Chapter I: My Boyhood, and Entrance Into the Navy (2)

In my own subsequent career as captain of a man-of-war, there never was the slightest difficulty as regarded men; yet no commander could, in this respect, be more particular; but of many officers furnished to me through parliamentary influence, it can only be said that they were seldom trusted, as I considered it preferable, on pressing occasions, to do their duty myself; and this, as some of them had powerful influence, no doubt made me many enemies amongst their patrons. It is all very well to talk of the inordinate power exercised by commanding officers in former times, but whilst the Admiralty, even in our day, appears to extend a system in which influence has everything and experience nothing to do, the so-called corruption of old, which was never made use of but to promote merit, had its advantages; no instance in which the power then indirectly pertaining to admirals commanding having, to my knowledge, been abused.[24]

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Footnote 24:

This adoption, for political purposes, of a baneful system may, in an
unforeseen emergency, tend to the overthrow of the state; and nothing,
in my opinion, can be more injurious to the Navy than the usurpation
of all distributive power by a ministry in exchange for parliamentary
votes. In civil offices this may be merely obstructive—in the Navy it
is destructive. Systems like these are such as no state can long exist
under securely, and history warns us that from perversion of patronage
great states have fallen.

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During my absence in the _Africa_, I lost the chance of participating in a gallant attack made by the Hon. Captain Cochrane, in the _Thetis_, and Captain Beresford, in the _Hussar_, on five French ships, which they had been watching near the mouth of the Chesapeake. These ships were fallen in with at sea off Cape Henry, and on the approach of the _Thetis_ and _Hussar_ formed in line to receive them. The _Hussar_, being the smaller vessel, encountered the two leading ships, whilst the _Thetis_ opened her broadside on the centre vessel, and the two in the rear. In half an hour, the French commodore and the second in the line gave up the combat, and made sail, leaving the others to the mercy of the two English frigates, which in another half hour compelled them to surrender, one of them, however, contriving to escape. Two, the _Prévoyant_, 36, and the _Raison_, 18, were secured and taken to Halifax, where they were fitted out as cruisers, and afterwards returned with the squadron to England. This action was the only one of any importance which occurred during the dreary five years that we were employed on the North American coast, and is here mentioned because it has been said I was present, which was not the case.

In the year 1797, Admiral Murray was succeeded in the command by Admiral Vandeput, who, on the 21st of June, appointed me lieutenant in his flag-ship, the _Resolution_. On joining this ship a few days afterwards, my reception was anything but encouraging.

Being seated near the admiral at dinner, he inquired what dish was before me. Mentioning its nature, I asked if he would permit me to help him. The uncourteous reply was—that whenever he wished for anything he was in the habit of asking for it. Not knowing what to make of a rebuff of this nature, it was met by an inquiry if he would allow me the honour of taking wine with him. “I never take wine with any man, my lord,” was the unexpected reply, from which it struck me that my lot was cast among Goths, if no worse.

Never were first impressions more ill-founded. Admiral Vandeput had merely a habit of showing his worst features first, or rather of assuming those which were contrary to his nature. A very short time developed his true character,—that of a perfect gentleman, and one of the kindest commanders living. In place of the hornet’s nest figured to my imagination, there was not a happier ship afloat, nor one in which officers lived in more perfect harmony.

The only drawback was that of wanting something better to do than cruise among the fogs of Newfoundland and Nova Scotia,—an inglorious pursuit, the more severely felt, from the fact that each succeeding packet brought accounts of brilliant naval victories achieved in European waters. The French, after my uncle’s capture of their store-ships, gave up all attempts to get supplies from America by means of their own vessels; and the United States Government concluded a treaty with England, in which both sides disclaimed all wish to pass the bounds observed by neutral nations, so that the squadron was without beneficial employment.

Tired of the monotony of Halifax, Admiral Vandeput determined to winter in the Chesapeake, where he resided ashore. As it was his practice to invite his officers by turns to remain a week with him, our time was agreeably spent, the more so that there were several families in the vicinity which retained their affection for England, her habits, and customs. Even the innkeeper of the place contrived to muster a tolerable pack of hounds which, if not brought under the perfect discipline of their British progenitors, often led us into more danger than is encountered in an English field, in consequence of our runs frequently taking us amongst thick forests, the overhanging branches of which compelled us to lay ourselves flat on the horses’ backs, in order to avoid the fate intended for the objects of the chase.

