Chapter II: Front Matter (2)

The 9. of Aprill he departed from Plimouth with 7. sayle: the chiefe men with him in command, were Master Ralph Layne, Master Thomas Candish, Master John Arundel, Master Stukley, Master Bremige, Master Vincent, Master Heryot and Master John Clarke. The 14. day we fell with the Canaries, and the 7. of May with Dominico in the West Indies: we landed at Portorico, after with much a doe at Izabella on the north of Hispaniola, passing by many Iles. Upon the 20. we fell with the mayne of Florida, and were put in great danger upon Cape Fear. The 26. we Anchored at Wocokon, where the admiral had like to beene cast away, presently we sent to Wingina to Roanoak, and Master Arundel went to the mayne, with Manteo a salvage, and that day to Crooton. The 11. The Generall victualled for 8. dayes, with a selected company went to the maine, and discovered the Townes of Pomeiok, Aquascogoc, Secotan, and the great Lake called Paquipe. At Aquascogoc the Indians stole a silver Cup, wherefore we burnt the Towne and spoyled their corne, so returned to our fleete at Tocokon. Whence we wayed for Hatorask, where we rested, and Granganameo, King Wingina's brother with Manteo came abord our Admirall, the Admirall went for Weapomeiok, & Master John Arundel for England. Our Generall in his way home tooke a rich loaden ship of 300. tunns, with which he arived at Plimouth the 18. of September, 1585.

These were left under the command of Master Ralph Layne to inhabite the Country, but they returned within a yeare.

Philip Amidas Admirall. Master Acton.
Master Thomas Heryot. Master Stafford.
Master Thomas Luddington. Master Snelling.
Master Marvyn. Master Antony Russe.
Cap. Vaghan. Master Allen.
Master Kendall. Master Michael Pollison.
Master Gardiner. Master Thomas Bockner.
Master Predeox. Master James Mason.
Master Rogers. Master David Salter.
Master Harvy. Master James Skinner.

With divers others to the number of 108.

A.D. 1585-86.
_Their first Plantation._

Touching the most remarkeable things of the Country and our proceeding from the 17. of August 1585. till the 18. of June 1586. we made Roanoack our habitation. The utmost of our discovery Southward was Secotan as we esteemed 80. leagues from Roanoack. The passage from thence was thought a broad sound within the maine, being without kenning of land, yet full of flats and shoules that our Pinnasse could not passe, & we had but one boat with 4. ores, that would carry but 15. men with their provisions for 7. dayes: so that because the winter approached we left those discoveries till a stronger supply. To the Northward our farthest was to a Towne of the Chesapeacks, from Roanoack 130. myles. The passage is very shallow and dangerous by reason of the breadth of the sound and the little succour for a storme, but this teritory being 15. myle from the shoare, for pleasantnest of seate, for temperature of climate, fertility of soyle and comoditie of the Sea, besides beares, good woods, Saxefras, Walnuts &c. is not to be excelled by any other whatsoever.

There be sundry other Kings they call Weroances as the Mangoacks, Trypaniks, and Opposians, which came to visit us.

_Chawonoack._ [I.6]

To the northwest our farthest was Chawonock from Roanoack 130. myles our passage lyeth through a broad sound, but all fresh water, and the channell Navigable for a Ship, but out of it full of shoules.

_Chawonock._ {MN-1}
700. _men._ {MN-2}

The townes by the way by the water, are Passaquenock the womens towne, Chepanoc, Weapomeiok; from Muscamunge wee enter the river and jurisdiction of Chawonock, there it beginneth to straiten, and at Chawonock it is as Thames at Lambeth: betwixt them as we passed is goodly high land on the left hand, and there is a towne called Ohanock, where is a great corne field, {MN-1} it is subject to Chawonock, which is the greatest Province upon the river, {MN-2} and the Towne it selfe can put seven hundred men into the field, besides the forces of the rest. The King is lame, but hath more understanding then all the rest.

_Menatonon his relations of the Ile of Pearle, and a rich mine, &
the Sea by it._ {MN}

The river of Moratoc is more famous then all the rest, and openeth into the sound of Weapomeiok, and where there is but a very small currant in Chawonock, it hath so strong a currant from the Southwest, as we doubted how to row against it. Strange things they report of the head of this river, and of Moratoc it selfe, a principall towne on it, & is thirtie or fortie dayes Journey to the head. This lame King is called Menatonon. {MN} When I had him prisoner two dayes, he told mee that 3. dayes Journey in a Canow up the river Chawonock, then landing & going foure dayes Journey Northeast, there is a King whose Country lyeth on the Sea, but his best place of strength is an Iland in a Bay invironed with deepe water, where he taketh that abundance of Pearle, that not onely his skins, and his nobles, but also his beds and houses are garnished therewith. This king was at Chawonock two yeares agoe to trade with blacke pearle, his worst sort whereof I had a rope, but they were naught; but that King he sayth hath store of white, and had trafficke with white men, for whom he reserved them; he promised me guides to him, but advised me to goe strong, for he was unwilling strangers should come in his Country, for his Country is populous and valiant men. If a supply had come in Aprill, I resolved to have sent a small Barke to the Northward to have found it, whilest I with small Boates and 200. men would have gone to the head of the river Chawonock, with sufficient guides by land, inskonsing my selfe every two dayes, where I would leave Garrisons for my retreat till I came to this Bay.

