Chapter LXVI: Union Of The Greek And Latin Churches.—Part I

Applications Of The Eastern Emperors To The Popes.—Visits To The
West, Of John The First, Manuel, And John The Second,
Palæologus.—Union Of The Greek And Latin Churches, Promoted By The
Council Of Basil, And Concluded At Ferrara And Florence.—State Of
Literature At Constantinople.—Its Revival In Italy By The Greek
Fugitives.—Curiosity And Emulation Of The Latins.

In the four last centuries of the Greek emperors, their friendly
or hostile aspect towards the pope and the Latins may be observed
as the thermometer of their prosperity or distress; as the scale
of the rise and fall of the Barbarian dynasties. When the Turks
of the house of Seljuk pervaded Asia, and threatened
Constantinople, we have seen, at the council of Placentia, the
suppliant ambassadors of Alexius imploring the protection of the
common father of the Christians. No sooner had the arms of the
French pilgrims removed the sultan from Nice to Iconium, than the
Greek princes resumed, or avowed, their genuine hatred and
contempt for the schismatics of the West, which precipitated the
first downfall of their empire. The date of the Mogul invasion is
marked in the soft and charitable language of John Vataces. After
the recovery of Constantinople, the throne of the first
Palæologus was encompassed by foreign and domestic enemies; as
long as the sword of Charles was suspended over his head, he
basely courted the favor of the Roman pontiff; and sacrificed to
the present danger his faith, his virtue, and the affection of
his subjects. On the decease of Michael, the prince and people
asserted the independence of their church, and the purity of
their creed: the elder Andronicus neither feared nor loved the
Latins; in his last distress, pride was the safeguard of
superstition; nor could he decently retract in his age the firm
and orthodox declarations of his youth. His grandson, the younger
Andronicus, was less a slave in his temper and situation; and the
conquest of Bithynia by the Turks admonished him to seek a
temporal and spiritual alliance with the Western princes. After a
separation and silence of fifty years, a secret agent, the monk
Barlaam, was despatched to Pope Benedict the Twelfth; and his
artful instructions appear to have been drawn by the master-hand
of the great domestic. 1 “Most holy father,” was he commissioned
to say, “the emperor is not less desirous than yourself of a
union between the two churches: but in this delicate transaction,
he is obliged to respect his own dignity and the prejudices of
his subjects. The ways of union are twofold; force and
persuasion. Of force, the inefficacy has been already tried;
since the Latins have subdued the empire, without subduing the
minds, of the Greeks. The method of persuasion, though slow, is
sure and permanent. A deputation of thirty or forty of our
doctors would probably agree with those of the Vatican, in the
love of truth and the unity of belief; but on their return, what
would be the use, the recompense, of such an agreement? the scorn
of their brethren, and the reproaches of a blind and obstinate
nation. Yet that nation is accustomed to reverence the general
councils, which have fixed the articles of our faith; and if they
reprobate the decrees of Lyons, it is because the Eastern
churches were neither heard nor represented in that arbitrary
meeting. For this salutary end, it will be expedient, and even
necessary, that a well-chosen legate should be sent into Greece,
to convene the patriarchs of Constantinople, Alexandria, Antioch,
and Jerusalem; and, with their aid, to prepare a free and
universal synod. But at this moment,” continued the subtle agent,
“the empire is assaulted and endangered by the Turks, who have
occupied four of the greatest cities of Anatolia. The Christian
inhabitants have expressed a wish of returning to their
allegiance and religion; but the forces and revenues of the
emperor are insufficient for their deliverance: and the Roman
legate must be accompanied, or preceded, by an army of Franks, to
expel the infidels, and open a way to the holy sepulchre.” If the
suspicious Latins should require some pledge, some previous
effect of the sincerity of the Greeks, the answers of Barlaam
were perspicuous and rational. “_1._ A general synod can alone
consummate the union of the churches; nor can such a synod be
held till the three Oriental patriarchs, and a great number of
bishops, are enfranchised from the Mahometan yoke. _2._ The
Greeks are alienated by a long series of oppression and injury:
they must be reconciled by some act of brotherly love, some
effectual succor, which may fortify the authority and arguments
of the emperor, and the friends of the union. _3._ If some
difference of faith or ceremonies should be found incurable, the
Greeks, however, are the disciples of Christ; and the Turks are
the common enemies of the Christian name. The Armenians,
Cyprians, and Rhodians, are equally attacked; and it will become
the piety of the French princes to draw their swords in the
general defence of religion. _4._ Should the subjects of
Andronicus be treated as the worst of schismatics, of heretics,
of pagans, a judicious policy may yet instruct the powers of the
West to embrace a useful ally, to uphold a sinking empire, to
guard the confines of Europe; and rather to join the Greeks
against the Turks, than to expect the union of the Turkish arms
with the troops and treasures of captive Greece.” The reasons,
the offers, and the demands, of Andronicus were eluded with cold
and stately indifference. The kings of France and Naples declined
the dangers and glory of a crusade; the pope refused to call a
new synod to determine old articles of faith; and his regard for
the obsolete claims of the Latin emperor and clergy engaged him
to use an offensive superscription,—“To the _moderator_ 2 of the
Greeks, and the persons who style themselves the patriarchs of
the Eastern churches.” For such an embassy, a time and character
less propitious could not easily have been found. Benedict the
Twelfth 3 was a dull peasant, perplexed with scruples, and
immersed in sloth and wine: his pride might enrich with a third
crown the papal tiara, but he was alike unfit for the regal and
the pastoral office.

