Chapter XXVI: Progress of The Huns.—Part IV

One of the most dangerous inconveniences of the introduction of
the Barbarians into the army and the palace, was sensibly felt in
their correspondence with their hostile countrymen; to whom they
imprudently, or maliciously, revealed the weakness of the Roman
empire. A soldier, of the lifeguards of Gratian, was of the
nation of the Alemanni, and of the tribe of the Lentienses, who
dwelt beyond the Lake of Constance. Some domestic business
obliged him to request a leave of absence. In a short visit to
his family and friends, he was exposed to their curious
inquiries: and the vanity of the loquacious soldier tempted him
to display his intimate acquaintance with the secrets of the
state, and the designs of his master. The intelligence, that
Gratian was preparing to lead the military force of Gaul, and of
the West, to the assistance of his uncle Valens, pointed out to
the restless spirit of the Alemanni the moment, and the mode, of
a successful invasion. The enterprise of some light detachments,
who, in the month of February, passed the Rhine upon the ice, was
the prelude of a more important war. The boldest hopes of rapine,
perhaps of conquest, outweighed the considerations of timid
prudence, or national faith. Every forest, and every village,
poured forth a band of hardy adventurers; and the great army of
the Alemanni, which, on their approach, was estimated at forty
thousand men by the fears of the people, was afterwards magnified
to the number of seventy thousand by the vain and credulous
flattery of the Imperial court. The legions, which had been
ordered to march into Pannonia, were immediately recalled, or
detained, for the defence of Gaul; the military command was
divided between Nanienus and Mellobaudes; and the youthful
emperor, though he respected the long experience and sober wisdom
of the former, was much more inclined to admire, and to follow,
the martial ardor of his colleague; who was allowed to unite the
incompatible characters of count of the domestics, and of king of
the Franks. His rival Priarius, king of the Alemanni, was guided,
or rather impelled, by the same headstrong valor; and as their
troops were animated by the spirit of their leaders, they met,
they saw, they encountered each other, near the town of
Argentaria, or Colmar, 86 in the plains of Alsace. The glory of
the day was justly ascribed to the missile weapons, and
well-practised evolutions, of the Roman soldiers; the Alemanni,
who long maintained their ground, were slaughtered with
unrelenting fury; five thousand only of the Barbarians escaped to
the woods and mountains; and the glorious death of their king on
the field of battle saved him from the reproaches of the people,
who are always disposed to accuse the justice, or policy, of an
unsuccessful war. After this signal victory, which secured the
peace of Gaul, and asserted the honor of the Roman arms, the
emperor Gratian appeared to proceed without delay on his Eastern
expedition; but as he approached the confines of the Alemanni, he
suddenly inclined to the left, surprised them by his unexpected
passage of the Rhine, and boldly advanced into the heart of their
country. The Barbarians opposed to his progress the obstacles of
nature and of courage; and still continued to retreat, from one
hill to another, till they were satisfied, by repeated trials, of
the power and perseverance of their enemies. Their submission was
accepted as a proof, not indeed of their sincere repentance, but
of their actual distress; and a select number of their brave and
robust youth was exacted from the faithless nation, as the most
substantial pledge of their future moderation. The subjects of
the empire, who had so often experienced that the Alemanni could
neither be subdued by arms, nor restrained by treaties, might not
promise themselves any solid or lasting tranquillity: but they
discovered, in the virtues of their young sovereign, the prospect
of a long and auspicious reign. When the legions climbed the
mountains, and scaled the fortifications of the Barbarians, the
valor of Gratian was distinguished in the foremost ranks; and the
gilt and variegated armor of his guards was pierced and shattered
by the blows which they had received in their constant attachment
to the person of their sovereign. At the age of nineteen, the son
of Valentinian seemed to possess the talents of peace and war;
and his personal success against the Alemanni was interpreted as
a sure presage of his Gothic triumphs. 87

86 (return) [ The field of battle, _Argentaria_ or
_Argentovaria_, is accurately fixed by M. D’Anville (Notice de
l’Ancienne Gaule, p. 96—99) at twenty-three Gallic leagues, or
thirty-four and a half Roman miles to the south of Strasburg.
From its ruins the adjacent town of _Colmar_ has arisen. Note: It
is rather Horburg, on the right bank of the River Ill, opposite
to Colmar. From Schoepflin, Alsatia Illustrata. St. Martin, iv.
121.—M.]

