Chapter XXV: Section III: Constitution 2.699 (4)

[235] By Nature, the ancient philosophers understood an immaterial principle diffused through all the works of creation, that is to say, an internal principle of motion and of rest, which presides over the growth and nourishment of all substances. It is well defined by Aristotle in different parts of his works. See De Anima, ii., 4; and Auscultationes Naturales, pluries. That truly learned and ingenious author Bishop Berkeley, in his “Siris,” describes nature as being mind so fuddled with matter as to have lost its consciousness. Probably, the distinction between a material and immaterial principle as the cause of the vital phenomena was not so well understood until after Plato and Aristotle had cultivated mental philosophy with so great success; for, as we shall see in the next section, Hippocrates seems to identify mind with heat, that is to say, he confounds the cause of motion and of change with its first instrument, _or_ co-cause (συνάιτιον).

[236] See the references given by Gruner, Ackerman, and Littré.

[237] See Musonius, Ap. Stobæi Sentent., xviii. It occurs frequently in Galen.

[238] Des Maladies de la France dans leurs Rapports avec les Saisons, p. 193. Paris, 1840.

[239] Natural. Facult., ii., 8; de Placit. Plat. et Hippocrat., viii., 5.

[240] Opera, tom. v., pp. 257, 479; ed. Basil.

[241] Deipnos, ii., 46.

[242] Zuinger considers it in the light of extracts from the Note-book of Hippocrates (or Hippocratea Adversaria).

[243] Ad Aphor. v., 37.

[244] De Fœtus fabricat.

[245] Comment. in Libr. de Fract. ap. Foës, p. 147.

[246] Somnium Scipionis, i., 6.

[247] Vol. i., p. 386; ed. Kühn.

[248] Even Zuinger admits that, both in style and matter, these treatises are unlike the genuine works of Hippocrates.

[249] Vol. i., p. 371; ed. Kühn.

[250] Ibid., p. 387.

[251] Ibid., p. 420.

[252] In Gloss. in voce ἄλφιτα, etc.

[253] See Foës, Œconom. Hippocrat. in voce κιών.

[254] Bibl. Græc., ii., 24, p. 801.

[255] Aristotle refers this opinion to Leophanes, De Generatione Animalium, v., 1.

[256] De Placit. Hippocrat. et Plat., ix.

[257] Comment., tom. xv., p. 224; ed. Kühn.

[258] Noct. Attic., iii., 16.

[259] Ap. Foës; ed. Hippocrat.

[260] Comment. in Galen; ed. Dietz.

[261] Hist. Med., P. i., iii., 2, 257.

[262] In Boerhaav. Meth. Stud. Med., i., 3, p. 594.

[263] De Placit. Hippocrat. et Platon.

[264] De Acut., i., 7; de Chron., i., 13.

[265] See Galen, de Facult. Natural., i.; de Diff. Febr., ii.; de Usu Pulsuum, i.; and Alexander Trallian, i.

[266] In Epidem. Comm., iii., 29, etc.

[267] See the remarks on this passage in the next section.

[268] De Cosmopœa.

[269] Opera, tom. v., p. 594; ed. Basil.

[270] Καλὸν καὶ αγαθὸν. See the Annotations on Mitchell’s Aristophanes as to the import of this expression. I quote from memory.

[271] I quote here from memory, not having leisure to search the passages in Galen’s works where this saying occurs. It is a maxim, however, which he frequently repeats.

[272] One word (ἰχθύη) which occurs in this work is in the Glossaries of Galen and Erotian. This is likely to be an interpolation.

[273] Tuscul. Disputat., v., 35.

[274] In vita Platonis.

[275] I have always looked upon the “Epistolæ Græcanicæ” as being a species of literary composition allied to the _Declamationes_ of the Romans, that is to say, that they were mere exercises in composition. On the latter, see Quintilian, Instit. Orator., iv., 2. We possess a volume of these Declamations under the name of Quintilian, but they are not generally admitted to be genuine. They are exercises on themes prescribed in the schools of rhetoric. The subjects were sometimes historical events, connected with the lives of distinguished personages. The poet Juvenal alludes to Declamations in several places, as in Satir. i., 16; x., 167; vi., 169; vii., 161. The Satyricon of Petronius Arbiter opens with a powerful invective against the declaimers of the day, whom the author holds to have been the corrupters of all true eloquence.

[276] Scaliger, Menage, Gruner, and Littré, although they regard the Epistles as spurious, admit that they are “very ancient.”

[277] See Diog. Lært. ix. Ælian. Var. Hist. iv., 20.

[278] Chemical Essays, vol. iv., Essay 7.

[279] Ocellus Lucanus, On the Universe.

[280] Αόγοι γὰρ ἀσώματοι τυγχάνουσι τούτων.

[281] Ocellus Lucanus, On the Universe.

[282] Ibid.

[283] Timæus Locrus, On the Soul of the Universe.

[284] Diogenes Laertius, Life of Pythagoras. That Monad and Duad, in the symbolical language of Pythagoras, signified Mind and Matter, is positively stated by Philo Judæus. Ἑπόμενος δ' ἀκολουθίᾳ ύσεως κἀκεῖνο λέξω ὅτι μουὰς εἴκων αἰτίου πρώτου, δυὰς δε παθητῆς καὶ διαιρετῆς ὕλης.--De Specialibus Legibus. It may be proper to mention here that it is not true, as has been often stated in modern works, that Pythagoras himself taught the same system of the world as Copernicus; the first person who did so was Philolaus the Pythagorean philosopher. See Diogenes Laertius.

[285] Jamblichus, Life of Pythagoras, § 27. I have adopted the emendation of the text proposed by Obrechtus.

[286] Ovid’s Metamorph., translated by Dryden, Book XV.

[287] Plato, in his Timæus.

[288] Ἐκμαγεῖον. Harris, in his Philosophical Arrangements, translates this word by “impression”; but it does not, strictly speaking, signify impression, but the substance which receives the impression. Wax, for example, is not the impression of the seal, but the substance which receives the impression. Matter, in like manner, is not the impression of forms, but the substance which receives the impression.

[289] Plato, in his Timæus.

[290] Ibid. These opinions regarding the elements and the first matter are expressed with much precision and clearness; but, in other parts of his Timæus, it must be admitted that he betrays some confusion of ideas on this subject, as is remarked by his illustrious pupil Aristotle (De Ortu et Interitu, ii., 1). A translation of part of Plato’s Timæus regarding the elements, may be seen in the Somnium Scipionis of Macrobius, lib. i.