1 (return) [ This curious instruction was transcribed (I believe)
from the Vatican archives, by Odoricus Raynaldus, in his
Continuation of the Annals of Baronius, (Romæ, 1646—1677, in x.
volumes in folio.) I have contented myself with the Abbé Fleury,
(Hist. Ecclésiastique. tom. xx. p. 1—8,) whose abstracts I have
always found to be clear, accurate, and impartial.]

2 (return) [ The ambiguity of this title is happy or ingenious;
and _moderator_, as synonymous to _rector_, _gubernator_, is a
word of classical, and even Ciceronian, Latinity, which may be
found, not in the Glossary of Ducange, but in the Thesaurus of
Robert Stephens.]

3 (return) [ The first epistle (sine titulo) of Petrarch exposes
the danger of the _bark_, and the incapacity of the _pilot_. Hæc
inter, vino madidus, ævo gravis, ac soporifero rore perfusus,
jamjam nutitat, dormitat, jam somno præceps, atque (utinam solus)
ruit..... Heu quanto felicius patrio terram sulcasset aratro,
quam scalmum piscatorium ascendisset! This satire engages his
biographer to weigh the virtues and vices of Benedict XII. which
have been exaggerated by Guelphs and Ghibe lines, by Papists and
Protestants, (see Mémoires sur la Vie de Pétrarque, tom. i. p.
259, ii. not. xv. p. 13—16.) He gave occasion to the saying,
Bibamus papaliter.]

After the decease of Andronicus, while the Greeks were distracted
by intestine war, they could not presume to agitate a general
union of the Christians. But as soon as Cantacuzene had subdued
and pardoned his enemies, he was anxious to justify, or at least
to extenuate, the introduction of the Turks into Europe, and the
nuptials of his daughter with a Mussulman prince. Two officers of
state, with a Latin interpreter, were sent in his name to the
Roman court, which was transplanted to Avignon, on the banks of
the Rhône, during a period of seventy years: they represented the
hard necessity which had urged him to embrace the alliance of the
miscreants, and pronounced by his command the specious and
edifying sounds of union and crusade. Pope Clement the Sixth, 4
the successor of Benedict, received them with hospitality and
honor, acknowledged the innocence of their sovereign, excused his
distress, applauded his magnanimity, and displayed a clear
knowledge of the state and revolutions of the Greek empire, which
he had imbibed from the honest accounts of a Savoyard lady, an
attendant of the empress Anne. 5 If Clement was ill endowed with
the virtues of a priest, he possessed, however, the spirit and
magnificence of a prince, whose liberal hand distributed
benefices and kingdoms with equal facility. Under his reign
Avignon was the seat of pomp and pleasure: in his youth he had
surpassed the licentiousness of a baron; and the palace, nay, the
bed-chamber of the pope, was adorned, or polluted, by the visits
of his female favorites. The wars of France and England were
adverse to the holy enterprise; but his vanity was amused by the
splendid idea; and the Greek ambassadors returned with two Latin
bishops, the ministers of the pontiff. On their arrival at
Constantinople, the emperor and the nuncios admired each other’s
piety and eloquence; and their frequent conferences were filled
with mutual praises and promises, by which both parties were
amused, and neither could be deceived. “I am delighted,” said the
devout Cantacuzene, “with the project of our holy war, which must
redound to my personal glory, as well as to the public benefit of
Christendom. My dominions will give a free passage to the armies
of France: my troops, my galleys, my treasures, shall be
consecrated to the common cause; and happy would be my fate,
could I deserve and obtain the crown of martyrdom. Words are
insufficient to express the ardor with which I sigh for the
reunion of the scattered members of Christ. If my death could
avail, I would gladly present my sword and my neck: if the
spiritual phnix could arise from my ashes, I would erect the
pile, and kindle the flame with my own hands.” Yet the Greek
emperor presumed to observe, that the articles of faith which
divided the two churches had been introduced by the pride and
precipitation of the Latins: he disclaimed the servile and
arbitrary steps of the first Palæologus; and firmly declared,
that he would never submit his conscience unless to the decrees
of a free and universal synod. “The situation of the times,”
continued he, “will not allow the pope and myself to meet either
at Rome or Constantinople; but some maritime city may be chosen
on the verge of the two empires, to unite the bishops, and to
instruct the faithful, of the East and West.” The nuncios seemed
content with the proposition; and Cantacuzene affects to deplore
the failure of his hopes, which were soon overthrown by the death
of Clement, and the different temper of his successor. His own
life was prolonged, but it was prolonged in a cloister; and,
except by his prayers, the humble monk was incapable of directing
the counsels of his pupil or the state. 6

