old-fashioned man of quality; his sentences are precise, clear, and short. His language obsolete and affectedly so, but often productive of a happy and singular effect, witty and brief. He so evidently laboured under the pressure of bodily pain that he only _flashed_, but from those scintillations I could easily perceive what he must have been in his days of vigour, when his mind, unfettered by physical infirmity, could give itself full scope. His praises of Mr. Fox were extravagant. He said: ‘God Almighty has made that man to show his omnipotence.’ He said to Ld. H.: ‘You see, my Lord, how your uncle has kicked me in the dirt!’ The answer was puzzling, as it was difficult to know to what he alluded, but he explained by adding: ‘He makes me despise myself. He, whom I have abused from the commencement of his political life, has been the first and only person who stood manfully forth in my defence.’[176]
_17th Nov., 1801._--Indisposition and indolence have combined to prevent my either writing, reading, or thinking for three several months back--after our return from Worthing. We stayed here about a month, during which period we went to Ld. King’s at Ockham, to Roehampton, and dined at Chiswick, and at Dss. of Leinster’s at Wimbledon. Went to Brighthelmstone, September 15th; stayed there till October 21st. During that interval passed 6 days at Ld. Robert Spencer’s at Woolbeding. I _called_ at Goodwood, D. of Richmond’s, on our way back to Brighton; returned here October 22nd. Sleep occasionally at a house we have taken in Albemarle Street for the play-nights and the late nights in H. of Lords.
[Sidenote: MINISTERIAL NEGOTIATIONS]
Peace has been made. Pitt continues supporting Ministers; the Grenvilles are in open opposition.[177] A negotiation has just broken off between Grey and Ld. St. Vincent, the purport of which was to bring in G., the Duke of Bedford, and Ld. Moira into the Cabinet. Grey gave up Fox with a quibble; the others excluded Sheridan, Lauderdale, and Lansdown; insisted upon maintaining Ld. Clare in Ireland, and Ld. Hardwick. G. said, if he is kept, we must have a Ld.-Lt.; they would not agree. Ld. Moira objected to D. of Portland; King could not be made to give him up. The arrangement, when they came to terms, could not take place. G. used the D. of B.’s name further than he was warranted, I suspect. It is all over now; only Tierney remains with Addington.
Fox was given up shamefully. For if ever one man was bound to follow the bad and good fortunes of another, it is surely Grey, whose vehement and rash judgment drove the other out of the high post he occupied; and yet he is the first to negotiate and give him up. Fie, fie, for such patriots, when they are not true to their friends as private men. However, Grey is perfectly honest, only violent and irresolute, and easily swayed by sudden impressions. Pelham[178] is Secretary of State for the Home Department: he is married to Lady Mary Osborne, the Duke of Leeds’s sister, an amiable person, who will no doubt make him happy.
_H. House, 18th Nov., 1801._--General Fitzpatrick told us yesterday of a curious circumstance about a copy of Gibbon’s works, which belonged to Mr. Fox. As a marginal note Fox wrote in the beginning of the book, ‘This gentleman, on such a day, told me that the country could not be saved unless the heads of three or four of the Cabinet Ministers were laid upon the table of the House of Commons. On such a day, about a week after he delivered that opinion, he was made a Lord of Trade by those very men.’ Topham Beauclerk, who was a _friend_ of Gibbon’s, offered him anything for the book, saying: ‘I must soon die, and my books will be sold after my death by public auction, so Gibbon’s shabbiness will be notorious and perpetuated.’ Some time after, an execution was put into Mr. Fox’s house, and his goods were seized, but, having been assigned over to Mr. Moore, their seizure was resisted. There was, in consequence, a trial in the Court of King’s Bench, and one of the opposite counsel handed up this very book to Ld. Loughborough, to prove to him that Mr. Fox must have considered the book as his own, and not as Mr. Moore’s, by the marginal notes, and that if necessary they should be read in court. Ld. L., who was a more cautious friend than Topham Beauclerk, gave the book back, saying it was unnecessary to read them to the court. Ye General was a party to the bond, and was in court himself when this passed.