87 (return) [ The full and impartial narrative of Ammianus (xxxi.
10) may derive some additional light from the Epitome of Victor,
the Chronicle of Jerom, and the History of Orosius, (l. vii. c.
33, p. 552, edit. Havercamp.)]

While Gratian deserved and enjoyed the applause of his subjects,
the emperor Valens, who, at length, had removed his court and
army from Antioch, was received by the people of Constantinople
as the author of the public calamity. Before he had reposed
himself ten days in the capital, he was urged by the licentious
clamors of the Hippodrome to march against the Barbarians, whom
he had invited into his dominions; and the citizens, who are
always brave at a distance from any real danger, declared, with
confidence, that, if they were supplied with arms, _they_ alone
would undertake to deliver the province from the ravages of an
insulting foe. 88 The vain reproaches of an ignorant multitude
hastened the downfall of the Roman empire; they provoked the
desperate rashness of Valens; who did not find, either in his
reputation or in his mind, any motives to support with firmness
the public contempt. He was soon persuaded, by the successful
achievements of his lieutenants, to despise the power of the
Goths, who, by the diligence of Fritigern, were now collected in
the neighborhood of Hadrianople. The march of the Taifalæ had
been intercepted by the valiant Frigeric: the king of those
licentious Barbarians was slain in battle; and the suppliant
captives were sent into distant exile to cultivate the lands of
Italy, which were assigned for their settlement in the vacant
territories of Modena and Parma. 89 The exploits of Sebastian, 90
who was recently engaged in the service of Valens, and promoted
to the rank of master-general of the infantry, were still more
honorable to himself, and useful to the republic. He obtained the
permission of selecting three hundred soldiers from each of the
legions; and this separate detachment soon acquired the spirit of
discipline, and the exercise of arms, which were almost forgotten
under the reign of Valens. By the vigor and conduct of Sebastian,
a large body of the Goths were surprised in their camp; and the
immense spoil, which was recovered from their hands, filled the
city of Hadrianople, and the adjacent plain. The splendid
narratives, which the general transmitted of his own exploits,
alarmed the Imperial court by the appearance of superior merit;
and though he cautiously insisted on the difficulties of the
Gothic war, his valor was praised, his advice was rejected; and
Valens, who listened with pride and pleasure to the flattering
suggestions of the eunuchs of the palace, was impatient to seize
the glory of an easy and assured conquest. His army was
strengthened by a numerous reenforcement of veterans; and his
march from Constantinople to Hadrianople was conducted with so
much military skill, that he prevented the activity of the
Barbarians, who designed to occupy the intermediate defiles, and
to intercept either the troops themselves, or their convoys of
provisions. The camp of Valens, which he pitched under the walls
of Hadrianople, was fortified, according to the practice of the
Romans, with a ditch and rampart; and a most important council
was summoned, to decide the fate of the emperor and of the
empire. The party of reason and of delay was strenuously
maintained by Victor, who had corrected, by the lessons of
experience, the native fierceness of the Sarmatian character;
while Sebastian, with the flexible and obsequious eloquence of a
courtier, represented every precaution, and every measure, that
implied a doubt of immediate victory, as unworthy of the courage
and majesty of their invincible monarch. The ruin of Valens was
precipitated by the deceitful arts of Fritigern, and the prudent
admonitions of the emperor of the West. The advantages of
negotiating in the midst of war were perfectly understood by the
general of the Barbarians; and a Christian ecclesiastic was
despatched, as the holy minister of peace, to penetrate, and to
perplex, the councils of the enemy. The misfortunes, as well as
the provocations, of the Gothic nation, were forcibly and truly
described by their ambassador; who protested, in the name of
Fritigern, that he was still disposed to lay down his arms, or to
employ them only in the defence of the empire; if he could secure
for his wandering countrymen a tranquil settlement on the waste
lands of Thrace, and a sufficient allowance of corn and cattle.
But he added, in a whisper of confidential friendship, that the
exasperated Barbarians were averse to these reasonable
conditions; and that Fritigern was doubtful whether he could
accomplish the conclusion of the treaty, unless he found himself
supported by the presence and terrors of an Imperial army. About
the same time, Count Richomer returned from the West to announce
the defeat and submission of the Alemanni, to inform Valens that
his nephew advanced by rapid marches at the head of the veteran
and victorious legions of Gaul, and to request, in the name of
Gratian and of the republic, that every dangerous and decisive
measure might be suspended, till the junction of the two emperors
should insure the success of the Gothic war. But the feeble
sovereign of the East was actuated only by the fatal illusions of
pride and jealousy. He disdained the importunate advice; he
rejected the humiliating aid; he secretly compared the
ignominious, at least the inglorious, period of his own reign,
with the fame of a beardless youth; and Valens rushed into the
field, to erect his imaginary trophy, before the diligence of his
colleague could usurp any share of the triumphs of the day.