4 (return) [ See the original Lives of Clement VI. in Muratori,
(Script. Rerum Italicarum, tom. iii. P. ii. p. 550—589;) Matteo
Villani, (Chron. l. iii. c. 43, in Muratori, tom. xiv. p. 186,)
who styles him, molto cavallaresco, poco religioso; Fleury,
(Hist. Ecclés. tom. xx. p. 126;) and the Vie de Pétrarque, (tom.
ii. p. 42—45.) The abbé de Sade treats him with the most
indulgence; but _he_ is a gentleman as well as a priest.]

5 (return) [ Her name (most probably corrupted) was Zampea. She
had accompanied, and alone remained with her mistress at
Constantinople, where her prudence, erudition, and politeness
deserved the praises of the Greeks themselves, (Cantacuzen. l. i.
c. 42.)]

6 (return) [ See this whole negotiation in Cantacuzene, (l. iv.
c. 9,) who, amidst the praises and virtues which he bestows on
himself, reveals the uneasiness of a guilty conscience.]

Yet of all the Byzantine princes, that pupil, John Palæologus,
was the best disposed to embrace, to believe, and to obey, the
shepherd of the West. His mother, Anne of Savoy, was baptized in
the bosom of the Latin church: her marriage with Andronicus
imposed a change of name, of apparel, and of worship, but her
heart was still faithful to her country and religion: she had
formed the infancy of her son, and she governed the emperor,
after his mind, or at least his stature, was enlarged to the size
of man. In the first year of his deliverance and restoration, the
Turks were still masters of the Hellespont; the son of
Cantacuzene was in arms at Adrianople; and Palæologus could
depend neither on himself nor on his people. By his mother’s
advice, and in the hope of foreign aid, he abjured the rights
both of the church and state; and the act of slavery, 7
subscribed in purple ink, and sealed with the _golden_ bull, was
privately intrusted to an Italian agent. The first article of the
treaty is an oath of fidelity and obedience to Innocent the Sixth
and his successors, the supreme pontiffs of the Roman and
Catholic church. The emperor promises to entertain with due
reverence their legates and nuncios; to assign a palace for their
residence, and a temple for their worship; and to deliver his
second son Manuel as the hostage of his faith. For these
condescensions he requires a prompt succor of fifteen galleys,
with five hundred men at arms, and a thousand archers, to serve
against his Christian and Mussulman enemies. Palæologus engages
to impose on his clergy and people the same spiritual yoke; but
as the resistance of the Greeks might be justly foreseen, he
adopts the two effectual methods of corruption and education. The
legate was empowered to distribute the vacant benefices among the
ecclesiastics who should subscribe the creed of the Vatican:
three schools were instituted to instruct the youth of
Constantinople in the language and doctrine of the Latins; and
the name of Andronicus, the heir of the empire, was enrolled as
the first student. Should he fail in the measures of persuasion
or force, Palæologus declares himself unworthy to reign;
transferred to the pope all regal and paternal authority; and
invests Innocent with full power to regulate the family, the
government, and the marriage, of his son and successor. But this
treaty was neither executed nor published: the Roman galleys were
as vain and imaginary as the submission of the Greeks; and it was
only by the secrecy that their sovereign escaped the dishonor of
this fruitless humiliation.