* * * * *
Some months, passed in anxiety and grief, have elapsed since I even thought of this Journal. The winter had nearly proved fatal to Charles. Illnesses and relapses succeeded each other so rapidly, that his strength was almost exhausted, and in February we almost ceased expecting that he could recover. He did, but to avoid the danger of a return, we are to pass the ensuing winter in a warm climate.
[Sidenote: DUKE OF BEDFORD’S DEATH]
The death of the D. of Bedford followed. What did not that calamity cost me! In him I lost the truest and best friend I possessed. His society was amongst the greatest of my pleasures. I loved and respected him, and was proud to see intimately the man on whom the eyes of the public were turned with approbation and confidence. He died as he had lived, an example to all who saw him. At the close of a medical consultation about Charles, on ye 28th of Feb., Dr. Vaughan wished me joy of the success of the operation which had been performed the eve. before upon the D. of B. Frightened at this I asked an explanation, and heard from Mr. Knight, the surgeon (who was here for Charles), the nature of the disease.
* * * * *
We left H. H. on the 8th of July (1802), with the following persons belonging to us, ourselves, Charles, Henry Edward,[179] Mr. Allen, Mr. Howard, and little Marsh, for Paris.
We had apartments taken for us some time before we came; they are very spacious and convenient, the whole _rez-de-chaussée_ of the Hotel Beauveau, Faubourg St. Honoré. The next day we went to Maret,[180] the Minister, to see the parade. The Carrousel has been considerably extended, and 15,000 troops can manœuvre in it. The explosion of the infernal machine, by destroying some houses, rendered it more easy to enlarge the court. The Brazen Horses from Venice are placed upon the Grille which runs across the Carrousel; they stand separate, and produce a very poor effect.[181]
Nothing can be more splendid than the uniforms of the officers, and the housings of the horses. The Consul rides a fine white Arabian. He is known amidst his officers by the plainness of his dress and unlaced black hat. The corps of Mamelukes appeared for the first time; their sudden and uncombined evolutions give a wildness to their appearance that shows a little what they must be when attacking in reality. The town was illuminated in the evening, and as carriages were prohibited in the streets, we walked, and saw everything with the greatest ease and facility. There were public dinners given by the Government to some hundreds of the soldiers at each public garden.
When I first came, I saw much of Madame de Coigny, but latterly less; she is inquisitive and talkative.
On the 15th of Fructidor, Mr. Fox was presented to Bonaparte, who seems to have studied how to receive him in a distinguished manner. He addressed him in a speech evidently got by heart and of course highly complimentary. The purport was that he was the greatest man of one of the greatest countries, and that his voice had always been exerted on the side of humanity and justice, and that to its influence the world owed the blessings of peace.
[Sidenote: ST. CLOUD]
On Saturday, the 21st August, 1802, we went with the General,[182] Ld. Robert,[183] and Frederick,[184] and we took Charles to St. Cloud. It was a palace belonging formerly to the Dukes of Orleans, but poor Marie Antoinette liked it, and is accused of having exerted her royal influence to compel the late Duke to sell it, which he did most reluctantly. She was so partial to its beauties that she was profuse in her expense to decorate it. In each taste the First Consul imitates her, as he is so impatient to take possession that the surveyors are obliged to make the men work all night; and he likes it so much that no expense is spared to render it a fit residence for the Sovereign of France. The gallery remains as it was finished by Gaston, Duke of Orleans, Louis XIII’s brother; only on the panels some of the plunder of Italy, which was in the Museum of the Louvre, has been placed, much to their disadvantage, as the gaudy ceiling and rich gilding kills the colouring of the pictures. They are capital; some of my old acquaintances out of the Palais Pitti. The apartments that are fitted up are done in _le goût sévère_, which, in other words, means a dark and dingy style. The walls are hung with cloth, and draperies of cloth edged with magnificent deep parti-coloured fringes are festooned over it. The colours being generally dark green and brown produce a solemn effect, and the whole has a sombre military appearance; the rods of the curtains are finely polished spears. Where the Queen’s apartments have been preserved, I admire them far beyond those in the _goût sévère_, and prefer bright gilding to the heavy mahogany, and a well-stuffed sofa to a small, hard one. In short, the exchange is a bad one, _les ris et les amours_ please me, broad cloth and sphinxes do not. The Library is very pretty, and the books placed in very appropriate cases, plain and simple, but at the same time rich and decorated. The gardens are insignificant, but if the Consul continues to like living there, I doubt not he will find means to extend them, tho’ as yet I only look upon St. Cloud as a halt on the road to Versailles.