Very neare unto it is the river of Moratoc, directly from the West, the head of it springeth out of a mayne Rocke, which standeth so neare the Sea, that in stormes the Sea beats over it into this fresh spring, that of it selfe at the surse is a violent streame. I intended with two Wherries and fortie persons to have Menatonons sonne for guide, to try this presently, till I could meete with some of the Moratocks, or Mangoaks, but hoping of getting more victuall from the Salvages, we as narrowly escaped starving in that Discovery as ever men did.

_Pemissapan his trechery._
_The discovery of the river Moratoc._ {MN-1}
_A noble resolution._ {MN-2}

For Pemissapan who had changed his name of Wingina upon the death of his brother Granganameo, had given both the Chawonests, and Mangoaks word of my purpose: also he told me the Chawonocks had assembled two or three thousand to assault me at Roanok, urging me daily to goe against them, and them against us; {MN-1} a great assembly I found at my comming thether, which suddaine approach did so dismay them, that we had the better of them: & this confederacy against us was procured by Pemissapan himselfe our chiefe friend we trusted; he sent word also to the Moratoks and the Mangoaks, I came to invade them, that they all fled up into the high Country, so that where I assured my selfe both of succour and provision, I found all abandoned. But being thus farre on my journey 160. myles from home, and but victuals for two dayes, besides the casualties of crosse winds, stormes, and the Salvages trechery, though we intended no hurt to any: I gave my Company to understand we were onely drawne forth upon these vaine hopes by the Salvages to bring us to confusion: {MN-2} a Councell we held, to goe forward or returne, but they all were absolutely resolved but three, that whilst there was but one pynt of Corne for a man, they would not leave the search of that river; for they had two Mastive Dogs, which boyled with Saxefras leaves [I.7.] (if the worst fell out) upon them and the pottage they would live two dayes, which would bring them to the sound, where they should finde fish for two dayes more to passe it to Roanock, which two dayes they had rather fast then goe backe a foote, till they had seene the Mangoaks either as friends or foes.

_The strange Mine of Chaunis Temoatan._

Though I did forsee the danger and misery, yet the desire I had to see the Mangoaks was, for that there is a province called Chaunis Temoatan, frequented by them and well knowne to all those Countries, where is a mine of Copper they call Wassador; they say they take it out of a river that falleth swiftly from high rocks in shallow water, in great Bowles, covered with leather, leaving a part open to receive the mettall, which by the change of the colour of the water where the spout falleth, they suddainly chop downe, and have the Bowie full, which they cast into the fire, it presently melteth, and doth yeeld in five parts at the first melting two parts mettall for three of Ore. The Mangoaks have such plenty of it, they beautifie their houses with great plates thereof: this the Salvages report; and young Skiko the King of Chawonnocks sonne my prisoner, that had beene prisoner among the Mangoaks, but never at Chaunis Temoatan, for he sayd that was twentie dayes journey overland from the Mangoaks.

_The great current of the river Moratoc._ {MN}

Menatonon also confirmed all this, and promised me guides to this mettall Country; by Land to the Mangoaks is but one dayes journey, but seaven by water, which made me so willing to have met them for some assay of this metall: but when we came there we found no creature, onely we might see where had beene their fires. After our two dayes journey, and our victuals spent, in the evening we heard some call as we thought Manteo, who was with me in the boat; this made us glad, he made them a friendly answer, which they answered with a song we thought for welcome, but he told us they came to fight. Presently they did let flie their Arrowes about the boat, but did no hurt, the other boat scouring the shore we landed: but they all were fled, and how to finde them wee knew not. So the next morning we returned to the mouth of the river, {MN} that cost us foure dayes rowing up, and here our dogs pottage stood us in good stead, for we had nothing els: the next day we fasted being windbound, and could not passe the sound, but the day following we came to Chippanum, where the people were fled, but their wires afforded us fish: thus being neare spent, the next day God brought us to Roanocke. I conclude a good Mine, or the South sea will make this Country quickly inhabited, and so for pleasure and profit comparable with any in the world: otherwise there will be nothing worth the fetching. Provided there be found a better harbour then yet there is, which must be Northward if there be any. Master Vaughan, no lesse hoped of the goodnesse of the Mine, then Master Heriot that the river Moratocks head, either riseth by the Bay of Mexico, or very neare the South Sea, or some part that openeth neare the same, which cannot with that facilitie be done as from the Bay of Pearles, by insconsing foure dayes journey to the Chawonoks, Mangoaks, and Moratocks, &c.

The conspiracy of Pemissapan; the Discovery of it; and our returne for
England with Sir Francis Drake.

_The Conspiricy of Pemissapan._ {MN-1}
_The death of a most rare Salvage._ {MN-2}