7 (return) [ See this ignominious treaty in Fleury, (Hist.
Ecclés. p. 151—154,) from Raynaldus, who drew it from the Vatican
archives. It was not worth the trouble of a pious forgery.]

The tempest of the Turkish arms soon burst on his head; and after
the loss of Adrianople and Romania, he was enclosed in his
capital, the vassal of the haughty Amurath, with the miserable
hope of being the last devoured by the savage. In this abject
state, Palæologus embraced the resolution of embarking for
Venice, and casting himself at the feet of the pope: he was the
first of the Byzantine princes who had ever visited the unknown
regions of the West, yet in them alone he could seek consolation
or relief; and with less violation of his dignity he might appear
in the sacred college than at the Ottoman _Porte_. After a long
absence, the Roman pontiffs were returning from Avignon to the
banks of the Tyber: Urban the Fifth, 8 of a mild and virtuous
character, encouraged or allowed the pilgrimage of the Greek
prince; and, within the same year, enjoyed the glory of receiving
in the Vatican the two Imperial shadows who represented the
majesty of Constantine and Charlemagne. In this suppliant visit,
the emperor of Constantinople, whose vanity was lost in his
distress, gave more than could be expected of empty sounds and
formal submissions. A previous trial was imposed; and, in the
presence of four cardinals, he acknowledged, as a true Catholic,
the supremacy of the pope, and the double procession of the Holy
Ghost. After this purification, he was introduced to a public
audience in the church of St. Peter: Urban, in the midst of the
cardinals, was seated on his throne; the Greek monarch, after
three genuflections, devoutly kissed the feet, the hands, and at
length the mouth, of the holy father, who celebrated high mass in
his presence, allowed him to lead the bridle of his mule, and
treated him with a sumptuous banquet in the Vatican. The
entertainment of Palæologus was friendly and honorable; yet some
difference was observed between the emperors of the East and
West; 9 nor could the former be entitled to the rare privilege of
chanting the gospel in the rank of a deacon. 10 In favor of his
proselyte, Urban strove to rekindle the zeal of the French king
and the other powers of the West; but he found them cold in the
general cause, and active only in their domestic quarrels. The
last hope of the emperor was in an English mercenary, John
Hawkwood, 11 or Acuto, who, with a band of adventurers, the white
brotherhood, had ravaged Italy from the Alps to Calabria; sold
his services to the hostile states; and incurred a just
excommunication by shooting his arrows against the papal
residence. A special license was granted to negotiate with the
outlaw, but the forces, or the spirit, of Hawkwood, were unequal
to the enterprise: and it was for the advantage, perhaps, of
Palæologus to be disappointed of succor, that must have been
costly, that could not be effectual, and which might have been
dangerous. 12 The disconsolate Greek 13 prepared for his return,
but even his return was impeded by a most ignominious obstacle.
On his arrival at Venice, he had borrowed large sums at
exorbitant usury; but his coffers were empty, his creditors were
impatient, and his person was detained as the best security for
the payment. His eldest son, Andronicus, the regent of
Constantinople, was repeatedly urged to exhaust every resource;
and even by stripping the churches, to extricate his father from
captivity and disgrace. But the unnatural youth was insensible of
the disgrace, and secretly pleased with the captivity of the
emperor: the state was poor, the clergy were obstinate; nor could
some religious scruple be wanting to excuse the guilt of his
indifference and delay. Such undutiful neglect was severely
reproved by the piety of his brother Manuel, who instantly sold
or mortgaged all that he possessed, embarked for Venice, relieved
his father, and pledged his own freedom to be responsible for the
debt. On his return to Constantinople, the parent and king
distinguished his two sons with suitable rewards; but the faith
and manners of the slothful Palæologus had not been improved by
his Roman pilgrimage; and his apostasy or conversion, devoid of
any spiritual or temporal effects, was speedily forgotten by the
Greeks and Latins. 14

8 (return) [ See the two first original Lives of Urban V., (in
Muratori, Script. Rerum Italicarum, tom. iii. P. ii. p. 623,
635,) and the Ecclesiastical Annals of Spondanus, (tom. i. p.
573, A.D. 1369, No. 7,) and Raynaldus, (Fleury, Hist. Ecclés.
tom. xx. p. 223, 224.) Yet, from some variations, I suspect the
papal writers of slightly magnifying the genuflections of
Palæologus.]