[291] Apuleius the Platonic Philosopher, On Natural Philosophy.

[292] Idem, On the Universe.

[293] Cicero, On the Nature of the Gods, ii., 33.

[294] Plotinus, Ennead ii., 4.

[295] Plotinus, Ennead ii., 6.

[296] Proclus, Inst. Theol., 72.

[297] Plutarch, On the Opinions of the Philosophers.

[298] Galen, On the Elements, etc., ii.

[299] Galen, Commentary on the Nature of Man.

[300] Idem, On the Elements, etc.

[301] Philo, on the Creation of the World.

[302] On the Indestructibility of the Universe.

[303] On the Creation.

[304] On a Contemplative Life.

[305] Haly Abbas, Theor., i., 5.

[306] Auscult. Natur., i., near the end.

[307] Categor.

[308] On Birth and Death, ii., 1.

[309] Auscult. Phys., iv.

[310] Simplicius, Comment. in Auscult. Nat., iv.

[311] Ammonius, Comment. in Porphyr. Introd.

[312] Ibid.

[313] Theophrastus, On Fire.

[314] Ibid.

[315] Cicero, Quæd. Acad., i., 6.

[316] Cicero, Quæd. Acad., i., 7.

[317] Diogenes Laertius, in the Life of Zeno the Stoic. The reader must take care not to confound him with Zeno the Eclectic.

[318] Seneca, Ep. 65.

[319] Seneca, Nat. Quæst., ii., 15.

[320] Seneca, Nat. Quæst., iii., 10.

[321] Lactantius, Div. Inst., iii., 3.

[322] See under ἀρχαι.

[323] Plutarch, Concerning the Opinions of the Philosophers.

[324] Simplicius, Comm. in Aristot. Auscult. Nat., p. 7; ed. Ald.

[325] Marcus Antoninus, iv., 46.

[326] Ibid.

[327] Ibid.

[328] Manilius, Astron., iii., 53:--

“Principium rerum et custos natures latentûm
Cum tantas strueret moles per inania mundi:

* * * * *

Aëraque et terras flammamque undamque natantem
Mutua in alternum præbere alimenta juberet.”

[329] Lucretius, Of the Nature of Things, Book i., translated by Creech.

[330] Cicero, Acad. Quæst., i., 2; Galen, de Elementis.

[331] Diogenes Laertius, Life of Democritus.

[332] Ἡ ὔλη ἄποιος. Galen, de Element. ex Hippocrat.

[333] The eternity of matter is a doctrine which was maintained by all the ancient philosophers and by several of the Christian fathers of the church, but is generally rejected by our modern divines as being, in their opinion, contradictory to Revelation. But were it really so, it would hardly have found an advocate in the learned and pious author of “Paradise Lost.” That such was truly his opinion can now admit of no doubt, from what he states on the subject in his treatise on Christianity, published some years ago by the present Archbishop of Canterbury; and the same might have been inferred from more than one passage in his great poem. The Jewish philosopher, Philo, seems to admit the eternity of matter, although he denies the eternity of the world. (On the Creation.)

[334] “There are varieties,” says Strabo, “of the watery element; for this kind is saltish, and that sweet, and fit for drink; and others again poisonous, salutary, deadly, cold, and hot.”--Geograph., xvii., 1. See also Aristot., Meteorol.

[335] Aristotle inquires whether the atmosphere be a single substance or many, and if many, of how many it consists. (Meteorol., i., 3.) I may be allowed to remark in this place, that Galen’s ideas regarding respiration are wonderfully accurate, and not very different from those now entertained by the profession. Thus he compares the process of respiration to combustion, and says it produces the same change upon atmospheric air. He further agrees with modern physiologists in considering it as the vital operation by which the innate (or animal) heat is preserved. (De Respiratione.) Compare this treatise with Baron Cuvier’s admirable section on Respiration and observe on how many points these two great physiologists agree. (Leçons d’Anatom. Compar., 26.)

[336] Timæus.

[337] De Igne.

[338] De Partibus Animalium, ii., 2. His great commentator, Averrhoes the Arabian, states this distinction very correctly. See Cantic. Avicennæ, tr. v.

[339] Lucan’s Pharsalia, i., 157, 606.

[340] De Carnibus. (See the preceding section.) In like manner Phornutus says, “our souls are fire.” (De Nature Deorum, ap. Gale’s Opuscula Mythologica, p. 142.) Such is also said to have been the doctrine of Hippocrates and Democritus. See Macrobius (Somnium Scipionis, i., 14); and Nemesius (de Nat. Hominis). In the Hippocratic treatise De Septimadibus, which M. Littré has discovered in Latin, the essence of the soul is held to be heat. (Ed. Littré, i., p. 391.)

[341] De Partibus Animalium, ii., 7.

[342] De Anima, ii., 4.

[343] Ὄτι πᾶν ἐκ πάντος γινέσθαι πέφυκε.--Aristot. de Ortu et Interitu. et Auscultationes Naturales, i.

[344] See Simon’s Chemistry, vol. i., p. 118, and the authorities there referred to.

[345] Baron Cuvier says: “En un mot, toutes les fonctions animales paroissent en reduire à des transformations de fluides; et c’est dans la manière dont ces transformations s’opérent, que gît le véritable secret de cette admirable économie.”--Leçons d’Anatom. Comp. lib. i.

[346] It will be readily understood that allusion is here made to the diseases ossification and osteosarcoma.

[347] The same application of this myth is made by Eustatheus, the commentator on Homer (ad Odyss., iv., 417), and by Heraclides Ponticus (Gale’s Opuscula Mytholog., p. 490). The words of Heraclides are very striking: “That hence it was with good reason that the formless matter was called Proteus; and that Providence which modified each being with its peculiar form and character was called Eidothia.”

[348] De Sapient. Vet., cap. xiii.

[349] Op. cit., iv.

[350] These opinions of Newton bear a strong resemblance to those of Strabo, as expressed in the following passage: “Since all things are in motion and undergoing great changes, it is to be supposed that neither does the earth always remain the same, so as neither to be augmented nor diminished; nor yet water; nor that either always possesses the same seat, for that a change of one thing into another seems very much according to nature. For that much earth is converted into water, and much water into earth.”--Geograph., xvii., 1.

[351] See p. 120, Ray Society’s edition.