Ensenore a Salvage, father to Pemissapan, the best friend we had after the death of Granganimeo, when I was in those Discoveries, could not prevaile any thing with the King from destroying us, that all this time God had preserved, by his good counsell to the King to be friendly unto us. {MN-1} Pemissapan thinking as the brute was in this last journey we were slaine and starved, began to blaspheme our God that would suffer it, and not defend us, so that old Ensenore, had no more credit for us: for he began by all the devises he could to invade us. But in the beginning of this brute, when [I.8.] they saw us all returne, the report false, and had Manteo, and three Salvages more with us, how little we esteemed all the people we met, and feared neither hunger, killing, or any thing, and had brought their greatest Kings sonne prisoner with us to Roanock: it a little asswaged all his devises, and brought Ensenore in respect againe, that our God was good, and wee their friends, and our foes should perish, for we could doe them more hurt being dead, then living, and that being an hundred myles from them, shot, and strucke them sicke to death, and that when we die it is but for a time, then we returne againe. But that which wrought the most feare among them was the handy-worke of Almightie God. For certaine dayes after my returne, Menatonon sent messengers to me with Pearle, and Okisco King of Weopomeoke, to yeeld himselfe servant to the Queene of England. Okisco with twenty-foure of his principall men came to Pemissapan to acknowledge this dutie and subjection, and would performe it. All which so changed the heart of Pemissapan, that upon the advise of Ensenore, when we were ready to famish they came and made us wires, and planted their fields they intended to abandon (we not having one corne till the next harvest to sustaine us). {MN-2} This being done our old friend Ensenore dyed the twenty of Aprill, then all our enemies wrought with Pemissapan to put in practise his devises, which he easily imbraced, though they had planted corne by us, and at Dasamonpeack two leagues from us. Yet they got Okisco our tributary to get seven or eight hundred (and the Mandoages with the Chisapeans should doe the like) to meete (as their custome is) to solemnize the Funerall of Ensenore. Halfe of whom should lye hid, to cut off the straglers, seeking crabs and provision: the rest come out of the mayne upon the Signall by fire. Twenty of the principall of Pemissapans men had charge in the night to beset my house, put fire in the Reeds that covered it, which might cause me run out so naked and amazed, they might without danger knocke out my braines. The same order for Mr. Heriots, and the rest: for all should have beene fired at an instant. In the meane time they should sell us nothing, and in the night spoyle our wires, to make necessitie disperse us. For if we were but ten together, a hundred of them would not meddle with us. So our famine increased, I was forced to send Captaine Stafford to Croatan, with twentie to feed himselfe, and see if he could espie any sayle passe the coast; Mr. Predeox with ten to Hatarask upon the same occasion: and other small parties to the Mayne to live upon rootes and Oysters.

_A slaughter of two Salvages._ {MN-1}
_Pemissipan slaine and 8. others._ {MN-2}

Pemissapan sequestring himselfe, I should not importune him for victuall, and to draw his troupes, found not the Chawonests so forward as he expected, being a people more faithfull and powerfull, and desired our friendships, and was offended with him for raising such tales, and all his projects were revealed to me by Skico my prisoner; who finding himselfe as well used by me, as Pemissapan tould me all. These troubles caused me send to Pemissapan, to put suspition in his head, I was to goe presently to Croatan to meete a Fleete came to me, though I knew no such matter: and that he would lend me men to fish and hunt. He sent me word he would come himselfe to Roanock; but delaying time eight dayes that all his men were there to be assembled, not liking so much company, I resolved the next day to goe visit him, but first to give them in the Ile a Canvisado, and at an instant to seaze on all their Canows about the Ile. But the towne tooke the Alarum before I ment it. {MN-1} For when I sent to take the Canows, he met one going from the shore, overthrew her and cut off two Salvages heads; whereupon the cry arose, being by their spyes perceived: for they kept as good watch over us, as we of them. Upon this they to their Bowes, and we to our Armes: three or foure of them at the first were slaine, the rest fled into the woods. The next morning I went to Dassamonpeack, and sent Pemissapan word I was going to Croatan, and tooke him in my way to complaine Osocon would have stole my prisoner Skico. Hereupon he did abide my comming, & being among eight of the principallest, I gave the watchword to my men, and immediately they had that they purposed for us. {MN-2} Himselfe being shot through with a Pistoll fell downe as dead, but presently start up and ran away from them all, till an Irish Boy shot him over the buttocks, where they tooke him and cut off his head.

_A most generous courtesie of Sir Francis Drake._ {MN}

Seaven dayes after Captaine Stafforton sent to me he descryed twentie-three Sayle. The next day came to me himselfe (of whom I must say this, from the first to the last, he neither spared labour, or perill by land or sea, fayre weather, or foule, to performe any serious service committed to him.) {MN} He brought me a letter from Sir Francis Drake, whose generous mind offered to supply all my defects, of shipping, boats, munition, victuall, clothes, and men to further this action: and upon good consultation and deliberation, he appointed me a ship of 70. tuns, with an hundred men, and foure moneths victuals, two Pinnaces, foure small Boats, with two sufficient Masters, with sufficient Gangs. All this being made ready for me, suddenly arose such a storme for foure dayes, that had like to have driven the whole Fleete on shore: many of them were forced to the Sea, whereof my ship so lately given me was one, with all my provision and Company appoynted.

Notwithstanding, the storme ceasing, the Generall appointed me a ship of 170. tuns, with all provisions as before, to carry me into England the next August, or when I had performed such Discoveries as I thought fit. Yet they durst not undertake to bring her into, the harbour, but she must ride in the road, leaving the care of the rest to my selfe, advising me to consider with my Company what was fittest, and with my best speed returne him answer.

_Virginia abandoned._ {MN}

Hereupon calling my Company together, who were all as privy of the Generals offer as my selfe; their whole request was, (in regard of all those former miseries, and no hope of the returne of Sir Richard Grenvill,) and with a generall consent, they desired me to urge him, we might all goe with him for England in his Fleete; for whose reliefe in that storme he had sustained more perill of wrack, then in all his honorable actions against his enemies. {MN} So with prayses to God we set sayle in June 1586. and arrived in Portsmouth the 27. of July the same yeare: Leaving this remembrance to posteritie.