Another of our amusements was shooting; and one day a circumstance took place of which I did not for a long time hear the last. Being invited to pass a week with the admiral, who was about to give a dinner to his neighbours, it was my wish to add a delicacy to his table; and having heard that a particular locality abounded with wild hogs, it seemed practicable that a boar’s head might grace the feast. On reaching the forest, nearly the first object encountered was a huge wild-looking sow with a farrow of young pigs, and as the transition from boar’s head to sucking pig was not great, a shot from my rifle speedily placed one in a preliminary condition for roasting. But porcine maternal affection had not entered into my calculations. The sow charged me with such ferocity that prompt retreat, however undignified, became necessary, for my weapon was now harmless. In short, so vigorous was the onslaught of the enemy, that it became necessary to shelter myself in the fork of a tree, my gun being of necessity left at the bottom. The enraged animal mounted guard, and for at least a couple of hours waited for my descent; when, finding no symptoms of unconditional surrender, she at length moved slowly off with the remainder of her family. As the coast was now clear, I came down and shouldered the defunct pig, hoping to be in time to add it to the admiral’s table, for which, however, it was too late.

Having told the story with great simplicity, I found myself at dinner roasted instead of the pig; the changes on this theme being rung till it became rather annoying. By way of variation the admiral asked me for a toast, and on my pleading ignorance of such customs insisted on my giving a sentiment; whereupon I gave “the Misses Tabbs,”—the point consisting in the fact that these ladies were each over six feet high, and in the gossip of the place were understood to be favourites of the admiral. For a moment Admiral Vandeput looked grave, but thinking, no doubt, the retort a fair one, he joined in the laughter against himself; though from that day he never asked me for a toast.

Those were days when even gentlemen did not consider it a demerit to drink hard. It was then, as it is now, a boast with me never in my life to have been inebriated, and the revenge was that my boast should be at an end. Rapid circulation of the bottle accordingly set in; but this I managed to evade by resting my head on my left hand, and pouring the wine down the sleeve of my uniform coat. The trick was detected, and the penalty of drinking off a whole bottle was about to be enforced when I darted from the room, pursued by some of the company, who at length got tired of the chase, and I passed the night at a farm-house.

Having paid so lengthened a visit to the United States at a period almost immediately following their achievement of independence, a few remarks relative to the temper and disposition of the American people at that period may not be uninteresting. Thoroughly English in their habits and customs, but exasperated by the contumely with which they had been treated by former British governments, their civility to us was somewhat constrained, yet so thoroughly English as to convince us that a little more forbearance and common sense on the part of the home authorities might have averted the final separation of these fine provinces from the mother country. There is every reason to believe that the declaration of the Confederation of the United Colonies in 1775 was sincere; viz. that on the concession of their just demands, “the colonies are to return to their former connections and friendship with Great Britain; but on failure thereof this Confederation is to be perpetual.”[25]

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Footnote 25:

“Articles of Confederation between New Hampshire, Massachusetts,” &c.
&c., May 20th, 1775.

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In vain, however, did the more far-sighted of the English public remonstrate with the Government, and in vain did the City of London by their chief magistrate urge the wrongs and loyalty of the colonists, even to memorialising the king to dismiss from his councils those who were misleading him. A deaf ear was turned to all remonstrance, and a determination to put down by force what could not at first be called rebellion was the only reply vouchsafed; it was not till all conciliatory means had failed that the first Congress of Philadelphia asserted the cause and necessity of taking up arms in the defence of freedom; the second Congress of the same place confederating the provinces under the title of the “United States of America.”

The failure of those employed in conciliation to induce the colonists to return to their allegiance—the co-operation of the King of France in aid of the revolt—the discreditable war which followed—and the singular recoil of his own principles on the head of Louis XVI. himself, are matters of history and need not here be further alluded to.

When the _Thetis_ was first on the coast, the American republic was universally recognised, and it must be admitted that our treatment of its citizens was scarcely in accordance with the national privileges to which the young republic had become entitled. There were, no doubt, many individuals amongst the American people who, caring little for the Federal government, considered it more profitable to break than to keep the laws of nations, by aiding and supporting our enemy, and it was against such that the efforts of the squadron had been chiefly directed; but the way in which the object was carried out was scarcely less an infraction of those international laws which we were professedly enforcing.

The practice of taking English seamen out of American vessels, without regard to the safety of navigating them when thus deprived of their hands, has been already mentioned. To this may be added, the detention of vessels against which nothing contrary to international neutrality could be established, whereby their cargoes became damaged; the compelling them, on suspicion only, to proceed to ports other than those to which they were destined, and generally treating them as though they were engaged in contraband trade.

Of these transactions the Americans had a right to complain; but in other respects their complaints were indefensible; such as that of our not permitting them to send corn and provisions to France, a violation of neutrality into which, after declaration of blockade, none but an inexperienced government could have fallen; though there was perhaps something in the collateral grievance that American ships were not permitted to quit English ports without giving security for the discharge of their cargoes in some other British or neutral port.