[352] See Simon’s Chemistry, vol. i., p. 5; Sydenham Society’s edition. The etymology of the term _protein_ is there given from πρωτέυω, _I am first_; but it may more properly be derived from Proteus, to which, as we have mentioned above, the first matter was likened.

[353] Lucretius, de R. N., i., 48.

[354] I have always looked upon the story of the Sirens as being one of the most beautiful fictions in the Homeric poems. By the two Sirens I cannot but think that the poet meant to represent Philosophy and Melody, these being, as it were, the handmaids of Poetry. They assail the virtue of Ulysses with no vulgar temptations, by assuring him that they were well acquainted with all the martial exploits in which he had been engaged, and that he would leave them “much delighted, and with an increase of knowledge.”

Ἀλλ’ ὄγε τερψάμενος νεἰται καὶ πλέιονα ἐιδώς.
Odyss, xii., 188.

[355] Diogenes Laertius, in fact, states that Xenophanes, the founder of the school, held the doctrine of the four elements. On the Eleatic philosophy, see further, Aristotle (de Xenophane; and Metaphys., i., 5); and, of the modern authorities Ritter (History of Ancient Philosophy, vol. i.,) and Grote (Hist. of Greece, tom. iv., p. 518, etc.) Whether or not these modern authors, however, have rightly apprehended the doctrine of Xenophanes and Anaximander with regard to the elements, may, I think, be justly doubted. Dr. Thirlwall gives a very judicious exposition of the ethical opinions of the Eleatic philosophers, but does not touch on their physical. (Hist. of Greece, § 12.)

[356] M. Littré is inclined to give the Pythagorean philosopher, Alcmæon, the credit of priority in broaching the philosophical theory which runs through this treatise. His only authority, however, on this point is Plutarch (De Placit. Philos., v., 30); whereas Galen, as he admits, says expressly that Hippocrates himself is the author of this theory. Now, I must say that, of the two, Galen appears to me to be the better authority, being profoundly skilled both in medical and philosophical literature. But further, neither Diogenes Laertius in his life, nor any other writer who has noticed Alcmæon, says anything of his having promulgated the theory of the Crasis.

[357] Tom. i., p. 567.

[358] See Note, p. 191.

[359] The invention of bread must have been very ancient, as is obvious from the circumstance of its being referred to a mythological name, that is to say, Demeter _or_ Ceres. The ancients would appear to have paid great attention to the manufacture of bread. See Athenæus Deipnos, iii., 26; and PAULUS ÆGINETA, B. I., 78, Syd. Soc. edition.

[360] The maza was a sort of pudding _or_ cake made from barley-meal mixed up with water, oil, milk, oxymel, hydromel, or the like. It also was a very ancient invention, for it is mentioned in one of the works of Hesiod, which is universally allowed to be genuine, I mean the Opera et Dies, 1., 588.

[361] We have stated in our brief sketch of the Life of Hippocrates, that he studied the application of gymnastics to medicine under the great master of the art, Herodicus. He was a native of Selymbra in Thrace, and is generally represented as the father of medicinal gymnastics; but, as we have mentioned above, this statement must be received with considerable allowance, since there is every reason to believe that the Asclepiadæ applied exercises to the cure of diseases.

[362] He means both the pilot and physician.

[363] Καθαρὸς ἄρτος ἢ συγκομιστός. There has been some difference of opinion regarding these two kinds of bread; but it appears to me probable that the former was made of flour from which the bran had been entirely excluded, and the other from flour containing the whole of the bran. Later authorities called the one _siligo_, and the other _autopyrus_. See PAULUS ÆGINETA, Vol. I., p. 121.

[364] He alludes here to the secretions and humors in the body. See the Commentary of Heurnius.

[365] See Littré, h. 1.

[366] Meaning probably the diaphragm, with its membranes. See the Commentary of Heurnius, p. 92.

[367] Meaning the mammæ, according to Heurnius.

[368] Such as the spleen and lungs.

[369] Although I shall touch cursorily on this subject in my annotations, I cannot deny myself the pleasure of setting down here the following passage from the treatise of Longinus “On the Sublime.” It is to be borne in mind that it was written by a noble-minded Greek, who lived at the court of an Oriental despot, and must have been a daily observer of the effects which he so feelingly depicts. Who does not lament to think of a generous mind placed under circumstances where cowardice is honored and courage debased? And what more melancholy picture of human misery can be imagined than that which is here exhibited of the bodily and mental powers in a state of arrested development from the effects of confinement?

Ἥμισυ γάρ τ' ἀρετῆς (κατὰ τὸν Ὅμηρον) ἀποαίνυται δύλιον ἦμαρ· ὥσπερ οὖν (εἴγε γησὶ, τοῦτο πιστόν ἐστι) ἀκούω τὰ γλωττόκομα, ἐν οἱς οἱ Πυγμαῖοι καλούμενοι νάνοι τρέφονται, οὐ μόνον κωγύει τῶν εγκεκλεισμένων τὰς αὐξήσεις, ἀλλὰ καὶ συνάγει διὰ τὸν περικείμενον τοῖς σώμασι δεσμόν· οὒ τως ἅπασαν δουλείαν, καὶ ἦ δικαιοτάτη, ψυχῆς γλωττόκομον, καὶ κοιόν δή τις ἀποφήναιτο δεσωπτήριον.--§ 39.

[370] M. Littré thus states the four principal points to which Hippocrates here directs attention:

“1st. Il cherche quelle est, sur le maintein de la santé et la production des maladies, l’influence de l’exposition des villes par rapport au soleil et aux vents.

“2d. Il examine quelles sont les propriétés des eaux, bonnes ou mauvaises.

“3d. Il s’efforce de signaler les maladies qui prédominent suivant les saisons, et suivant les alternatives que chacune d’elles épreuve.

“4th. Enfin, il compare l’Europe et l’Asie, et it rattache les différences physiques et morales qui en séparent les habitants, aux différences du sol et du climat.”