To reason lend me thine attentive eares, Exempt thy
selfe from mind-distracting cares:
Least that's here thus projected for thy good; By thee
rejected be, ere understood.

Written by Mr. Ralph Layne, Governour.

The Observations of Mr. Thomas Heriot in this Voyage.

For Merchandize and Victualls.

_Commodities_

What before is writ, is also confirmed by that learned Mathematician Mr. Thomas Heriot, with them in the Country, whose particular Relation of all the Beasts, Birds, Fishes, Foules, Fruites, and Rootes, and how they may be usefull; because I have writ it before for the most part in the Discourse of Captaine Amidas, and Captaine Layne, except Silk grasse, Worme silke, Flax like Hempe, Allum, Wapeith, or Terra sigillata, Tar, Rosen, & Turpentine, Civet-cats, Iron ore, Copper that held Silver, Coprose and Pearle: Let those briefes suffice, because I would not trouble you with one thing twice.

_Dyes._

For Dyes, Showmack, the herbe Wasebur, little rootes called Chapacor, and the barke of a tree called by the Inhabitants Tangomockonominge, which are for divers sorts of Reds.

_A strange Salt._

What more then is related is an herbe in Dutch called Melden, described like an Orange, growing foure foote [I.10.] high; the seede will make good broth, and the stalke burnt to ashes makes a kinde of Salt: other Salt they know not, and we used of it for Pot-herbs. Of their Tobacco we found plenty, which they esteeme their chiefe Physicke.

_Rootes._

Ground nuts, Tiswaw we call China roots; they grow in clusters, and bring forth a bryer stalke, but the leafe is far unlike, which will climbe up to the top of the highest tree: the use knowne is to cut it in small peeces, then stampe & straine it with water, and boyled makes a gelly good to eate. Cassavia growes in Marishes, which the Indians oft use for bread and broth. Habascon is like a Parsnip, naught of it selfe, except compounded: and their Leekes like those in England.

_Fruits thats strange._

Sequenummener, a kinde of Berry like Capers, and three kinde of Berries like Acornes, called Sagatamenor, Osamenor, and Pummuckoner.

_Beasts extraordinary._

Saquenuckot and Maquowoc, two kinde of beasts, greater then Conies, and very good meate; in some places such plenty of gray Conies, like hayres, that all the people make them mantels of their skins. I have the names of 28. severall sorts that are dispersed in the Country: of which 12. kindes we have discovered and good to eate; but the Salvages sometimes kill a Lyon and eate him.

_Fish._

There is plentie of Sturgeon in February, March, Aprill, and May; all Herings in abundance; some such as ours, but the most part of 18. 20. or 24. ynches long, and more. Trouts, Porpisses, Rayes, Mullets, Old-wives, Plaice, Tortoises both by Sea and Land: Crabs, Oysters, Mussels, Scalops, Periwinckles, Crevises, Secanank: we have the Pictures of 12. sorts more, but their names we know not.

_Foules._

Turkyes, Stockdoves, Partridges, Cranes, Hernes, Swans, Geese, Parrots, Faulcons, Merlins. I have the names in their language of 86. severall sorts. Their woods are such as ours in England for the most part, except Rakeock, a great sweet tree, whereof they make their Canowes: and Ascopo, a kinde of tree like Lowrell, and Saxefras.

Their Natures and Manners.

Their Clothing, Townes, Houses, Warres, Arts, Tooles, handy crafts, and educations, are much like them in that part of Virginia we now inhabite: which at large you may reade in the Description thereof. But the relation of their Religion is strange, as this Author reporteth.

_Their Religion._
_How the world was made._ {MN}

Some Religion they have, which although it be farre from the truth, yet being as it is there is hope it may be the easier reformed. They beleeve there are many gods which they call Mantoac, but of different sorts and degrees. Also that there is one chiefe God that hath beene from all eternitie, who as they say when he purposed first to make the world, {MN} made first other gods of a principall order, to be as instruments to be used in the Creation and government to follow: And after the Sunne, Moone, and Starres, as pettie gods; and the instruments of the other order more principall. First (they say) were made waters, out of which by the gods were made all diversitie of creatures that are visible or invisible.

_How man was made._

For mankinde they say a Woman was made first, which by the working of one of the gods conceived and brought forth children; and so they had their beginning, but how many yeares or ages since they know not; having no Records but onely Tradition from Father to sonne.

_How they use their gods._

They thinke that all the gods are of humane shape, and therefore represent them by Images in the formes of men; which they call Kewasowok: one alone is called Kewasa; them they place in their Temples, where they worship, pray, sing, and make many offerings. The common sort thinke them also gods.

_Wheter they goe after death._

They beleeve the immortalitie of the Soule, when life departing from the body, according to the good or bad workes it hath done, it is carried up to the Tabernacles of the gods, to perpetuall happinesse, or to Popogusso, a great pit: which they thinke to be at the furthest parts of the world, where the Sunne sets, and there burne continually.

_Two men risen from the dead._ {MN}

To confirme this they told me of two men that had beene lately dead, and [I.11.] revived againe; the one hapned but few yeares before our comming into the country; of a bad man, which being dead and buried, the next day the earth over him being seene to move, was taken up, who told them his soule was very neare entering into Popogusso, had not one of the gods saved him and gave him leave to returne againe, to teach his friends what they should doe to avoyd such torment. {MN} The other hapned the same yeare we were there, but sixtie myles from us, which they told me for news, that one being dead, buried, & taken up as the first, shewed, that although his body had layne dead in the grave, yet his soule lived, and had travailed far in a long broad way, on both sides whereof grew more sweet, fayre, and delicate trees and fruits, then ever he had seene before; at length he came to most brave and fayre houses, neare which he met his Father, that was dead long agoe, who gave him charge to goe backe, to shew his friends what good there was to doe, to injoy the pleasures of that place; which when hee had done hee should come againe.