On Sunday, ye next day, we went with a large party to Versailles, where we expected to see the _Eaux_ play, but we had been misled. We dined at _Le petit Trianon_, formerly a favourite little palace of the Queen’s, with a garden _à l’Anglaise_; but what I did admire indeed is _Le grand Trianon_, a most noble palace. The centre, instead of a _corps-de-logis_, is a peristyle composed of a double row of large marble columns; the front to the garden is very large and grand, only a _rez-de-chaussée_. The garden is thoroughly in the French style, broad and spacious walks, fountains, alleys, _cabinets de verdure_; in short, just what a garden should be near a large house.
We went from thence to Versailles. What a change from former days! We walked along the Terrace, and so to the _Orangerie_, where there are trees in tubs as large as any I ever saw growing either at Nice or Naples in the common ground. One old tree they call _François Premier_, and they add that it is 400 years old. It is satisfactorily proved by a _procès verbal_ that it belonged to the Constable of Bourbon, and was confiscated with the rest of his property, and so came to François I. Our party was numerous: Mr. and Mrs. Fox, Ld. Robert, the General, Mr. Allen, Frederick Ponsonby, Miss Adair, Heathcote, St. John, Trotter,[185] Smith (the Petrarch of Carolina’s brother), Green.
* * * * *
The following is a list of those who dined with us at Paris in July, August, and part of September, 1802.
[Sidenote: LA FAYETTE]
_La Fayette_, who is indebted to Bonaparte for his liberty, has, since his return to his native country, resided chiefly upon the small estate the Revolution has not deprived him of at La Grange. Bonaparte affected to consult the nation whether he should be Consul for life; was answered by La Fayette, who wrote a gentle but able remonstrance upon the subject. Bonaparte was little enough, when an army promotion took place, to pass over La Fayette’s son and nephew; he has, however, promoted them since. His son was educated in Washington’s house, appears very amiable; he was just married.[186]
_Andréossy_[187] is the son of an obscure man of Italian origin, employed by Riquet in the Languedoc Canal. He was born at Castelnaudary, educated at Sorèze, and served under the _ancien régime_ as an engineer. He made some campaigns in Italy, went to Egypt, was there employed upon an expedition to ye Lake Menzalah, and returned in the vessel which brought the First Consul to France. He has since been named to ye Embassy of England. He lived very much with us. He is a plain _Militaire_ in his manner, and if he offends it will be unintentional, as he is disposed to maintain peace and amity between the two countries.
_Caffarelli_,[188] brother of a general of the same name killed before Acre. He is a fellow townsman and school companion of Andréossy, and like him descended from an Italian family brought by Riquet to work at the Canal. He is a remarkably displeasing person in his manner, a sycophant and court echo of the ante-chamber of Bonaparte; from love of order and morality always proclaiming that the First Consul and his wife sleep in the same bed, and that the domestic virtues of a warrior are more important than his heroic deeds. In short, from him one collects the disgusting cant which is to be employed by the present Governt. as a counterpoise to the wild extravagant opinions of atheism and immorality set afloat under the first constitution of the Republic.
_Valence_,[189] a general who served in the first campaigns under Dumouriez, a good-humoured, boasting, bluff Papa.
_Mde. de V._, daughter of Mde. de Sillery, a beauty on the wane, pleasing and clever.
_Abbé St. Fard_, a son of the Duke of Orleans, father to the unfortunate _Égalité_; remarkably obliging, and, tho’ not distinguished for talents, very popular, and a person one cannot but like.