It would be wearisome to enter into further details respecting the operations of a squadron so ingloriously employed, or to notice the subordinate part which a junior lieutenant could take in its proceedings. Suffice it to say, that after remaining five years on the North American station, the _Thetis_ returned to England.

CHAP. IV.

SERVICES IN THE MEDITERRANEAN.

I JOIN LORD KEITH’S SHIP.—AN UNPLEASANT ALTERCATION, ENDING IN A
COURT-MARTIAL.—THE BLOCKADE OF CADIZ.—FRENCH FLEET IN THE
OFFING.—PURSUED BY LORD KEITH.—ENEMY’S VESSELS BURNT AT TOULON.—LORD
KEITH RECALLED BY LORD ST. VINCENT.—LORD ST. VINCENT RESIGNS THE
COMMAND.—LORD KEITH PURSUES THE FRENCH FLEET TO BREST, AND FROM
THENCE TO THE MEDITERRANEAN.—STATE OF THE FRENCH MARINE.—LORD KEITH
APPOINTS ME TO THE GÉNÉREUX.—BURNING OF THE QUEEN CHARLOTTE.—ACTION
WITH PRIVATEERS OFF CABRITTA POINT.—RECOMMENDED FOR PROMOTION.

Towards the close of the autumn of 1798, Lord Keith was appointed to relieve Lord St. Vincent in the command of the Mediterranean fleet, and kindly offered to take me with him as a supernumerary. I therefore embarked, by his lordship’s invitation, in the flag-ship.

We arrived at Gibraltar on the 14th of December, and found Lord St. Vincent residing on shore, his flag flying on board the _Souverain_ sheerhulk.

His lordship’s reception of me was very kind, and on the 24th of December, at Lord Keith’s request, he gave an order for my appointment to the _Barfleur_, to which ship Lord Keith had shifted his flag. This appointment, from a certain dissatisfaction at my having received such a commission after being so short a time at sea, afterwards brought me into trouble.

Lord St. Vincent did not, as was expected, immediately transfer to Lord Keith the command of the Mediterranean fleet, but remained at Gibraltar, giving orders to his lordship to blockade the Spanish fleet in Cadiz.

The first part of the year was spent in this employment, Lord Keith’s force varying from eleven to fifteen sail of the line, but without frigates, though the commander-in-chief had a considerable number under his orders. The omission was the more remarkable, as the blockaded Spanish force numbered upwards of twenty ships of the line, with frigates and smaller vessels in proportion.

The British force, for upwards of four months, was anchored some seven or eight miles from Cadiz, but without rousing the national spirit of the Spaniards, who manifested no disposition to quit their shelter, even though we were compelled from time to time to leave our anchorage for the purpose of procuring water and cattle from the neighbouring coast of Africa. It was during one of these trips in the _Barfleur_ that an absurd affair involved me in serious disaster.

Our first lieutenant, Beaver, was an officer who carried etiquette in the wardroom and on deck almost to despotism. He was laudably particular in all matters visible to the eye of the admiral, but permitted an honest penny to be turned elsewhere by a practice as reprehensible as revolting. On our frequent visits to Tetuan, we purchased and killed bullocks _on board the Barfleur_, for the use of the whole squadron. The reason was, that raw hides, being valuable, could be stowed away in her hold in empty beef-casks, as especial perquisites to certain persons connected with the flagship; a natural result being, that, as the fleshy parts of the hides decomposed, putrid liquor oozed out of the casks, and rendered the hold of the vessel so intolerable, that she acquired the name of “The stinking Scotch ship.”

As junior lieutenant, much of the unpleasantness of this fell to my share, and as I always had a habit of speaking my mind without much reserve, it followed that those interested in the raw hide speculation were not very friendly disposed towards me.

One day, when at Tetuan, having obtained leave to go ashore and amuse myself with shooting wild-fowl, my dress became so covered with mud, as to induce me not to come off with other officers in the pinnace which took me on shore, preferring to wait for the launch, in which the filthy state of my apparel would be less apparent. The launch being delayed longer than had been anticipated, my leave of absence expired shortly before my arrival on board—not without attracting the attention of Lieutenant Beaver, who was looking over the gangway.

Thinking it disrespectful to report myself on the quarter deck in so dirty a condition, I hastened to put on clean uniform, an operation scarcely completed when Lieutenant Beaver came into the wardroom, and in a very harsh tone demanded the reason of my not having reported myself. My reply was, that as he saw me come up the side, he must be aware that my dress was not in a fit condition to appear on the quarter deck, and that it had been necessary to change my clothes before formally reporting myself.