_The subtiltie of their Priests._

What subtiltie so ever be in the Weroances, and Priests; this opinion worketh so much in the common sort, that they have great respect to their Governours: and as great care to avoyde torment after death, and to enjoy blisse. Yet they have divers sorts of punishments according to the offence, according to the greatnesse of the fact. And this is the sum of their Religion, which I learned by having speciall familiaritie with their Priests, wherein they were not so sure grounded, nor gave such credit, but through conversing with us, they were brought into great doubts of their owne, and no small admiration of ours: of which many desired to learne more then we had meanes for want of utterance in their Language to expresse.

_Their simplicitie._

Most things they saw with us as Mathematicall Instruments, Sea-Compasses; the vertue of the Loadstone, Perspective Glasses, burning Glasses: Clocks to goe of themselves; Bookes, writing, Guns, and such like; so far exceeded their capacities, that they thought they were rather the workes of gods then men; or at least the gods had taught us how to make them, which loved us so much better then them; & caused many of them give credit to what we spake concerning our God. In all places where I came, I did my best to make his immortall glory knowne. And I told them, although the Bible I shewed them, contained all; yet of it selfe, it was not of any such vertue as I thought they did conceive. Notwithstanding many would be glad to touch it, to kisse, and imbrace it, to hold it to their breasts, and heads, and stroke all their body over with it.

_Their desire of salvation._

The King Wingina where we dwelt, would oft be with us at Prayer. Twice he was exceeding sicke and like to dye. And doubting of any helpe from his Priests, thinking he was in such danger for offending us and our God, sent for some of us to pray, and be a meanes to our God, he might live with him after death. And so did many other in the like case. One other strange Accident (leaving others) will I mention before I end, which mooved the whole Country that either knew or heard of us, to have us in wonderfull admiration.

_A wonderful Accident._

There was no Towne where they had practised any villany against us (we leaving it unpunished, because we sought by all possible meanes to winne them by gentlenes) but within a few dayes after our departure, they began to dye; in some Townes twenty, in some forty, in some sixty, and in one an hundred and twenty, which was very many in respect of their numbers. And this hapned in no place (we could learn) where we had bin, but where they had used some practise to betray us. And this disease was so strange, they neither knew what it was, nor how to cure it; nor had they knowne the like time out of minde; a thing specially observed by us, as also by themselves, in so much that some of them who were our friends especially Wingina, had observed such effects in foure or five Townes, that they were perswaded it was the worke of God through our meanes: and that we by him might kill and slay whom we would, without [I.12.] weapons, and not come neare them. And thereupon, when they had any understanding, that any of their enemies abused us in our Journeyes, they would intreat us, we would be a meanes to our God, that they, as the others that had dealt ill with us, might dye in like sort: although we shewed them their requests were ungodly; and that our God would not subject himselfe to any such requests of men, but all things as he pleased came to passe: and that we to shew our selves his true servants, ought rather to pray for the contrary: yet because the effect fell out so suddenly after, according to their desires, they thought it came to passe by our meanes, and would come give us thankes in their manner, that though we satisfied them not in words, yet in deeds we had fulfilled their desires.

_Their strange opinions._

This marveilous Accident in all the Country wrought so strange opinions of us, that they could not tell whether to thinke us gods or men. And the rather that all the space of their sicknesse, there was no man of ours knowne to die, or much sicke. They noted also we had no women, nor cared for any of theirs: some therefore thought we were not borne of women, and therefore not mortall, but that we were men of an old generation many yeares past, & risen againe from immortalitie. Some would Prophesie there were more of our generation yet to come, to kill theirs and take their places. Those that were to come after us they imagined to be in the ayre, yet invisible and without bodies: and that they by our intreaties, for love of us, did make the people die as they did, by shooting invisible bullets into them.

To confirme this, their Physicians to excuse their Ignorance in curing the disease, would make the simple people beleeve, that the strings of bloud they sucked out of the sicke bodies, were the strings wherein the invisible bullets were tyed, and cast. Some thought we shot them our selves from the place where we dwelt, and killed the people that had offended us, as we listed, how farre distant soever. And others said it was the speciall worke of God for our sakes, as we had cause in some sort to thinke no lesse, whatsoever some doe, or may imagine to the contrary; especially some Astrologers by the eclipse of the Sunne we saw that yeare before our Voyage, and by a Comet which began to appeare but a few dayes before the sicknesse began: but to exclude them from being the speciall causes of so speciall an Accident, there are farther reasons then I thinke fit to present or alledge.

These their opinions I have set downe, that you may see there is hope to imbrace the truth, and honor, obey, feare and love us, by good dealing and government: though some of our company towards the latter end, before we came away with Sir Francis Drake shewed themselves too furious, in slaying some of the people in some Townes, upon causes that on our part might have bin borne with more mildnesse; notwithstanding they justly had deserved it. The best neverthelesse in this, as in all actions besides, is to be indevoured and hoped; and of the worst that may happen, notice to be taken with consideration; and as much as may be eschewed; the better to allure them hereafter to Civilitie and Christianize.