He goes on, however, to state, that these four questions, although neatly put, are merely sketched, and half insinuates that it is a defect in the work, that it merely contains our author’s assertions, without the corresponding proofs. In a modern work, he remarks, the mode of procedure would be different; for it would be expected that the general truths should be supported by detailed and prolonged statistics on particular facts. It is to be borne in mind, however, that the work of Hippocrates was probably meant merely as a text-book, on which were grounded his public prelections, wherein would, no doubt, be given all the necessary proofs and illustrations. In this respect, it resembles the esoteric works of Aristotle, of which the author of them said that when they were published the contents of them, in one sense, were not communicated to the public, as they would be unintelligible without the illustrations by which they were accompanied when delivered in his school. In conclusion, I would beg leave to remark that, if the work of Hippocrates, in its present form, appear defective when compared with what a modern work on the same subject would be expected to be, it has also peculiar traits which would hardly be matched in a modern composition. In a modern work we might have a greater abundance of particular facts, and a more copious detail of individual observations, but would there be such an exuberance of general truths, of grand results, and of original reflections?

[371] The classical reader is referred to Theophrastus’ treatise De Signis Aquarum et Ventorum, for much interesting information on this subject.--See also Galen, Op. tom. v., p. 346, 347, ed. Basil.

[372] I. 105.

[373] It appears to me, however, that the meaning of Longinus in this place is rather overstrained.

[374] Coster, Défense des (Œvres de Voiture, etc., p. 194.

[375] Réponse à l’Apologie de Voiture, par Coster, p. 54.

[376] Memoria Scythica, in Comm. Petropol. p. 377–78.

[377] P. vi., p. 35.

[378] Notæ in Longinum.

[379] Comment, in vetus Monument, p. 415.

[380] Nosol. Meth. p. 365.

[381] De maribus inter Scythas morbo effeminatis, etc., p. 28.

[382] Hipp. de Aere, etc., t. ii., p. 326.

[383] Morb. Târd. iv., 9.

[384] Hist. of Greece, pluries.

[385] The part in parenthesis is rather obscure. In the old French translation it is rendered thus: “Elles sont très différentes entre elles par leur nature, et il arrive d’ailleurs une infinité de changemens qui sont tous divers.” On these changes, see Aphor. iii., 2–15.

[386] I have translated this passage agreeably to the reading suggested by Coray, that is to say, ὀυκ ἐδωδὸς, which appears to be a great improvement, although it is not adopted by Littré. Without the negation (ὀυκ) the contrast between the first and the last clause of the sentence is entirely lost. It will be remarked that I have translated ἀριστητάι, eating to excess. The ἄριστον, or dinner, was a meal which persons of regular habits seldom partook of, and hence Suetonius mentions it as an instance of Domitian’s gormandising propensities, that he was in the habit of taking dinner.--See Vita Domitiani; also PAULUS ÆGINETA, B. I., 109.

[387] It will be remarked that our author uses meteorology and astronomy almost as synonymous terms. In his time meteorology was looked upon by practical men as a visionary subject of investigation, which had a tendency to make those who engaged in it atheists, and the enemies of Socrates took advantage of the prejudices then prevailing against it to represent him as a meteorologist. See Aristophanes (Nub. 225.) Aristophanes, who would appear to have been always too ready to pander to the popular prejudices of the day, also represents the physicians as being “meteorological impostors,”--μετεωροφένακας. (Ibid. 330.) The enlightened mind of Aristotle, however, regarded meteorology in a very different light, and accordingly he wrote a work on the subject replete with all the astronomical and geological knowledge of his time. In it he professes to treat of the heavenly bodies and atmospherical phenomena, including winds, earthquakes and the like; also of minerals, fossils, etc. See the introduction to his _Meteorologica_.

[388] Upon reference to the editions of Coray, Clifton, and Littré, it will be seen that the text here is in a doubtful state. I shall not weary the reader by stating my reasons for adhering to the meaning which I have adopted.

[389] In place of the common reading, παιδίον, Coray adopts θεῖον which certainly, at first sight, appears to be an improvement. But I admit, with Littré, that the authority of Galen (tom. v., p. 447, ed. Basil), is quite decisive in favour of παιδίον. It is also to be taken into account in this place that the author of the treatise on Dentition brings prominently into view the connection between infancy and convulsions, which adds probability to the supposition that in those days convulsions may have been called “the disease of infancy.”

[390] The Hepialus is a species of intermittent fever, very common in warm climates. It would appear to be a variety of the quotidian. See PAULUS ÆGINETA, Vol. I., 252, Syd. Soc. edition.

[391] Frequent mention of this disease of the skin occurs in the works of the ancient writers on medicine. See PAULUS ÆGINETA, Vol. II., 40. We have there stated that it would appear to have been some species of Eczema, with which we are now unacquainted. Coray has a very lengthy note on it, but arrives at no satisfactory conclusions on the subject. He brings into review three cutaneous diseases, namely, the _bouton d’Alep._. (described, Mémoir. de la Société Royale de Médic., année 1777, 1778, t. i., p. 313;) the _pelagre_, (described, Toaldo, Essai Méteorolog., pp. 19, 20; Comment. de Rebus in Scient. Nat. et Médec. Gestis., tom. xxxi., p. 553; and Journ. de Médec. tom. lxxx., p. 272;) and the _lepre des Asturies_ or _mal de la rosa_, (described by Thieri, Journ. de Médec., tom. ii., p. 337.)

[392] _Coups de soleil_, or strokes of the sun, are often mentioned incidentally in the works of the ancient authors, but no one has treated of them in any very systematic manner, as far as I recollect. On the effects of exposure to cold and heat, see, however, PAULUS ÆGINETA, Vol. I., 49–51, Syd. Soc. edition.

[393] Ῥηγματα καὶ σπάσματα. There has been much difference of opinion as to the exact import of these two terms. It would appear to me that they were intended to apply to a rupture or straining of the fibres, occasioned by external violence. M. Littré has a very interesting note on this subject, tom. v., p. 579. On these strainings see further Coacæ Prænotiones, 376, 418. M. Littré, l. c., relates a case of empyema brought on by lifting a heavy piece of wood. On these terms see further the Annotations on Demosthenes, Olynth. ii., 8, ed. Dobson; and Foës, Œc. Hippocr.

[394] Clifton translates this clause of the sentence thus: “Even if there be but a small distance between them,” and, I think, correctly, although Coray is not quite satisfied with this interpretation. The stadium was _nearly_ the eighth part of a Roman mile, that is to say, it consisted of 94½ French toises, or 625 English feet.

[395] In another place, I have given a summary of the information supplied by the ancient authors on this subject, (PAULUS ÆGINATA, Vol. I., 66.) Upon the whole, none of them gives so much valuable matter on it as our author. Coray has some elaborate annotations on this passage.