Lieutenant Beaver replied to this explanation in a manner so offensive that it was clear he wanted to surprise me into some act of insubordination. As it would have been impossible to be long cool in opposition to marked invective, I respectfully reminded him that by attacking me in the wardroom he was breaking a rule which he had himself laid down; viz. that “Matters connected with the service were not there to be spoken of.” The remark increased his violence, which, at length, became so marked as to call forth the reply, “Lieutenant Beaver, we will, if you please, talk of this in another place.” He then went on deck, and reported to Captain Elphinstone that in reply to his remarks on a violation of duty, he had received a challenge!

On being sent for to answer the charge, an explanation of what had really taken place was given to Captain Elphinstone, who was kindly desirous that the first lieutenant should accept an apology, and let so disagreeable a matter drop. This was declined on my part, on the ground that, in the conversation which had passed, I had not been in the wrong, and had therefore no apology to make. The effect was, that Beaver demanded a court-martial on me, and this, after manifest reluctance on the part of Lord Keith, was ordered accordingly; the decision of which was an admonition to be “more careful in future”—a clear proof that the court thought great provocation had been given by my accuser, or their opinion would have been more marked.

The Judge-Advocate on this occasion was the admiral’s secretary, one of those who had taken offence about the raw hides before mentioned! After the business of the court was concluded, Lord Keith, who was much vexed with the whole affair, said to me privately: “Now, Lord Cochrane, pray avoid for the future all flippancy towards superior officers.” His secretary overheard and embodied the remark in the sentence of the court-martial; so that shortly afterwards his officiousness or malice formed an impediment to my promotion, though the court had actually awarded no censure.

Lord Keith, who had in vain used every endeavour to induce the Spaniards to risk an engagement, began to get tired of so fruitless an operation as that of watching an enemy at anchor under their batteries, and resolved to try if he could not entice or force them to quit their moorings. With this view, the British force, though then consisting of twelve ships only, without a single frigate to watch the enemy meanwhile, proceeded to water, as usual, at Tetuan, so as to be in readiness for any contingencies that might arise. As the events which followed have been incorrectly represented by naval historians, if not in one instance misrepresented, it is necessary, in order to do justice to Lord Keith, to detail them at some length.

Immediately after our return from Tetuan, the _Childers_ arrived with intelligence that five Spanish sail of the line had got out of Ferrol, and she was followed on the same day by the _Success_ frigate, which had been chased by a French fleet off Oporto. Lord Keith at once despatched the _Childers_ to Gibraltar, to inform Lord St. Vincent, as was understood in the squadron, that he intended, if the French fleet came to Cadiz, to engage them, notwithstanding the disparity of numbers. Lord Keith’s force, by the arrival of three additional ships of the line and one frigate, now amounted to sixteen sail; viz. one 112-gun ship, four 98's, one 90, two 80's, seven 74's, and one frigate, and these were immediately got under weigh and formed in order of battle, standing off and on in front of the harbour.

About 8 A.M. on the 6th of May the French fleet was signalled in the offing, and was made out to consist of thirty-three sail, which with the twenty-two sail of Spaniards in Cadiz made fifty-five, besides frigates, to be encountered by the comparatively small British force. The French fleet was on the larboard tack, and our ships immediately formed on the same tack to receive them. To our surprise they soon afterwards wore and stood away to the south-west; though from our position between them and the Spaniards they had a fair chance of victory had the combined fleets acted in concert. According to Lord Keith’s pithily expressed opinion, we lay between “the devil and the deep sea.”

Yet there was nothing rash. Lord Keith calculated that the Spaniards would not move unless the French succeeded in breaking through the British line, and this he had no doubt of preventing. Besides which, the wind, though not dead on shore, as has been said, was unfavourable for the Spaniards coming out with the necessary rapidity. The great point to be gained was to prevent the junction of the enemies’ fleets, as was doubtless intended; the attempt was however completely frustrated by the bold interposition of Lord Keith, who, strange to say, never received for this signal service the acknowledgment of merit which was his due.

It has been inferred by naval historians that a gale of wind, which was blowing on the first appearance of the French fleet, was the cause of their standing away. A better reason was their disinclination to encounter damage, which they knew would defeat their ultimate object of forming a junction with the Spanish fleet elsewhere.

At daylight on the 7th we were still standing off and on before Cadiz, expecting the enemy to return; when shortly afterwards four of their ships were seen to windward of the British force, which immediately gave chase; but the enemy outstripping us, we returned to the coast, to guard every point by which they might get into Cadiz. Seeing no symptoms of the main body of the French fleet, Lord Keith concluded that the four ships just noticed had been left as a decoy to draw his attention from their real object of running for Toulon, now that they had been foiled in their expectation of carrying with them the Spanish fleet. We accordingly made all sail for Gibraltar.