88 (return) [ Moratus paucissimos dies, seditione popularium
levium pulsus Ammian. xxxi. 11. Socrates (l. iv. c. 38) supplies
the dates and some circumstances. * Note: Compare fragment of
Eunapius. Mai, 272, in Niebuhr, p. 77.—M]

89 (return) [ Vivosque omnes circa Mutinam, Regiumque, et Parmam,
Italica oppida, rura culturos exterminavit. Ammianus, xxxi. 9.
Those cities and districts, about ten years after the colony of
the Taifalæ, appear in a very desolate state. See Muratori,
Dissertazioni sopra le Antichità Italiane, tom. i. Dissertat.
xxi. p. 354.]

90 (return) [ Ammian. xxxi. 11. Zosimus, l. iv. p. 228—230. The
latter expatiates on the desultory exploits of Sebastian, and
despatches, in a few lines, the important battle of Hadrianople.
According to the ecclesiastical critics, who hate Sebastian, the
praise of Zosimus is disgrace, (Tillemont, Hist. des Empereurs,
tom. v. p. 121.) His prejudice and ignorance undoubtedly render
him a very questionable judge of merit.]

On the ninth of August, a day which has deserved to be marked
among the most inauspicious of the Roman Calendar, 91 the emperor
Valens, leaving, under a strong guard, his baggage and military
treasure, marched from Hadrianople to attack the Goths, who were
encamped about twelve miles from the city. 92 By some mistake of
the orders, or some ignorance of the ground, the right wing, or
column of cavalry arrived in sight of the enemy, whilst the left
was still at a considerable distance; the soldiers were
compelled, in the sultry heat of summer, to precipitate their
pace; and the line of battle was formed with tedious confusion
and irregular delay. The Gothic cavalry had been detached to
forage in the adjacent country; and Fritigern still continued to
practise his customary arts. He despatched messengers of peace,
made proposals, required hostages, and wasted the hours, till the
Romans, exposed without shelter to the burning rays of the sun,
were exhausted by thirst, hunger, and intolerable fatigue. The
emperor was persuaded to send an ambassador to the Gothic camp;
the zeal of Richomer, who alone had courage to accept the
dangerous commission, was applauded; and the count of the
domestics, adorned with the splendid ensigns of his dignity, had
proceeded some way in the space between the two armies, when he
was suddenly recalled by the alarm of battle. The hasty and
imprudent attack was made by Bacurius the Iberian, who commanded
a body of archers and targeteers; and as they advanced with
rashness, they retreated with loss and disgrace. In the same
moment, the flying squadrons of Alatheus and Saphrax, whose
return was anxiously expected by the general of the Goths,
descended like a whirlwind from the hills, swept across the
plain, and added new terrors to the tumultuous, but irresistible
charge of the Barbarian host. The event of the battle of
Hadrianople, so fatal to Valens and to the empire, may be
described in a few words: the Roman cavalry fled; the infantry
was abandoned, surrounded, and cut in pieces. The most skilful
evolutions, the firmest courage, are scarcely sufficient to
extricate a body of foot, encompassed, on an open plain, by
superior numbers of horse; but the troops of Valens, oppressed by
the weight of the enemy and their own fears, were crowded into a
narrow space, where it was impossible for them to extend their
ranks, or even to use, with effect, their swords and javelins. In
the midst of tumult, of slaughter, and of dismay, the emperor,
deserted by his guards and wounded, as it was supposed, with an
arrow, sought protection among the Lancearii and the Mattiarii,
who still maintained their ground with some appearance of order
and firmness. His faithful generals, Trajan and Victor, who
perceived his danger, loudly exclaimed that all was lost, unless
the person of the emperor could be saved. Some troops, animated
by their exhortation, advanced to his relief: they found only a
bloody spot, covered with a heap of broken arms and mangled
bodies, without being able to discover their unfortunate prince,
either among the living or the dead. Their search could not
indeed be successful, if there is any truth in the circumstances
with which some historians have related the death of the emperor.