[396] It can scarcely admit of a doubt that our author here alludes to scurvy. (See Coray at this place, and Lind on Scurvy, iii., 1.) He also describes the disease distinctly in the second book of Prorrhetics, that is to say, if Hippocrates be actually the author of that book. See also Epidem. ii., 1; de Affection., de inter. affect.; Cælius Aurelianus, Tard. Pass. iii., 4; Celsus, iv., 9; Aëtius, x., 11; Pliny, H. N., xxv., 3; Aretæus, Morb. Diuturn, i., 14; and Paulus Ægineta, iii., 49; Marcellus, de Medic. ii.

[397] The leucophlegmasia is treated of in different parts of the Hippocratic treatises, as Aphor. vii., 29; de Morb. ii. By it he evidently meant a species of dropsy, as Galen remarks in his commentary on the Aphorisms (l. c.). It occurs in Aretæus’s chapter on dropsy. Morb. Diuturn. ii., 1; Octavius Horatianus, v. Celsus makes it to be synonymous with anasarca, iii., 21. Our author would seem to notice these varieties of dropsy as being affections to which pregnant women are subject.

[398] On hydrops uteri see the authorities quoted in the Commentary on PAULUS ÆGINATA, B. III., 48, Syd. Soc. edition. It may appear singular that hydatids of the womb should be particularly prevalent in the case of women that drink unwholesome water from marshes, and yet our author’s observation is confirmed by a modern authority as quoted by Coray: “Il a été également prouvé par les observations des Modernes, que les fausses grossesses produites par les hydatides; sont très-communes dans les pays marécageux, ou la plupart des habitans ont une constitution lâche, propre à l’affection scorbutique, qui y est presque endémique, qu’elles terminent plus ou moins tard par l’excrétion de ces hydatides.”--(Notes sur le Traité des Airs, &c., p. 106.) Sydenham, moreover, describes the symptoms of false pregnancy in much the same terms as our author. (Tract de Hydrop.)

[399] On the Thermal waters of the ancients, see PAULUS ÆGINATA, Vol. I., 72. I have treated fully of the ancient _alum_ and _nitre_ under στυπτηρία and λίτρον, in the Third Volume. Coray, in his notes on this passage, does not throw much light on this subject. The opinion here delivered by our author, that these metallic substances are produced by the operation of heat, is adopted and followed out by Aristotle towards the end of the third book on Meteorologia.

[400] Corny appears to me to be unnecessarily puzzled to account for our author’s statement, that saltish waters, although held to be purgative, are, in fact, astringent of the bowels. But, although their primary effect certainly be cathartic, is it not undeniable that their secondary effect is to induce or aggravate constipation of the bowels? Certain it is, moreover, that all the ancient authorities held salts to be possessed of desiccant and astringent powers. See PAULUS ÆGINETA, Vol. III., under ἂλες.

[401] Aristotle discusses the subject in his Problems, ii., 9, 36, 37; ii., 15; i., 53; v., 34, and arrives at nearly the same conclusions as Hippocrates. See also Theophrastus de Sudoribus.

[402] I cannot hesitate in adopting the emendation suggested by Coray (ἀποσήθεσθαι) in place of the common reading (ἀποσήπεσθαι), which evidently has no proper meaning in this place. I am surprised that M. Littré should have hesitated in admitting it into the text.

[403] Athenæus, in like manner, praises rain water. Deipnos ii., 5.

[404] It appears singular that Athenæus, who is undoubtedly a most learned and judicious authority on all matters relating to Dietetics, speaks as favorably of water from ice as he does of rain water. Both he praises for their lightness, (l. c.) Celsus gives the character of the different kinds of water with his characteristic terseness and accuracy: “Aqua levissima pluvialis est; deinde fontana; tum ex flumine; tum ex puteo: post hæc ex nive, aut glacie; gravior his ex lacu; gravissima ex palude,” (ii., 19.) Galen treats of the medicinal and dietetical properties of water in several of his works, and uniformly agrees with Hippocrates in the judgment he pronounces on them. See in particular, De Ptisana; De Sanit. tuend. ii.; Comment. ii. in Libr. de Ratione victus in Morb. acut.

[405] Athenæus, on the other hand, argues from the fact that ice is lighter than water, that water formed from ice must be light. Pliny gives a lucid statement of the opinions of those who held that water from ice is light and wholesome, and those who, like Hippocrates, held it to be just the reverse. He says in the words of Hippocrates, literally translated, “nec vero pauci inter ipsos e contrario ex gelu ac nivibus insaluberrimos potius prædicant, quoniam exactum sit inde, quod tenuissimum fuerit.” (H.N. xxxi., 21.) See also Seneca, Quæst. Natural. iv. It would appear that iced _liqueurs_ were greatly relished at the tables of _gourmands_ in those days. I need scarcely remark that there has been great difference of opinion in modern times regarding the qualities of water from melted snow and ice. It was at one time generally believed that it is the cause of the goîtres to which the inhabitants of the valleys bordering on the Alps are subject. This opinion, however, is by no means generally held at the present time.

[406] This is a most interesting chapter, as containing the most ancient observations which we possess on the important subject of urinary calculi. The ancients never improved the theory, nor added much to the facts which are here stated by our author. We have given the summary of their opinions in the Commentary on PAULUS ÆGINETA, B. III., 45. I would beg leave to remark that, notwithstanding the number of curious facts which modern chemistry has evolved regarding the composition of urinary calculi, the etiology of the disease is nearly as obscure now as it was in the days of Hippocrates.

[407] Coray remarks that Prosper Martian, in his commentary on this passage, confirms the truth of the observation here made, that persons affected with calculus have the bowels constipated.

[408] Theophilus, in his treatise De Urinis, would seem to contradict this observation of Hippocrates, when he states that the urine of calculous persons is thick and milky (8.) But, according to Prosper Martian, when the calculus is in the state of formation, its characters are as described by the latter, whereas, when the calculus is already formed, the urine is limpid, as described by Hippocrates.

[409] It is worthy of remark that Celsus states just the reverse with regard to the practice of women laboring under the stone; he says: “Feminæ vero oras naturalium suorum manibus admotis scabere crebro coguntur.” (ii., 7.) Are we to suppose that he followed a different reading? Considering how well he shows himself acquainted with the works of Hippocrates, it cannot be thought that he had overlooked this passage.