From the intelligence forwarded by the _Childers_, there was reason to suppose that Lord St. Vincent would have prepared for instant pursuit. To our surprise, the signal was made to anchor and obtain water and provision. Three entire days were consumed in this operation; with what effect as regarded the other ships I do not know, but so far as the _Barfleur_ was concerned, and as far as I know of the other ships, the delay was unnecessary. The fleet was greatly disappointed at being thus detained, as the enemy would thereby reach Toulon without molestation, and for any good which could be effected we might as well remain where we lay.

This impatience was, after a lapse of three days, ended by Lord St. Vincent hoisting his flag on board the _Ville de Paris_; when, reinforced by the _Edgar_, 74, the fleet shaped its course up the Mediterranean.

After we had proceeded as far as the Bay of Rosas, Lord St. Vincent, having communicated with Lord Keith, parted company in the _Ville de Paris_ for Minorca, leaving Lord Keith to pursue the enemy with the remaining ships. We now made straight for Toulon, where we learned from some fishing boats that the enemy’s fleet had embarked spars, cordage, anchors, and other heavy articles for the equipment of their ships of war built or building at Spezzia—and had sailed to the eastward.

After burning some merchant vessels working into Toulon, we again started in chase. It was now of even greater importance to overtake the French fleet, in order to frustrate a double mischief; first, their escape; and secondly, their getting to Spezzia with the materials for so important an addition to their force. With this object the British ships crowded all sail in the direction the enemy had taken, and at length came in sight of their look-out frigates between Corsica and Genoa.

Just as we were upon the point of seeing the fleet also, a fast sailing transport arrived from Lord St. Vincent, with orders to return to Port Mahon; intelligence of the sailing of the French fleet having reached that port, which, Lord St. Vincent feared, might become the object of attack. Lord Keith, however, knowing exactly the position of the enemy, within reach of whom we now virtually were, persevered in the pursuit.

Shortly afterwards another fast sailing transport hove in sight, firing guns for Lord Keith to bring to, which having done, he received peremptory orders to repair immediately to Minorca; Lord St. Vincent still imagining that as the enemy had left Toulon they might catch him in Port Mahon; the fact of their having gone to Spezzia, though known to us, being unknown to him. Compliance with this unseasonable order was therefore compulsory, and Lord Keith made the signal for all captains, when, as reported by those officers, his lordship explained that the bearing up was no act of his, and the captains having returned on board their respective ships, reluctantly changed the course for Minorca, leaving the French fleet to proceed unmolested to Spezzia.

On Lord Keith receiving this order, I never saw a man more irritated. When annoyed, his lordship had a habit of talking aloud to himself. On this occasion, as officer of the watch, I happened to be in close proximity, and thereby became an involuntary listener to some very strong expressions, imputing jealousy on the part of Lord St. Vincent as constituting the motive for recalling him. The actual words of Lord Keith not being meant for the ear of any one, I do not think proper to record them. The above facts are stated as coming within my own personal knowledge, and are here introduced in consequence of blame being cast on Lord Keith to this day by naval historians, who could only derive their authority from _data_ which are certainly untrue—even if official. Had the command been surrendered to Lord Keith on his arrival in the Mediterranean, or had his lordship been permitted promptly to pursue the enemy, they could not have escaped.

The French fleet, after we were compelled to relinquish the chase (when in sight of their look-out frigates), were reported to have landed 1000 men at Savona, and convoyed a supply of wheat to Genoa, as well as having landed their naval stores at Spezzia, not one of which services could have been effected had it not been for the unfortunate delay at Gibraltar and the before-mentioned recall of the pursuing fleet.

Immediately after our departure from Gibraltar, the Spanish fleet quitted Cadiz for the Mediterranean, and as no force remained to watch the Straits, they were enabled to pass with impunity, the whole, after suffering great damage by a gale of wind, succeeded in reaching Carthagena.

On our arrival at Minorca, Lord St. Vincent resumed the command, and proceeded for some distance towards Toulon. On the 2nd of June, his lordship again quitted the fleet for Mahon, in the _Ville de Paris_. On the 14th Lord Keith shifted his flag from the _Barfleur_ to the _Queen Charlotte_, a much finer ship, to which I had the honour to accompany him.