_Duc de Duras_,[190] a _ci-devant Duc_ returned, but not reconciled to the changes in his country.
[Sidenote: LALLY TOLLENDAL]
_Lally Tollendal_,[191] the epitome of sentiment. By some inconceivable freak imagined himself to be the son of Count Lally, executed for the surrender of Pondicherry. Whilst at college he heard the story; his birth was obscure and even mysterious. A flight into the region of fancy made him imagine himself the son of the state culprit (but not till after his execution); he then pleaded for him. He is returned to France after an absence of many years, but, like many who were distinguished at first, he returns but to see his insignificance and the indifference of the Governt. to these, many of whom conceived themselves to be of the utmost importance.
_Psse. d’Hesnin_ [_sic_], an excellent woman, formerly about the Queen, attached for many years to Lally.
_Mde. Flahaut._[192] A volume would not suffice. An agreeable adventuress, who after failing in various projects, both upon English and French, at last has closed her tempestuous career by marrying Souza, ye Portuguese Minister. She has written some pretty novels; her conversation consists more in a narrative of the good things she has said than in those she actually does say. Her son, a fine, open young man. He is handsome and uncommonly engaging in his manners and countenance.
_Girardin_,[193] an _élève_ of Jean Jacques, and proprietor of Ermenonville. He was eager in the beginning of Revolution; emigrated for a short time; is now a Tribune, and intimate friend of Joseph Bonaparte’s. He is not an _Emile_, but good-natured. His love of independence and the naked truth for the sake of truth will never expose him to the straits a patriot must undergo. He will shift in time.
_Gallois_,[194] a Tribune, uncommonly interesting in his manner, with a countenance that proclaims his talents and gentle, amiable heart.
_Abbé Morellet_,[195] an old _économiste_. Sprightly, altho’ he is turned of eighty.
_Molé_,[196] a descendant of the great President of that name. We knew him well in England; a mild, gentlemanlike young man, very unlike a young Frenchman.
_Chevalier Acerbi_,[197] an Italian Cisalpine. He travelled to North Cape, and has published two 4to. vols. of his journey; a clever man, great facility of languages.
_Le Chevalier de la Bintinaye_, nephew of the _ci-devant_ Archbishop of Bordeaux.
_Marquise de Coigny_, celebrated for her wit. Her daughter, a charming girl.
[Sidenote: M. DE NARBONNE]
_Narbonne._[198] The scandalous chronicles of the old Court report that he is the son of Mde. Adélaïde of France. He is strikingly like the Bourbons, but depraved as were the manners, it is too repugnant to nature to credit the whole story. His conversation is brilliant, full of lively sallies, and, upon the whole, he is one of the most agreeable persons in society I ever met with. He was Minister of War for a moment just after the King accepted the Constitution. He is attached to Mde. de Staël, who has the most uncontrolled dominion over his opinions and conduct. His person is a more divided property. He used to be Talleyrand’s intimate friend, but Mde. Grand, finding him averse to her elevation, by degrees broke the friendship.
_Ségur_,[199] son of the Comte, a promising, rising young man, married to Mde. d’Aguesseau’s daughter.
_Young Ségur_, a flippant lad, vain of having made under McDonald a campaign, which he has written, and of having gone, by order of Bonaparte, with more celerity than was ever done, from Paris to Madrid and back again. Age and some well-directed rebuffs will be of infinite service to him.
_Mde. d’Aguesseau._
_Jaucourt_,[200] a Tribune. Under the days of the Court he was distinguished for his _galanterie_ and _dévouement_ in affairs of intrigue. There is a famous anecdote of his losing his thumb not to betray a lady whose house he quitted by stealth at daybreak. The Swiss heard a noise at the gate, and shut it with violence; Jaucourt’s thumb was crushed, but he made no noise, and for many years the adventure was secret. He is now married, according to the licence allowed by the Revolution, to Mde. de la Châtre. He is an agreeable man, she is clever.