By the care of his attendants, Valens was removed from the field
of battle to a neighboring cottage, where they attempted to dress
his wound, and to provide for his future safety. But this humble
retreat was instantly surrounded by the enemy: they tried to
force the door, they were provoked by a discharge of arrows from
the roof, till at length, impatient of delay, they set fire to a
pile of dry magots, and consumed the cottage with the Roman
emperor and his train. Valens perished in the flames; and a
youth, who dropped from the window, alone escaped, to attest the
melancholy tale, and to inform the Goths of the inestimable prize
which they had lost by their own rashness. A great number of
brave and distinguished officers perished in the battle of
Hadrianople, which equalled in the actual loss, and far surpassed
in the fatal consequences, the misfortune which Rome had formerly
sustained in the fields of Cannæ. 93 Two master-generals of the
cavalry and infantry, two great officers of the palace, and
thirty-five tribunes, were found among the slain; and the death
of Sebastian might satisfy the world, that he was the victim, as
well as the author, of the public calamity. Above two thirds of
the Roman army were destroyed: and the darkness of the night was
esteemed a very favorable circumstance, as it served to conceal
the flight of the multitude, and to protect the more orderly
retreat of Victor and Richomer, who alone, amidst the general
consternation, maintained the advantage of calm courage and
regular discipline. 94

91 (return) [ Ammianus (xxxi. 12, 13) almost alone describes the
councils and actions which were terminated by the fatal battle of
Hadrianople. We might censure the vices of his style, the
disorder and perplexity of his narrative: but we must now take
leave of this impartial historian; and reproach is silenced by
our regret for such an irreparable loss.]

92 (return) [ The difference of the eight miles of Ammianus, and
the twelve of Idatius, can only embarrass those critics (Valesius
ad loc.,) who suppose a great army to be a mathematical point,
without space or dimensions.]

93 (return) [ Nec ulla annalibus, præter Cannensem pugnam, ita ad
internecionem res legitur gesta. Ammian. xxxi. 13. According to
the grave Polybius, no more than 370 horse, and 3,000 foot,
escaped from the field of Cannæ: 10,000 were made prisoners; and
the number of the slain amounted to 5,630 horse, and 70,000 foot,
(Polyb. l. iii. p 371, edit. Casaubon, 8vo.) Livy (xxii. 49) is
somewhat less bloody: he slaughters only 2,700 horse, and 40,000
foot. The Roman army was supposed to consist of 87,200 effective
men, (xxii. 36.)]

94 (return) [ We have gained some faint light from Jerom, (tom.
i. p. 26 and in Chron. p. 188,) Victor, (in Epitome,) Orosius,
(l. vii. c. 33, p. 554,) Jornandes, (c. 27,) Zosimus, (l. iv. p.
230,) Socrates, (l. iv. c. 38,) Sozomen, (l. vi. c. 40,) Idatius,
(in Chron.) But their united evidence, if weighed against
Ammianus alone, is light and unsubstantial.]

While the impressions of grief and terror were still recent in
the minds of men, the most celebrated rhetorician of the age
composed the funeral oration of a vanquished army, and of an
unpopular prince, whose throne was already occupied by a
stranger. “There are not wanting,” says the candid Libanius,
“those who arraign the prudence of the emperor, or who impute the
public misfortune to the want of courage and discipline in the
troops. For my own part, I reverence the memory of their former
exploits: I reverence the glorious death, which they bravely
received, standing, and fighting in their ranks: I reverence the
field of battle, stained with _their_ blood, and the blood of the
Barbarians. Those honorable marks have been already washed away
by the rains; but the lofty monuments of their bones, the bones
of generals, of centurions, and of valiant warriors, claim a
longer period of duration. The king himself fought and fell in
the foremost ranks of the battle. His attendants presented him
with the fleetest horses of the Imperial stable, that would soon
have carried him beyond the pursuit of the enemy. They vainly
pressed him to reserve his important life for the future service
of the republic. He still declared that he was unworthy to
survive so many of the bravest and most faithful of his subjects;
and the monarch was nobly buried under a mountain of the slain.
Let none, therefore, presume to ascribe the victory of the
Barbarians to the fear, the weakness, or the imprudence, of the
Roman troops. The chiefs and the soldiers were animated by the
virtue of their ancestors, whom they equalled in discipline and
the arts of war. Their generous emulation was supported by the
love of glory, which prompted them to contend at the same time
with heat and thirst, with fire and the sword; and cheerfully to
embrace an honorable death, as their refuge against flight and
infamy. The indignation of the gods has been the only cause of
the success of our enemies.” The truth of history may disclaim
some parts of this panegyric, which cannot strictly be reconciled
with the character of Valens, or the circumstances of the battle:
but the fairest commendation is due to the eloquence, and still
more to the generosity, of the sophist of Antioch. 95