We once more proceeded in quest of the French fleet, and on the 19th the advance ships captured three frigates and two brigs of war on their way from Egypt to Toulon, but learned nothing of the fleet we were in search of. On the 23rd of June, Lord St. Vincent at length resigned the Mediterranean command and sailed for England, so that Lord Keith had no alternative but to return to Port Mahon to make the necessary arrangements.

Scarcely had we come to an anchor when we received intelligence that the French fleet had passed to the westward to join the Spanish fleet at Carthagena!

Without even losing time to fill up with water, every exertion was made for immediate pursuit, and on the 10th we started for Carthagena, but finding the enemy gone, again made sail, and on the 26th reached Tetuan, where we completed our water. On the 29th Lord Keith communicated with Gibraltar, but as nothing was heard of the combined fleets, it was evident they had gone through the Straits in the dark; we therefore followed and examined Cadiz, where they were not. Pursuing our course without effect along the Spanish and Portuguese coasts—on the 8th of August we fell in with a Danish brig off Cape Finisterre, and received from her information that she had two days before passed through the combined French and Spanish fleets. We then directed our course for Brest, hoping to be in time to intercept them, but found that on the day before our arrival they had effected their object, and were then safely moored within the harbour. We now shaped our course for Torbay, and there found the Channel fleet under Sir Alan Gardner—the united force being nearly fifty ships of the line.

On our arrival at Torbay, Lord Keith sent me with despatches on board the commander-in-chief’s ship, where, after executing my commission, it was imperiously demanded by her captain whether I was aware that my coming on board was an infringement of quarantine regulations? Nettled at the over-bearing manner of an uncalled-for reprimand to an inferior officer, my reply was that, having been directed by Lord Keith to deliver his despatches, his lordship’s orders had been executed accordingly; at the same time, however, assuring my interrogator that we had no sickness in the fleet, nor had we been in any contagious localities. From the captain’s manner, it was almost evident that, for being thus plain spoken, he intended to put me under arrest, and I was not sorry to get back to the _Queen Charlotte_; even a show of resistance to an excess of authority being in those days fatal to many an officer’s prospects.

I shall not enter into detail as to what occurred in the Channel; suffice it to say that despite the imposing force lying at Torbay, the combined French and Spanish fleets found no difficulty in getting out of Brest, and that on the 6th of December Lord Keith returned in pursuit to Gibraltar, where he resumed the Mediterranean command, administered by Lord Nelson during his absence.

It is beyond the province of this work to notice the effectual measures taken by Lord Nelson in the Mediterranean during our absence, as they are matters in which I bore no part. But whilst Nelson and Lord Keith had been doing their best there, little appeared to be done at home to check the enemy’s operations.

From Gibraltar we proceeded to Sicily, where we found Lord Nelson surrounded by the _élite_ of Neapolitan society, amongst whom he was justly regarded as a deliverer. It was never my good fortune to serve under his lordship, either at that or any subsequent period. During our stay at Palermo, I had, however, opportunities of personal conversation with him, and from one of his frequent injunctions, “Never mind manœuvres, always go at them,” I subsequently had reason to consider myself indebted for successful attacks under apparently difficult circumstances.

The impression left on my mind during these opportunities of association with Nelson was that of his being an embodiment of dashing courage, which would not take much trouble to circumvent an enemy, but being confronted with one would regard victory so much a matter of course as hardly to deem the chance of defeat worth consideration.

This was in fact the case; for though the enemy’s ships were for the most part superior to ours in build, the discipline and seamanship of their crews was in that day so inferior as to leave little room for doubt of victory on our part. It was probably with the object of improving his crews that Admiral Bruix had risked a run from the Mediterranean to Brest and back, as just now detailed. Had not Lord Keith been delayed at Gibraltar, and afterwards recalled to Minorca, the disparity of numbers on our side would not have been of any great consequence.

Trafalgar itself is an illustration of Nelson’s peculiar clash. It has been remarked that Trafalgar was a rash action, and that had Nelson lost it and lived he would have been brought to a court-martial for the way in which that action was conducted. But such cavillers forget that, from previous experience, he had calculated both the nature and amount of resistance to be expected; such calculation forming as essential a part of his plan of attack as even his own means for making it. The result justified his expectations of victory, which were not only well founded but certain.

The fact is, that many commanders in those days committed the error of overrating the French navy, just as, in the present day, we are nationally falling into the still more dangerous extreme of underrating it. Steam has, indeed, gone far towards equalising seamanship; and the strenuous exertions of the French department of Marine have perhaps rendered discipline in their navy as good as in ours. They moreover keep their trained men, whilst we thoughtlessly turn ours adrift whenever ships are paid off—to be replaced by raw hands in case of emergency!