_Palling._

Thus you may see. How
Nature her selfe delights her selfe in sundry Instruments.
That sundry things be done to decke the earth with Ornaments;
Nor suffers she her servants all should runne one race,
But wills the walke of every one frame in a divers pace;
That divers waves and divers workes, the world might better grace.

Written by Thomas Heriot, one of the Voyage.

How Sir Richard Grenvill went to relieve them.

A.D. 1586.

In the yeare of our Lord 1586. Sir Walter Raleigh and his Associates prepared a ship of a hundred tun, fraughted plentifully of all things necessary: but before [I.13.] they set sayle from England it was Easter. And arriving at Hatorask, they after some time spent in seeking the Collony up in the Country, and not finding them, returned with all the provision againe to England.

_Sir Richard Grenvill left fiftie men._ {MN}

About 14. or 15. dayes after, Sir Richard Grenvill accompanied with three ships well appoynted, arrived there. Who not finding the aforesaid ship according to his expectation, nor hearing any newes of the Collony there seated, and left by him as is said 1585. travailing up and downe to seeke them, but when he could heare no newes of them, and found their habitation abandoned, unwilling to lose the possession of the Country, {MN} after good deliberation he landed fiftie men in the Ile of Roanoak, plentifully furnished with all manner of provision for two yeares: and so returned for England.

Where many began strangely to discant of those crosse beginnings, and him; which caused me remember an old saying of Euripides.

Who broacheth ought thats new, to fooles untaught,
Himselfe shall judged be unwise, and good for naught.

Three Ships more sent to relieve them by Mr. White.

A.D. 1587.

_Master White his Voyages._

We went the old course by the west Indies, and Simon Ferdinando our continuall Pilot mistaking Virginia for Cape Fear, we sayled not much to have beene cast away, upon the conceit of our all-knowing Ferdinando, had it not beene prevented by the vigilancy of Captaine Stafford. We came to Hatorask the 22. of July, and with fortie of our best men, intending at Roanoack to find the 50 men left by Sir Richard Grenvill. But we found nothing but the bones of a man, and where the Plantation had beene, the houses unhurt, but overgrowne with weeds, and the Fort defaced, which much perplexed us.

_One of the Council slaine._ {MN}

By the History it seemes Simon Ferdinando did what he could to bring this voyage to confusion; but yet they all arrived at Hatorask. They repayred the old houses at Roanock, {MN} and Master George How, one of the Councell, stragling abroad, was slaine by the Salvages. Not long after Master Stafford with 20. men went to Croatan with Manteo, whose friends dwelled there: of whom we thought to have some newes of our 50 men. They at first made shew to fight, but when they heard Manteo, they threw away their Armes, and were friends, and desired there might be a token given to be knowne by, least we might hurt them by misprision, as the yeare before one had bin by Master Layne, that was ever their friend, and there present yet lame.

_How the fiftie men were slaine._

The next day we had conference with them concerning the people of Secotan, Aquascogoc, and Pomeiok, willing them of Croatan to see if they would accept friendship, and renew our old acquaintance: which they willingly imbraced, and promised to bring their King and Governours to Roanoak, to confirme it. We also understood that Master Howe was slaine by the men of Wingina, of Dassamonpeack: and by them of Roanoack, {MN} that the fiftie men left by Sir Richard Grenvill, were suddainly set upon by three hundred of Secotan, Aquascogoc, and Dassamonpeack. First they intruded themselves among 11 of them by friendship, one they slew, the rest retyring to their houses, they set them on fire, that our men with what came next to hand were forced to make their passage among them; where one of them was shot in the mouth, and presently dyed, and a Salvage slaine by him. On both sides more were hurt; but our men retyring to the water side, got their boat, & ere they had rowed a quarter of a myle towards Hatorask, they tooke up foure of their fellowes, gathering Crabs and Oysters: at last they landed on a little Ile by Hatorask, where they remained a while, but after departed they knew not whether. So taking our leaves of the Croatans, we came to our Fleet at Hatorask.

The Governour having long expected the King and Governours of Pomeiok, Secotan, Aquascogoc, and Dassamonpeack, and the 7. dayes expired, and no newes of them, being also informed by those of Croatan, that they of Dassamonpeack slew Master How, and were at the driving our men from Roanoack he thought no longer to deferre the revenge. Wherefore about midnight, with Captaine Stafford, and twentie-foure men, whereof Manteo was one, for our guide, (that behaved himselfe towards us as a most faithfull English man) he set forward.

_An ill misprision._

_A child borne in Virginia._ {MN}

The next day by breake of day we landed, and got beyond their houses, where seeing them sit by the fire we assaulted them. The miserable soules amazed fled into the Reeds, where one was shot through, and we thought to have beene fully revenged, but we were deceived, for they were our friends come from Croatan to gather their corne, because they understood our enemies were fled after the death of Master How, and left all behinde them for the birds. But they had like to have payd too deare for it, had we not chanced upon a Weroances wife, with a childe at her backe, and a Salvage that knew Captaine Stafford, that ran to him calling him by his name. Being thus disappointed of our purpose, we gathered the fruit we found ripe, left the rest unspoyled, and tooke Menatonon his wife with her childe, and the rest with us to Roanoak. Though this mistake grieved Manteo, yet he imputed it to their own folly, because they had not kept promise to come to the governor at the day appointed. The 13. of August our Salvage Manteo was Christened, and called Lord of Dassamonpeack, in reward of his faithfulnesse. {MN} And the 18th, Ellinor the Governours daughter, and wife to Ananias Dare, was delivered of a daughter in Roanoak; which being the first Christian there borne, was called Virginia.