_Abbé Casti._[201] I will not do to him what an injudicious panegyrist has done to Ariosto, whose epitaph is laden with an enumeration of his works. Suffice it to say that his last work is inferior to all his others--_Gli animali parlanti_, a poem as dull and as ill-conceived as Dryden’s _Hind and Panther_. _Those_ discuss polemical questions, and Casti’s reason upon the abstract principles of Governt. He is very old, and worn out by every species of debauchery and excess; his eyes twinkle at times, and show a trace of his former life, but they are but rare scintillations.
_Rumford_, ye Yankee philanthropist. I have often named him elsewhere.
[Sidenote: M. LE CHEVALIER]
_Le Chevalier_,[202] a most cordial, warm-hearted, zealous man. He travelled to the plain of Troy with Sir Francis Burdett, and has written upon it, which has given rise to a fresh controversy. He is employed _au Bureau des relations extérieures_, merely from Talleyrand’s friendship for him. His language is not calculated to obtain him promotion in his career, nor is he trusted with anything, his place being a sinecure and more a pension than an employment.
_Monteron_,[203] [_sic_] one of the unfortunate Duke of Orléans’ set, a complete _mauvais sujet_, but an agreeable _vaurien_. He was one of the Dsse. de Fleury’s husbands, but has regained his liberty.
_Markoff_,[204] the Russian Ambassador, a _rusé_ diplomat, scurvily treated by Bonaparte, who seems to make a point of saying offensive things before him.
_M. de Grave_,[205] an obliging driveller.
_Abbé Dillon_, brother of the Beau Dillon,[206] &c. Knew him in Paris in 1790, afterwards in Italy and England. A conceited _bel esprit_, with too much pretensions.
_Calonne._ One may say of him as Johnson did of Garrick, that his loss has removed a stock of harmless amusement from society. He was delightful; with all the freshness and vivacity of youth, he had the taste and refinement of riper years. Tho’ he allowed himself to range in the regions of fancy, when he ought to have been restrained by the strictness of veracity, yet he did it with such liveliness and wit that one compounded for the lost fact in hearing the facetious story. He was _murdered_ by an unskilful physician a very short time after we quitted Paris.
_Talma_,[207] the celebrated tragedian. His voice is bad, nor is his conception of his part always correct. He is the person who has introduced the severity and perfection of costume in the theatre. He is not clever and not well informed.
_Abbé Sicard_,[208] the successor of Abbé de L’Épée. He brought with him his most intelligent pupil _Massieu_. The pains he bestows upon the unhappy objects confided to his care entitle him to much praise; the lectures are worth seeing once, but to those who stand not in need of this assistance are soon tedious.
_Bertrand._[209] I knew him in Italy. He is a friend of Mde. d’Albany’s, and belongs to the society of Mde. de Souza, Morellet, &c., &c. He is declining fast; he was a lively man.
_Charles de Noailles_,[210] an uncommonly handsome man, son of the Prince de Poix. He lived very much in England, and at one time with the Prince, who grew jealous at Mrs. Fitzherbert’s partiality to him, which occasioned their rupture. He has much more sense and useful knowledge than one might suppose from a slight acquaintance with him he possessed.
[Sidenote: ENGLISH IN PARIS]
The English who dined with us were Mr. and Mrs. Fox, Ld. Robert Adair, St. John, Mr. Trotter, Mr. Clarke, Green, Heathcote, Kemble, Pinkerton, Fitzpatrick, 2 Erskines, Mr. Merry, Lens, Abbé Roberts, Banks, Mrs. H. Fox, Mr. Neave, Miss Townshend, Mr. Parish, St. Leger, Tuyle, Warner, Francis, A. St. Leger, Capt. Jones, Jerningham. We dined twice at Sieyès; once at Cambacères’s and Lucchesini’s; often at Talleyrand’s; once at Versailles with the Caumonts and Andréossys.
The Hollands left Paris on September 20, 1802, for a tour in the South of France and Spain. They did not return to England till April 1805. The Journal continues until April 8, but is omitted from these pages.
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The journal of Elizabeth Lady Holland (1791-1811) Volume 2 (of 2)Chapter V: Part 5
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