9 (return) [ Paullo minus quam si fuisset Imperator Romanorum.
Yet his title of Imperator Græcorum was no longer disputed, (Vit.
Urban V. p. 623.)]

10 (return) [ It was confined to the successors of Charlemagne,
and to them only on Christmas-day. On all other festivals these
Imperial deacons were content to serve the pope, as he said mass,
with the book and the _corporale_. Yet the abbé de Sade
generously thinks that the merits of Charles IV. might have
entitled him, though not on the proper day, (A.D. 1368, November
1,) to the whole privilege. He seems to affix a just value on the
privilege and the man, (Vie de Petrarque, tom. iii. p. 735.)]

11 (return) [ Through some Italian corruptions, the etymology of
_Falcone in bosco_, (Matteo Villani, l. xi. c. 79, in Muratori,
tom. xv. p. 746,) suggests the English word _Hawkwood_, the true
name of our adventurous countryman, (Thomas Walsingham, Hist.
Anglican. inter Scriptores Camdeni, p. 184.) After two-and-twenty
victories, and one defeat, he died, in 1394, general of the
Florentines, and was buried with such honors as the republic has
not paid to Dante or Petrarch, (Muratori, Annali d’Italia, tom.
xii. p. 212—371.)]

12 (return) [ This torrent of English (by birth or service)
overflowed from France into Italy after the peace of Bretigny in
1630. Yet the exclamation of Muratori (Annali, tom. xii. p. 197)
is rather true than civil. “Ci mancava ancor questo, che dopo
essere calpestrata l’Italia da tanti masnadieri Tedeschi ed
Ungheri, venissero fin dall’ Inghliterra nuovi _cani_ a finire di
divorarla.”]

13 (return) [ Chalcondyles, l. i. p. 25, 26. The Greek supposes
his journey to the king of France, which is sufficiently refuted
by the silence of the national historians. Nor am I much more
inclined to believe, that Palæologus departed from Italy, valde
bene consolatus et contentus, (Vit. Urban V. p. 623.)]

14 (return) [ His return in 1370, and the coronation of Manuel,
Sept. 25, 1373, (Ducange, Fam. Byzant. p. 241,) leaves some
intermediate æra for the conspiracy and punishment of
Andronicus.]