_A controversie who to send for Factor to England._ {MN}

Our ships being ready to depart, such a storme arose, as the Admirall was forced to cut her Cables: and it was six dayes ere she could recover the shore, that made us doubt she had beene lost, because the most of her best men were on shore. {MN} At this time Controversies did grow betwixt our Governour and the Assistants, about choosing one of them 12. to goe as Factor for them all to England; for all refused save one, whom all men thought most insufficient: the Conclusion was by a generall consent, they would have the Governour goe himselfe, for that they thought none would so truly procure there supplyes as he. Which though he did what he could to excuse it, yet their importunitie would not cease till he under-tooke it, and had it under all their hands how unwilling he was, but that necessity and reason did doubly constraine him. At their setting sayle for England, waighing Anchor, twelve of the men in the flyboat were throwne from the Capstern, by the breaking of a barre, and most of them so hurt, that some never recovered it. The second time they had the like fortune, being but 15. they cut the Cable and kept company with their Admirall to Flowres and Corvos; the Admirall stayed there looking for purchase: but the flyboats men grew so weake they were driven to Smerwick in the West of Ireland. The Governour went for England; and Simon Ferdinando with much adoe at last arrived at Portsmouth. 1587.

The Names of those were landed in this Plantation were,

John White, Governour. John Samson.
Roger Bayley. Thomas Smith.
Ananias Dare. Dionis Harvie.
Simon Ferdinando. Roger Prat.
Christopher Couper. George How.
Thomas Stevens. Antony Cage.

With divers others to the number of about 115.

[I.15.] The fift Voyage to Virginia; undertaken by Mr. John White.
A.D. 1589.

_Master White his return to Virginia._

_Captaine Spicer and seaven others drowned._ {MN-1}

_They finde where they had buryed their provisions._ {MN-2}

The 20. of March three ships went from Plimouth, and passed betwixt Barbary and Mogadoro to Dominico in the West Indies. After we had done some exployts in those parts, the third of August wee fell with the low sandy Iles westward of Wokokon. But by reason of ill weather it was the 11. ere we could Anchor there; and on the 12. we came to Croatan, where is a great breach in 35 degrees and a halfe, in the Northeast poynt of the Ile. The 15. we came to Hatorask in 36. degrees & a terse, at 4. fadom, 3 leagues from shore: where we might perceive a smoake at the place where I left the Colony, 1587. The next morning Captaine Cooke, Captaine Spicer, & their companies, with two boats left our ships, and discharged some Ordnance to give them notice of our comming, but when we came there, we found no man, nor signe of any that had beene there lately: and so returned to our Boats. The next morning we prepared againe for Roanoack. Captaine Spicer had then sent his Boat ashore for water, so it was ten of the Clocke ere we put from the ships, which rode two myles from the shore. The Admirals boat, being a myle before the other, as she passed the bar, a sea broke into the boat and filled her halfe full of water: but by Gods good will, and the carefull stearage of Captaine Cook, though our provisions were much wet we safe escaped, the wind blew hard at Northeast, which caused so great a current and a breach upon the barre; Captaine Spicer passed halfe over, but by the indiscreet steering of Ralph Skinner, their boat was overset, the men that could catch hold hung about her, the next sea cast her on ground, where some let goe their hold to wade to shore, but the sea beat them downe. {MN-1} The boat thus tossed up and downe Captaine Spicer and Skinner hung there till they were drowned; but 4. that could swim a little, kept themselves in deeper water, were saved by the meanes of Captaine Cook, that presently upon the oversetting of their boat, shipped himselfe to save what he could. Thus of eleven, seven of the chiefest were drowned. This so discomfited all the Saylers, we had much to do to get them any more to seeke further for the Planters, but by their Captaines forwardnes at last they fitted themselves againe for Hatorask in 2 boats, with 19 persons. It was late ere we arrived, but seeing a fire through the woods, we sounded a Trumpet, but no answer could we heare. The next morning we went to it, but could see nothing but the grasse, and some rotten trees burning. We went up and downe the Ile, and at last found three faire Romane Letters carved. C.R.O. which presently we knew to signifie the place where I should find them, according to a secret note betweene them & me: which was to write the name of the place they would be in, upon some tree, dore, or post: and if they had beene in any distresse, to signifie it by making a crosse over it. For at my departure they intended to goe fiftie myles into the mayne. But we found no signe of distresse; then we went to a place where they were left in sundry houses, but we found them all taken downe, and the place strongly inclosed with a high Palizado, very Fortlike; and in one of the chiefe Posts carved in fayre capitall Letters CROATAN, without any signe of distresse, and many barres of Iron, two pigs of Lead, foure Fowlers, Iron shot, and such like heavie things throwne here and there, overgrowne with grasse and weeds. We went by the shore to seeke for their boats but could find none, nor any of the Ordnance I left them. {MN-2} At last some of the Sailers found divers Chists had beene hidden and digged up againe, and much of the goods spoyled, and scattered up and downe, which when I saw, I knew three of them to be my owne; but bookes, pictures, and all things els were spoyled. Though it much grieved me, yet it did much comfort me that I did know they were at Croatan; so we returned to our Ships, but had like to have bin cast away by a great storme that continued all that night.