[410] Our author, it will be remarked, ascribes the comparative immunity from calculus which females enjoy to their freer use of liquids. Celsus, in laying down directions for the regimen of a calculous person, as preparatory for the operation, among other things, directs, “ut aquam bibat,” (vii., 26–2.) Coray collects the opinions of several modern authorities in favor of drinking water as a preventive of calculus. Thus Tissot states that the Chinese, who drink so much water with their tea, enjoy almost an immunity from the disease. (De la Santé des Gens de Lettres, p. 196,) Campfer, in like manner, affirms that calculus has become less common in Europe since the introduction of tea, which he justly attributes to the amount of water drunk with it, rather than to any virtues of the plant itself. (Comment de Reb. in scient. nat. et medic. gestis, vol. xvi., p. 594.) Metzger attributes the diminution of the number of calculous cases in Königsberg to the use of draughts of tepid water. (Journal de Médec., vol. lxvii., 348.) The Turks, according to Thevenot, owing to their free use of water, are almost exempt from the disease. (Voyage au Lévant, c. xxvii., p. 70.)

[411] Coray makes the following remarks on the natural characters of the seasons in Greece. The natural temperature of the winter in Greece was cold and humid; thus a dry and northerly winter was reckoned an unnatural season. Spring was reckoned unnatural when the heat and rain were excessive. See further Theophrast. de Caus. Plant. ii., 1.

[412] See Aphorism iii., 11.

[413] The celebrated Haller charges Hippocrates with inaccurate observation in stating that dysenteries are epidemic in spring, which, he contends, is contrary to modern experience. (Bibl. Med. Pract., vol. i., p. 61.) Hippocrates, however, is defended by Gruner (Cens. libr. Hippocrat. ii., 5, p. 51), and by Coray. (Notes, etc., p. 159.) The latter justly argues, that although dysentery may not prevail at that season in Germany, that is no reason for holding why it may not be so in Greece. He also refers to the works of Birnstiel and Stoll for descriptions of epidemical dysentery, occurring in the season of spring.

[414] See Aphorism iii., 12; also Aristot. Probl. i., 9; Celsus, ii., 1.

[415] Coray, in this place, refers to an epidemic of the same description related by Caillar, which prevailed in the winter of 1751, and was treated by emetics more successfully than by bleeding.

[416] By sphacelus of the brain Clifton understands “paralytic diseases,” which is not far removed from the conclusion which we have arrived at respecting it in the Commentary on PAULUS ÆGINETA, Vol. I., p. 365. See Coray’s lengthened note on this passage.

[417] Aphorism, iii., 13.

[418] Aphorism, iii., 14.

[419] I have stated in my analysis of the short treatise “On Purgative Medicines,” that the author of it forbids the administration of these medicines, that is to say, of drastic purgatives, during excessive heat or cold.

[420] One may see, upon consulting the editions of Clifton, Coray, and Littré, that there are great varieties of readings in regard to the word which I have translated “affectionate.” It will be remarked that I have followed Coray and Littré in reading εύοργητότερα. Clifton adopts ἀεργότερα, and translates it “unactive.”

[421] This expression of our author is ambiguous. Coray explains it thus: “il entend le lever d’été, qu’il place à 45 degrés de l’Est au Nord, dans l’horizon de la Grece, et particulièrement celui de l’île de Cos; et le lever d’hiver qu’il place à 45 degrés de l’Est au Sud.”

[422] The sense undoubtedly requires this addition, and therefore I have not scrupled to follow the reading of Cornarius, καὶ τοῡ θερμοῡ.

[423] The term here used meant particularly the fructus horæi, or summer fruits; namely, cucumbers, gourds, and the like. (See PAULUS ÆGINETA, B. I., § 80.) Surely Coray forgot himself, when he wrote thus regarding the distinction between the summer and autumnal fruits of his country: “les Grecs entendoient particulièrement par ὡρᾱια les fruits de la fin de l’été, c’est-à-dire, de cette partie de l’année qu’ils appelloient ὀπώραν, etc.”

[424] It is but too apparent that there is a lacuna in the text here. A chapter devoted to an examination of the peculiarities of the Egyptians and Libyans is evidently lost. As M. Littré has remarked, Galen appears to refer to the contents of the lost chapter. (Opera, tom. xvi., p. 392; ed. Kühn.)

[425] That is to say, the Sea of Azoff. See Herodotus, iv., 86, who calls it Μαιῆτις. This was generally held to be the division between Europe and Asia, as stated by our author. As Coray remarks, its borders on the north-west are occupied by the inhabitants of Little Tartary: it has the Crimea on the south-west; the Tartars of Cuban and the Circassians on the south-east.

[426] That the inhabitants of a country bear a resemblance to the country itself, is no doubt a profound and most philosophical remark, although it must be admitted that the comparisons which our author makes are somewhat quaintly expressed, and hence a German physician wished the passage expunged, as being unworthy of Hippocrates. (Comment de Reb. in Scient. Natur. et Med. gestis, vol. xx., p. 131.) There can be no question, however, that it embodies a grand general truth, although the particular application of it may not always be apparent.

[427] On the Macrocephali, see Pliny, H. N. vi., 4; Stephanus, de Urbibus; Suidas and Harpocration in Μακροκέφαλοι; Pomponius Mela, i., 19; Strabo, xii.; Scholiast Apollon. Rhod., i.; Dionysius Periegetes.

The exact situation of the savage nation of the Macrocephali cannot be precisely determined, but it was evidently not far from the Palus Mæotis, and most probably in the vicinity of the Caucasus. Little is known of them, except what our author says respecting the practice which they had of disfiguring their heads by squeezing them, in early infancy, into an elongated shape. It is well known that the same absurd usage prevailed among the early inhabitants of MEXICO. I need scarcely say that much important information respecting them has been obtained of late years. M. Littré, in the fourth vol. of his edition of Hippocrates, supplies some very important information in illustration of this subject, from a recent publication of Dr. H. Rathke. Certain tumuli having been excavated at Kertch, in the Crimea, there were found in them, besides different utensils and statues, several skeletons, and it was most remarkable that the form of the head was greatly elongated, in the manner described by Hippocrates with regard to the Macrocephali. The author’s words are: “On y remarquait, en effet, un hauteur extraordinaire par rapport au diamètre de la base, et par là ils frappaient même les personnes qui n’avaient aucune connaissance de la structure du corps humain.”

[428] The same theory respecting the secretion of the semen is given in the treatises “De Genitura” and “De Morbo Sacro.” It is espoused by Galen, in his little work. “Quod animal sit quod utero continetur.” Coray remarks that Hippocrates’s theory on the origin of the fœtus does not differ much from that of Buffon.