Thirty years after the return of Palæologus, his son and
successor, Manuel, from a similar motive, but on a larger scale,
again visited the countries of the West. In a preceding chapter I
have related his treaty with Bajazet, the violation of that
treaty, the siege or blockade of Constantinople, and the French
succor under the command of the gallant Boucicault. 15 By his
ambassadors, Manuel had solicited the Latin powers; but it was
thought that the presence of a distressed monarch would draw
tears and supplies from the hardest Barbarians; 16 and the
marshal who advised the journey prepared the reception of the
Byzantine prince. The land was occupied by the Turks; but the
navigation of Venice was safe and open: Italy received him as the
first, or, at least, as the second, of the Christian princes;
Manuel was pitied as the champion and confessor of the faith; and
the dignity of his behavior prevented that pity from sinking into
contempt. From Venice he proceeded to Padua and Pavia; and even
the duke of Milan, a secret ally of Bajazet, gave him safe and
honorable conduct to the verge of his dominions. 17 On the
confines of France 18 the royal officers undertook the care of
his person, journey, and expenses; and two thousand of the
richest citizens, in arms and on horseback, came forth to meet
him as far as Charenton, in the neighborhood of the capital. At
the gates of Paris, he was saluted by the chancellor and the
parliament; and Charles the Sixth, attended by his princes and
nobles, welcomed his brother with a cordial embrace. The
successor of Constantine was clothed in a robe of white silk, and
mounted on a milk-white steed, a circumstance, in the French
ceremonial, of singular importance: the white color is considered
as the symbol of sovereignty; and, in a late visit, the German
emperor, after a haughty demand and a peevish refusal, had been
reduced to content himself with a black courser. Manuel was
lodged in the Louvre; a succession of feasts and balls, the
pleasures of the banquet and the chase, were ingeniously varied
by the politeness of the French, to display their magnificence,
and amuse his grief: he was indulged in the liberty of his
chapel; and the doctors of the Sorbonne were astonished, and
possibly scandalized, by the language, the rites, and the
vestments, of his Greek clergy. But the slightest glance on the
state of the kingdom must teach him to despair of any effectual
assistance. The unfortunate Charles, though he enjoyed some lucid
intervals, continually relapsed into furious or stupid insanity:
the reins of government were alternately seized by his brother
and uncle, the dukes of Orleans and Burgundy, whose factious
competition prepared the miseries of civil war. The former was a
gay youth, dissolved in luxury and love: the latter was the
father of John count of Nevers, who had so lately been ransomed
from Turkish captivity; and, if the fearless son was ardent to
revenge his defeat, the more prudent Burgundy was content with
the cost and peril of the first experiment. When Manuel had
satiated the curiosity, and perhaps fatigued the patience, of the
French, he resolved on a visit to the adjacent island. In his
progress from Dover, he was entertained at Canterbury with due
reverence by the prior and monks of St. Austin; and, on
Blackheath, King Henry the Fourth, with the English court,
saluted the Greek hero, (I copy our old historian,) who, during
many days, was lodged and treated in London as emperor of the
East. 19 But the state of England was still more adverse to the
design of the holy war. In the same year, the hereditary
sovereign had been deposed and murdered: the reigning prince was
a successful usurper, whose ambition was punished by jealousy and
remorse: nor could Henry of Lancaster withdraw his person or
forces from the defence of a throne incessantly shaken by
conspiracy and rebellion. He pitied, he praised, he feasted, the
emperor of Constantinople; but if the English monarch assumed the
cross, it was only to appease his people, and perhaps his
conscience, by the merit or semblance of his pious intention. 20
Satisfied, however, with gifts and honors, Manuel returned to
Paris; and, after a residence of two years in the West, shaped
his course through Germany and Italy, embarked at Venice, and
patiently expected, in the Morea, the moment of his ruin or
deliverance. Yet he had escaped the ignominious necessity of
offering his religion to public or private sale. The Latin church
was distracted by the great schism; the kings, the nations, the
universities, of Europe were divided in their obedience between
the popes of Rome and Avignon; and the emperor, anxious to
conciliate the friendship of both parties, abstained from any
correspondence with the indigent and unpopular rivals. His
journey coincided with the year of the jubilee; but he passed
through Italy without desiring, or deserving, the plenary
indulgence which abolished the guilt or penance of the sins of
the faithful. The Roman pope was offended by this neglect;
accused him of irreverence to an image of Christ; and exhorted
the princes of Italy to reject and abandon the obstinate
schismatic. 21

15 (return) [ Mémoires de Boucicault, P. i. c. 35, 36.]

16 (return) [ His journey into the west of Europe is slightly,
and I believe reluctantly, noticed by Chalcondyles (l. ii. c.
44—50) and Ducas, (c. 14.)]

17 (return) [ Muratori, Annali d’Italia, tom. xii. p. 406. John
Galeazzo was the first and most powerful duke of Milan. His
connection with Bajazet is attested by Froissard; and he
contributed to save and deliver the French captives of
Nicopolis.]

18 (return) [ For the reception of Manuel at Paris, see
Spondanus, (Annal. Ecclés. tom. i. p. 676, 677, A.D. 1400, No.
5,) who quotes Juvenal des Ursins and the monk of St. Denys; and
Villaret, (Hist. de France, tom. xii. p. 331—334,) who quotes
nobody according to the last fashion of the French writers.]

19 (return) [ A short note of Manuel in England is extracted by
Dr. Hody from a MS. at Lambeth, (de Græcis illustribus, p. 14,)
C. P. Imperator, diu variisque et horrendis Paganorum insultibus
coarctatus, ut pro eisdem resistentiam triumphalem perquireret,
Anglorum Regem visitare decrevit, &c. Rex (says Walsingham, p.
364) nobili apparatû... suscepit (ut decuit) tantum Heroa,
duxitque Londonias, et per multos dies exhibuit gloriose, pro
expensis hospitii sui solvens, et eum respiciens tanto fastigio
donativis. He repeats the same in his Upodigma Neustriæ, (p.
556.)]

20 (return) [ Shakspeare begins and ends the play of Henry IV.
with that prince’s vow of a crusade, and his belief that he
should die in Jerusalem.]

21 (return) [ This fact is preserved in the Historia Politica,
A.D. 1391—1478, published by Martin Crusius, (Turco Græcia, p.
1—43.) The image of Christ, which the Greek emperor refused to
worship, was probably a work of sculpture.]