To return from this digression. After quitting Palermo, and when passing the Straits of Messina, Lord Keith placed me as prize-master in command of the _Généreux_, 74—shortly before captured by Lord Nelson’s squadron—with orders to carry her to Port Mahon. A crew was hastily made up of sick and invalided men drafted from the ships of the fleet, and with these we proceeded on our voyage, but only to find ourselves in imminent danger from a gale of wind. The rigging not having been properly set up, the masts swayed with every roll of the ship to such a degree that it became dangerous to go aloft; the shrouds alternately straining almost to breaking, or hanging in festoons, as the masts jerked from side to side with the roll of the vessel. It was only by going aloft myself together with my brother Archibald, whom Lord Keith had permitted to accompany me, that the men could be induced to furl the mainsail. Fortunately the weather moderated, or the safety of the ship might have been compromised; but by dint of hard work, as far as the ill-health of the crew would allow, we managed, before reaching Mahon, to put the _Généreux_ into tolerable order.

It has been stated that Lord Keith permitted my brother to accompany me in the _Généreux_. By this unexpected incident both he and myself were, in all probability, saved from a fate which soon afterwards befel most of our gallant shipmates. On our quitting the _Queen Charlotte_, Lord Keith steered for Leghorn, where he landed, and ordered Captain Todd to reconnoitre the island of Cabrera, then in possession of the French. Whilst on his way, some hay, hastily embarked and placed under the half-deck, became ignited, and the flame communicating with the mainsail set the ship on fire aloft and below. All exertions to save her proved in vain, and though some of the officers and crew escaped, more than three-fourths miserably perished, including Captain Todd, his first lieutenant, Bainbridge, three other lieutenants, the captain of marines, surgeon, more than twenty master’s mates and petty officers, and upwards of 600 marines and seamen.

On our return from England to Gibraltar I had been associated with poor Bainbridge in an affair which—except as a tribute to his memory—would not have been worth mentioning. On the evening of the 21st of September, 1799, we observed from the _Queen Charlotte_, lying in Gibraltar Bay, the 10-gun cutter _Lady Nelson_, chased by some gun-vessels and privateers, all of which simultaneously commenced an attack upon her. Lord Keith instantly ordered out boats, Bainbridge taking command of the barge, whilst another of the boats was put under my orders. Lord Keith’s intention was, by this prompt aid, to induce the _Lady Nelson_ to make a running fight of it, so as to get within range of the garrison guns; but before the boats could come up she had been captured; Lieutenant Bainbridge, though with sixteen men only, dashed at her, boarded, and retook her, killing several and taking prisoners seven French officers and twenty-seven men; but not without himself receiving a severe sabre cut on the head and several other wounds.

The boat under my command was the cutter with thirteen men. Seeing two privateers which had chiefly been engaged in the attack on the _Lady Nelson_ running for Algesiras, we made at the nearest, and came up with her at dark. On laying the cutter alongside, I jumped on board, but the boat’s crew did not follow, this being the only time I ever saw British seamen betray symptoms of hesitation. Regaining the cutter, I upbraided them with the shamefulness of their conduct, for the privateer’s crew had run below, the helmsman alone being at his post. Their excuse was that there were indications of the privateer’s men having there fortified themselves. No reasoning could prevail on them to board. If this boat’s crew perished in the _Queen Charlotte_, their fate is not nationally to be regretted.

On the destruction of the _Queen Charlotte_ Lord Keith hoisted his flag in the _Audacious_. His lordship was so well satisfied with my conduct of the _Généreux_ as to write home to the Admiralty recommending my promotion, at the same time appointing me to the command of the _Speedy_, then lying at Port Mahon.

The vessel originally intended for me by Lord Keith was the _Bonne Citoyenne_, a fine corvette of eighteen guns; but the brother of his lordship’s secretary happening at the time to arrive from Gibraltar, where he had been superseded in the command of the sheer hulk, that functionary managed to place his brother in one of the finest sloops then in the service, leaving to me the least efficient craft on the station.

CHAP. V.

CRUISE OF THE _SPEEDY_.

MY APPOINTMENT TO THE SPEEDY.—MY FIRST PRIZE.—CAPITULATION OF
GENOA.—MORE CAPTURES.—JOIN LORD KEITH AT LEGHORN.—CRUISE ON THE
SPANISH COAST.—NEARLY CAUGHT BY A SPANISH FRIGATE.—HOW SHE WAS
EVADED.—OUR CRUISE RENEWED.—WE PROCEED TO MALTA.—FOOLISH FRACAS IN A
BALL-ROOM.—A DUEL.—CAPTURE OF A FRENCH STORE-SHIP.—CHASED BY ANOTHER
SPANISH FRIGATE.—CRUISE OFF BARCELONA.—AN ATTEMPT TO ENTRAP
US.—ATTACK ON THE EL GAMO FRIGATE.—CARRIED BY BOARDING.—TRIFLING
LOSS OF THE SPEEDY.—A DEVICE PRACTISED DURING THE ACTION.—WE PROCEED
WITH OUR PRIZE TO MAHON.—POSTPONEMENT OF MY POST RANK.—OFFICIAL
DESPATCH.