[429] I need scarcely remark that both the river and city of this name are very celebrated in ancient mythology and history. See in particular Apollonius Rhodius, with his learned Scholiast, Arg. II.; Strabo, xi.; Pliny, H. N., vi., 4; Procopius, Pers., ii., 29; Mela, i., 85; Arrian, periplus. The river takes its rise in the Caucasus, and terminates in the Black Sea. It is called _Rion_ by the inhabitants, and the river and a city situated upon it are called _Fache_ by the Turks. See Coray at this place, and Mannert., Geograph., iv., 394.

[430] Coray quotes from Lamberti, a modern traveller, a description of the Colchide and its inhabitants, which agrees wonderfully with the account of both given by our author. The following is part of his description: “Il sito della Colchide porta seco un’ aria tanto humida che forse in altro luogo non si è veduta la simile. E la ragione si è perchè venendo dall’ occidente bagnata, dall’ Eusino, et dall’ oriente cinta dal Caucaso, dal quale sorgano gran quantità di fiumi rende da per tutto l’aria humidissima affatto. A questo s’ aggiungono la frequenza de’ boschi, fra quali non viene agitata l’aria da’ venti, et li spessi venti marini apportatoi di pioggie et de’ vapori del mare. Questa humidità si grande genera poi gran quantità de’ vapori, che sollevati in alto si dissolvono in frequentissime pioggie.”--Relatione della Colchide, c. 27. He goes on to state that a great part of the inhabitants are fishers.

[431] It is singular that Procopius, on the other hand, states that the Phasis is a very rapid river, and Chardin confirms his statement. (Voyage en Perse, vol. i., p. 105.) Lamberti reconciles these discrepant accounts by explaining that the river is rapid in its course near where it rises among the mountains, but quite smooth and stagnant when it arrives at the plain.--Relat. dell Colchid., 29.

[432] The best practical proof of the justness of our author’s reflections in this place is the result of the battle of Salamis; and the noblest intellectual monument which ever the wit of man has raised to the triumph of freedom is the Persæ of Æschylus, in celebration of that event. A single line, descriptive of the Greeks, is sufficient to account for their superiority to the Asiatics:

Οὔ τινος δοῦλοι κέκληνται φωτὸς, οὐδ' ὑπήκοοι.--1., 240.

None seem to have felt the force of this great truth so much as the Persian despots themselves, or to have estimated the effects of civil liberty higher than they did. The younger Cyrus, before the battle of Cynaxa, addresses his Grecian soldiers in the following memorable words: Ὦ ἄνδρες Ἕλληνες, οὐκ ἀνθρώπων ἀπορῶν βαρβάρων συμμάχους ἡμᾶς ἄγω, ἀλλὰ νομίζων ἀμείνονας καὶ κρείττους πολλπῶν βαρβάρων ὑμᾶς εἶναι διὰ τοῦτο προσέλαβον ὅπως οὖν ἔσεσθε ἄνδρες ἄξιοι τῆς ἐλευθερίας, ἧς κέκτησθε, καὶ ὑπὲρ ἧς ὑμᾶς ἐγὼ εὐδαιμονίζω· εὖ γὰρ ἴστε, ὅτι τὴν ἐλευθερίαν ἑλοίμην ἂν ἀντὶ ὧν ἔχω πάντων καὶ ἄλλων πολλαπλασίων.--Anab., i., 7. Such being the established opinions of the intelligent portion of mankind in the days of Hippocrates, the sentiment here expressed would then be regarded as a self-evident truth. Plato, indeed, modifies this opinion in so far when he holds despotism to be the consequence and not the cause of servility.--De Repub., viii.

[433] The name Sauromatæ or Sarmatæ was applied by the ancient geographers to certain inhabitants of that vast and, to them, nearly unexplored country, extending from the Sinus Codanus _or_ Baltic Sea, to the Euxine _or_ Black Sea. It comprehends, then, a large portion of Russia, Poland, and perhaps Prussia. (See Pomponius Mela, iii., 4; Ptolemy, Geograph.; and Maltebrun, Geograph., vol. i., p. 126.) That the Sarmatians and Scythians were the same race of men, although some of the authorities make a distinction between them, can scarcely admit of a doubt. Our author, it will be remarked, seems to restrict the name to a peculiar race of Scythians, who lived near the Palus Mæotis (_or_ Sea of Asaph). From the account which he gives of them it is impossible to doubt that he alludes to the Amazonians, so celebrated in ancient legends. The opinion which I entertain of them is pretty fully stated in the Argument to this treatise. That our author should not have doubted the real existence of the Amazonians need excite no wonder, considering the very positive and very circumstantial account of them given by his contemporary Herodotus (iv., 110–18).

[434] It may at first sight appear singular that our author should have mixed up his account of the Scythians with allusions to the Egyptians; but he probably had in view Herodotus (ii., 103–6), who connects the Egyptians with the Scythians, and more especially with the tribe of them called Colchians. He states in particular that the Colchians and Egyptians resembled one another in the fashion of their linen, their whole course of life, and in their language.

[435] Herodotus (iv., 28, 29) and Strabo (Geogr., vii.), assign the same reason for the Scythian cattle not having horns.

[436] This description evidently applies to the wandering tribes which roam over the steppes of Tartary. The passage is of classical celebrity, for I cannot but fancy that certainly Virgil (Georg., iii., 349–83), and perhaps Horace (Od. iii., 24), had it in view when they drew their pictures of the nomadic life of the Scythians. The extraordinary cold of that region, notwithstanding its southern latitude, has not been exaggerated by ancient authors; but to account for it, as the modern traveller, Clark, remarks, is still a problem which no one has solved. Strabo mentions that carts were driven across the Palus Mæotis (Geogr., vii., 3). The chariots covered in from the inclemency of the weather with a roof of felt, are described also by Strabo (Geogr., l. c.); and, according to Dr. Coray, similar contrivances are still to be found among the Kalmucs and other savage nations. (Notes sur le Traité des Airs, etc., h. 1.) A preparation from milk resembling the hippace is still used by the inhabitants of that region. On the people who lived upon this composition from milk, see in particular Strabo, vii., 3.

[437] The following lines of Virgil, referred to above, may be almost said to be a translation of this passage:

“Semper hiems, semper spirantes frigora Cauri.
Tum sol pallentes haud unquam discutit umbras;

* * * * *

Talis Hyperboreo septem subjecta trioni
Gens effrena virûm Rhiphæo tunditur Euro.”