95 (return) [ Libanius de ulciscend. Julian. nece, c. 3, in
Fabricius, Bibliot Græc. tom. vii. p. 146—148.]

The pride of the Goths was elated by this memorable victory; but
their avarice was disappointed by the mortifying discovery, that
the richest part of the Imperial spoil had been within the walls
of Hadrianople. They hastened to possess the reward of their
valor; but they were encountered by the remains of a vanquished
army, with an intrepid resolution, which was the effect of their
despair, and the only hope of their safety. The walls of the
city, and the ramparts of the adjacent camp, were lined with
military engines, that threw stones of an enormous weight; and
astonished the ignorant Barbarians by the noise, and velocity,
still more than by the real effects, of the discharge. The
soldiers, the citizens, the provincials, the domestics of the
palace, were united in the danger, and in the defence: the
furious assault of the Goths was repulsed; their secret arts of
treachery and treason were discovered; and, after an obstinate
conflict of many hours, they retired to their tents; convinced,
by experience, that it would be far more advisable to observe the
treaty, which their sagacious leader had tacitly stipulated with
the fortifications of great and populous cities. After the hasty
and impolitic massacre of three hundred deserters, an act of
justice extremely useful to the discipline of the Roman armies,
the Goths indignantly raised the siege of Hadrianople. The scene
of war and tumult was instantly converted into a silent solitude:
the multitude suddenly disappeared; the secret paths of the woods
and mountains were marked with the footsteps of the trembling
fugitives, who sought a refuge in the distant cities of Illyricum
and Macedonia; and the faithful officers of the household, and
the treasury, cautiously proceeded in search of the emperor, of
whose death they were still ignorant. The tide of the Gothic
inundation rolled from the walls of Hadrianople to the suburbs of
Constantinople. The Barbarians were surprised with the splendid
appearance of the capital of the East, the height and extent of
the walls, the myriads of wealthy and affrighted citizens who
crowded the ramparts, and the various prospect of the sea and
land. While they gazed with hopeless desire on the inaccessible
beauties of Constantinople, a sally was made from one of the
gates by a party of Saracens, 96 who had been fortunately engaged
in the service of Valens. The cavalry of Scythia was forced to
yield to the admirable swiftness and spirit of the Arabian
horses: their riders were skilled in the evolutions of irregular
war; and the Northern Barbarians were astonished and dismayed, by
the inhuman ferocity of the Barbarians of the South.

A Gothic soldier was slain by the dagger of an Arab; and the
hairy, naked savage, applying his lips to the wound, expressed a
horrid delight, while he sucked the blood of his vanquished
enemy. 97 The army of the Goths, laden with the spoils of the
wealthy suburbs and the adjacent territory, slowly moved, from
the Bosphorus, to the mountains which form the western boundary
of Thrace. The important pass of Succi was betrayed by the fear,
or the misconduct, of Maurus; and the Barbarians, who no longer
had any resistance to apprehend from the scattered and vanquished
troops of the East, spread themselves over the face of a fertile
and cultivated country, as far as the confines of Italy and the
Hadriatic Sea. 98

96 (return) [ Valens had gained, or rather purchased, the
friendship of the Saracens, whose vexatious inroads were felt on
the borders of Phœnicia, Palestine, and Egypt. The Christian
faith had been lately introduced among a people, reserved, in a
future age, to propagate another religion, (Tillemont, Hist. des
Empereurs, tom. v. p. 104, 106, 141. Mém. Eccles. tom. vii. p.
593.)]