_The end of the Plantation._ {MN}

[I.16.] The next morning we weighed Anchor for Croatan: having the Anchor a-pike, the Cable broke, by the meanes whereof we lost another: letting fall the third, the ship yet went so fast a drift, we fayled not much there to have split. But God bringing us into deeper water; considering we had but one Anchor, and our provision neare spent, we resolved to goe forthwith to S. Johns Ile, Hispaniola, or Trinidado, to refresh our selves and seeke for purchase that Winter, and the next Spring come againe to seeke our Country-men. But our Vice Admirall would not, but went directly for England, and we our course for Trinidado. But within two dayes after, the wind changing, we were constrained for the Westerne Iles to refresh our selves, where we met with many of the Queenes ships our owne consort, and divers others, the 23. of September 1590. And thus we left seeking this our Colony, that was never any of them found, nor seene to this day 1622. {MN} And this was the conclusion of this Plantation, after so much time, labour, and charge consumed. Whereby we see;

Not all at once, nor all alike, nor ever hath it beene,
That God doth offer and confer his blessings upon men.

Written by Master John White.

CAPTAIN BARTHOLOMEW GOSNOLL

A.D. 1602.

A briefe Relation of the Description of Elizabeths Ile, and some others
towards the North part of Virginia; and what els they discovered in the
yeare 1602. by Captaine Bartholomew Gosnoll, and Captaine Bartholomew
Gilbert; and divers other Gentlemen their Associates.

12. _yeares it lay dead._

All hopes of Virginia thus abandoned, it lay dead and obscured from 1590. till this yeare 1602. that Captaine Gosnoll, with 32. and himselfe in a small Barke, set sayle from Dartmouth upon the 26. of March. Though the wind favoured us not at the first, but force us as far Southward as the Asores, which was not much out of our way; we ran directly west from thence, whereby we made our journey shorter then heretofore by 500. leagues: the weaknesse of our ship, the badnes of our saylers, and our ignorance of the coast, caused us carry but a low sayle, that made our passage longer then we expected.

_Their first landing._ {MN}

On fryday the 11. of May we made land, it was somewhat low, where appeared certaine hummocks or hills in it: the shore white sand, but very rockie, yet overgrowne with fayre trees. Comming to an Anchor, 8 Indians in a Baske shallop, with mast and sayle came boldly aboord us. It seemed by their signes & such things as they had, some Biskiners had fished there: being about the latitude of 43. But the harbour being naught, & doubting the weather, we went not ashore, but waighed, and stood to the Southward into the Sea. {MN} The next morning we found our selves imbayed with a mightie headland: within a league of the shore we anchored, and Captaine Gosnoll, my selfe, & three others went to it in our boat, being a white sand & a bold coast. Though the weather was hot, we marched to the highest hils we could see, where we perceived this headland part of the mayn, neare invironed with Ilands. As we were returning to our ship, a good proper, lusty young man came to us, with whom we had but small conference, and so we left him. Here in 5. or 6. houres we tooke more Cod then we knew what to doe with, which made us perswade our selves, there might be found a good fishing in March, Aprill, and May.

_Martha's Vineyard._ [I.17]

At length we came among these fayre Iles, some a league, 2. 3. 5. or 6. from the Mayne, by one of them we anchored. We found it foure myles in compasse, without house or inhabitant. In it is a lake neare a myle in circuit; the rest overgrowne with trees, which so well as the bushes, were so overgrowne with Vines, we could scarce passe them. And by the blossomes we might perceive there would be plenty of Strawberries, Respises, Gousberries, and divers other fruits: besides, Deere and other Beasts we saw, and Cranes, Hernes, with divers other sorts of fowle; which made us call it Martha's Vineyard.

_Elizabeths Island._

The rest of the Iles are replenished with such like; very rocky, and much tinctured stone like Minerall. Though we met many Indians, yet we could not see their habitations: they gave us fish, Tobacco, and such things as they had. But the next Isle we arrived at was but two leagues from the Maine, & 16. myle about, invironed so with creekes and coves, it seemed like many Isles linked together by small passages like bridges. In it is many places of plaine grasse, and such other fruits, and berries as before were mentioned. In mid-May we did sow Wheat, Barley, Gates, & Pease, which in 14. dayes sprung up 9. inches. The soyle is fat and lusty: the crust thereof gray, a foot or lesse in depth. It is full of high timbred Okes, their leaves thrise so broad as ours: Cedar straight and tall, Beech, Holly, Walnut, Hazell, Cherry trees like ours, but the stalke beareth the blossom or fruit thereof like a cluster of Grapes, forty or fiftie in a bunch. There is a tree of Orange colour, whose barke in the filing is as smooth as Velvet. There is a lake of fresh water three myles in compasse, in the midst an Isle containing an acre or thereabout, overgrowne with wood: here are many Tortoises, and abundance of all sorts of foules, whose young ones we tooke and eate at our pleasure. Grounds nuts as big as egges, as good as Potatoes, and 40. on a string, not two ynches under ground. All sorts of shell-fish, as Schalops, Mussels, Cockles, Crabs, Lobsters, Welks, Oysters, exceeding good and very great; but not to cloy you with particulars, what God and nature hath bestowed on those places, I refer you to the Authors owne writing at large. We called this Isle Elizabeths Isle, from whence we went right over to the mayne, where we stood a while as ravished at the beautie and dilicacy of the sweetnesse, besides divers cleare lakes, whereof we saw no end, & meadows very large and full of greene grasse, &c.

_A Copper Mine._ {MN-1}

_Their return._ {MN-2}