It was in this region of mist and cold that the celebrated race of the Cimmerians resided. See Herodot., i., 6, etc.; Homer, Odyss. x., 14. The montes Rhiphæi would appear to have been the Ural mountains which separate Russia from Siberia.

[438] It is well known now that excessive cold has a tendency to retard the growth of animals. This opinion is confirmed in several instances by Pallas (Voy. en Russie, i., 197; iii., 431.) Strabo mentions, as the consequences of the cold which prevails in the country of the Getæ, that there are no asses in it, the cattle want horns, and the horses are small. (Geogr., vii., 3.)

[439] Buffon, on the other hand, maintains that the Nomadic race are men of active habits. (Hist., Nat., tom. iii., p. 384.) Pallas, however, confirms the judgment of Hippocrates. (Voyag. en Russie, tom. i., p. 499.) See also Coray, ad. h. l.

[440] It is to be borne in mind that Hippocrates, and after him most of the ancient authorities, held that the fœtus is formed from the male semen. This doctrine prevailed generally down to the days of Harvey. Some of the ancient physiologists, however, maintained that “omne animal est ab ovo.” See Plutarch, de Placit. Philos.

[441] Ὑγρότης, when applied to the body, may signify both humidity and relaxation, in like manner as the adjective (ὑγρὸς) signifies humid and relaxed. We shall see an example of the latter signification in the Prognostics.

[442] This practice came to be one of the regular operations of surgery, being performed with the view of correcting the tendency of a joint to dislocation. It is minutely described by Hippocrates (De Artic., xi.), Paulus Ægineta, (VI., 42), Albucasis (Chirurg., i., 27), Haly Abbas (Pract., ix., 78). See the Sydenham Society’s edition of PAULUS ÆGINETA, 1. c.

[443] The meaning of this passage is ambiguous. I have followed Coray, who gives some very interesting annotations on it. He translates these words, “Ils sont naturellement d’une complexion lâche et trapus; premièrement, parceque dans leur enfance ils ne sont point emmaillotés, non plus que les Ægyptiens.” Clifton has given nearly the same meaning of the passage: “Their fluidness and breadth proceed first from their neglect of bandages, as in Egypt.” Littré, on the other hand, appears to give a different interpretation of the passage: “D’abord parceque on ne les emmaillotte pas, comme en Egypte.”

[444] A fat condition of the body was also supposed adverse to conception in the case of cattle. Virgil alludes to this opinion, and the means used to counteract the effects of an excessively fat state of the body in the following verses, which have been always admired as an example how delicately a great genius can touch upon an indelicate subject:

“Ispa autem macie tenuant armenta volentes,
Atque, ubi concubitus primos jam nota voluptas
Sollicitat, frondesque negant, et fontibus arcent.
Sæpe etiam cursu quatiunt et sole fatigunt;
Hoc faciunt nimio ne luxu obtusior usus
Sit genitali arvo, et sulcos oblimet inertes;
Sed rapiat sitiens venerem, interiusque recondat.”

Georg., iii., 136.

[445] On the nature of this affection see the Argument. There is a variety in the reading, most of the MSS. having ἀνανδριείς, but the one usually marked 2146, which is followed in the Aldine edition, reading ἀνδριεῖς. See a long discussion in Coray’s edition on this point. There seems to be no good reason for at all interfering with the text as it now stands.

[446] Our author in this place, as in the treatise on the Sacred Disease, holds the philosophical opinion in opposition to the superstitious, that all diseases have natural causes, and that no one more than another is to be ascribed to the extraordinary interference of supernatural beings. Plato, his contemporary, would appear to have endeavored to steer a sort of middle course between the scientific and the popular belief. Thus he ascribes epilepsy, like all other diseases, to a natural cause, namely, in this instance, to a redundancy of black bile; but he qualifies this opinion by calling the passages of the brain (the ventricles?) most divine, and adds that the disease had been most appropriately denominated sacred. (Timæus, § 66.)

[447] The origin and signification of this term are by no means well defined. See Galen (Exeges, etc.), Foës (Œcon. Hippocr.), and Coray (ad h. l.). It has been applied first, to certain varieties of morbus coxarius; secondly, to chronic buboes, superinduced by disease of the hip-joint; thirdly, to paralysis of the muscles about the genital organs; fourthly, aneurismal varix. (See Aretæus, Morb. Acut., ii., 8; and the note in Boerhaave’s edition.) I must own that I find some difficulty in deciding to which of these significations I should give the preference; I rather incline, however, to the first, from what our author says towards the end of this section, namely, that all men who ride much “are afflicted with rheums in the joints, sciatica and gout, and are inept at venery.”

[448] This opinion of our author was no doubt founded on the erroneous notion regarding the distribution of the veins which prevailed in his time, and which we find advocated in the tract “on the Nature of Man,” and elsewhere. (See Aristot., H. N., iii., 3.) Coray strives hard, in his annotations on this passage, to make out that the fact may be as stated by his ancient countryman, although the hypothesis by which he explained it be false. It is singular, however, that, after the lapse of more than two thousand years, Phrenology should have come to the assistance of Hippocrates in this case. I need scarcely remark that Gall and his followers hold that the cerebellum is the seat of the animal appetites, so that, if this be really the fact, a close sympathy between the back of the head and the genital organs may be very legitimately inferred. At all events, this coincidence between ancient observation and modern hypothesis must be admitted to be very remarkable.

[449] Aristotle, on the other hand, holds that the effects of equitation are aphrodisiac. (Probl. iv., 12.) Coray attempts to reconcile the discordant opinions of the physician and philosopher, by supposing that moderate exercises may excite the venereal appetite, whereas excessive extinguish them. Van Swieten agrees with Hippocrates that inordinate exercise in riding may induce impotence. (Comment. in Boerh. Aphor., § 1063.)

[450] It is a singular idea of our author that the wearing of breeches by confining the development of the genital organs impairs the sexual desires. It is curious, as remarked by Coray, that the same opinion is advocated by Hunter in his treatise on the Venereal Disease. Coray also quotes the following passage from Lalement: “Sæpe audivimus pistores et cæteros quorum partes pudendæ subligaculis non obteguntur sed liberius pendent crassos et bene nutritos habere testiculos.”--Comment. in Hippocrat. de Aer., etc.