97 (return) [ Crinitus quidam, nudus omnia præter pubem,
subraunum et ugubre strepens. Ammian. xxxi. 16, and Vales. ad
loc. The Arabs often fought naked; a custom which may be ascribed
to their sultry climate, and ostentatious bravery. The
description of this unknown savage is the lively portrait of
Derar, a name so dreadful to the Christians of Syria. See
Ockley’s Hist. of the Saracens, vol. i. p. 72, 84, 87.]

98 (return) [ The series of events may still be traced in the
last pages of Ammianus, (xxxi. 15, 16.) Zosimus, (l. iv. p. 227,
231,) whom we are now reduced to cherish, misplaces the sally of
the Arabs before the death of Valens. Eunapius (in Excerpt.
Legat. p. 20) praises the fertility of Thrace, Macedonia, &c.]

The Romans, who so coolly, and so concisely, mention the acts of
_justice_ which were exercised by the legions, 99 reserve their
compassion, and their eloquence, for their own sufferings, when
the provinces were invaded, and desolated, by the arms of the
successful Barbarians. The simple circumstantial narrative (did
such a narrative exist) of the ruin of a single town, of the
misfortunes of a single family, 100 might exhibit an interesting
and instructive picture of human manners: but the tedious
repetition of vague and declamatory complaints would fatigue the
attention of the most patient reader. The same censure may be
applied, though not perhaps in an equal degree, to the profane,
and the ecclesiastical, writers of this unhappy period; that
their minds were inflamed by popular and religious animosity; and
that the true size and color of every object is falsified by the
exaggerations of their corrupt eloquence. The vehement Jerom 101
might justly deplore the calamities inflicted by the Goths, and
their barbarous allies, on his native country of Pannonia, and
the wide extent of the provinces, from the walls of
Constantinople to the foot of the Julian Alps; the rapes, the
massacres, the conflagrations; and, above all, the profanation of
the churches, that were turned into stables, and the contemptuous
treatment of the relics of holy martyrs. But the Saint is surely
transported beyond the limits of nature and history, when he
affirms, “that, in those desert countries, nothing was left
except the sky and the earth; that, after the destruction of the
cities, and the extirpation of the human race, the land was
overgrown with thick forests and inextricable brambles; and that
the universal desolation, announced by the prophet Zephaniah, was
accomplished, in the scarcity of the beasts, the birds, and even
of the fish.” These complaints were pronounced about twenty years
after the death of Valens; and the Illyrian provinces, which were
constantly exposed to the invasion and passage of the Barbarians,
still continued, after a calamitous period of ten centuries, to
supply new materials for rapine and destruction. Could it even be
supposed, that a large tract of country had been left without
cultivation and without inhabitants, the consequences might not
have been so fatal to the inferior productions of animated
nature. The useful and feeble animals, which are nourished by the
hand of man, might suffer and perish, if they were deprived of
his protection; but the beasts of the forest, his enemies or his
victims, would multiply in the free and undisturbed possession of
their solitary domain. The various tribes that people the air, or
the waters, are still less connected with the fate of the human
species; and it is highly probable that the fish of the Danube
would have felt more terror and distress, from the approach of a
voracious pike, than from the hostile inroad of a Gothic army.

99 (return) [ Observe with how much indifference Cæsar relates,
in the Commentaries of the Gallic war, _that_ he put to death the
whole senate of the Veneti, who had yielded to his mercy, (iii.
16;) _that_ he labored to extirpate the whole nation of the
Eburones, (vi. 31;) _that_ forty thousand persons were massacred
at Bourges by the just revenge of his soldiers, who spared
neither age nor sex, (vii. 27,) &c.]

100 (return) [ Such are the accounts of the sack of Magdeburgh,
by the ecclesiastic and the fisherman, which Mr. Harte has
transcribed, (Hist. of Gustavus Adolphus, vol. i. p. 313—320,)
with some apprehension of violating the _dignity_ of history.]

101 (return) [ Et vastatis urbibus, hominibusque interfectis,
solitudinem et _raritatem bestiarum_ quoque fieri, _et
volatilium, pisciumque:_ testis Illyricum est, testis Thracia,
testis in quo ortus sum solum, (Pannonia;) ubi præter cœlum et
terram, et crescentes vepres, et condensa sylvarum _cuncta
perierunt_. Tom. vii. p. 250, l, Cap. Sophonias and tom. i. p.
26.]