The _Speedy_ was little more than a burlesque on a vessel of war, even sixty years ago. She was about the size of an average coasting brig, her burden being 158 tons. She was crowded, rather than manned, with a crew of eighty-four men and six officers, myself included. Her armament consisted of fourteen 4-_pounders_! a species of gun little larger than a blunderbuss, and formerly known in the service under the name of “miñion,” an appellation which it certainly merited.

Being dissatisfied with her armament, I applied for and obtained a couple of 12-pounders, intending them as bow and stern chasers, but was compelled to return them to the ordnance wharf, there not being room on deck to work them; besides which, the timbers of the little craft were found on trial to be too weak to withstand the concussion of anything heavier than the guns with which she was previously armed.

With her rig I was more fortunate. Having carried away her mainyard, it became necessary to apply for another to the senior officer, who, examining the list of spare spars, ordered the _foretopgallant-yard_ of the _Généreux_ to be hauled out _as a mainyard for the Speedy_!

The spar was accordingly sent on board and rigged, but even this appearing too large for the vessel, an order was issued to cut off the yard-arms and thus reduce it to its proper dimensions. This order was neutralised by getting down and planing the yard-arms as though they had been cut, an evasion which, with some alteration in the rigging, passed undetected on its being again swayed up; and thus a greater spread of canvas was secured. The fact of the foretopgallant-yard of a second-rate ship being considered too large for the mainyard of my “man-of-war” will give a tolerable idea of her insignificance.

Despite her unformidable character, and the personal discomfort to which all on board were subjected, I was very proud of my little vessel, caring nothing for her want of accommodation, though in this respect her cabin merits passing notice. It had not so much as room for a chair, the floor being entirely occupied by a small table surrounded with lockers, answering the double purpose of storechests and seats. The difficulty was to get seated, the ceiling being only five feet high, so that the object could only be accomplished by rolling on the locker, a movement sometimes attended with unpleasant failure. The most singular discomfort, however, was that my only practicable mode of shaving consisted in removing the skylight and putting my head through to make a toilet-table of the quarter-deck.

In the following enumeration of the various cruises in which the _Speedy_ was engaged, the boarding and searching innumerable neutral vessels will be passed over, and the narrative will be strictly confined—as in most cases throughout this work—to log extracts, where captures were made, or other occurrences took place worthy of record.

“_May_ 10.—Sailed from Cagliari, from which port we had been ordered
to convoy fourteen sail of merchantmen to Leghorn. At 9 A.M. observed
a strange sail take possession of a Danish brig under our escort. At
11:30 A.M. rescued the brig, and captured the assailant. This prize—my
first piece of luck—was the _Intrépide_, French privateer of six guns
and forty-eight men.

“_May_ 14.—Saw five armed boats pulling towards us from Monte Cristo.
Out sweeps to protect convoy. At 4 P.M. the boats boarded and took
possession of the two sternmost ships. A light breeze springing up,
made all sail towards the captured vessels, ordering the remainder of
the convoy to make the best of their way to Longona. The breeze
freshening we came up with and recaptured the vessels with the prize
crews on board, but during the operation the armed boats escaped.

“_May_ 21.—At anchor in Leghorn Roads. Convoy all safe. 25.—Off Genoa.
Joined Lord Keith’s squadron of five sail of the line, four frigates
and a brig.

“26, 27, 28.—Ordered by his lordship to cruise in the offing, to
intercept supplies destined for the French army under Massena, then in
possession of Genoa.

“29.—At Genoa some of the gun-boats bombarded the town for two hours.

“30.—All the gun-boats bombarded the town. A partial bombardment had
been going on for an hour a day, during the past fortnight, Lord Keith
humanely refraining from continued bombardment, out of consideration
for the inhabitants, who were in a state of absolute famine.”

This was one of the _crises_ of the war. The French, about a month previous, had defeated the Austrians with great slaughter in an attempt, on the part of the latter, to retake Genoa; but the Austrians, being in possession of Savona, were nevertheless able to intercept provisions on the land side, whilst the vigilance of Lord Keith rendered it impossible to obtain supplies by sea.

It having come to Lord Keith’s knowledge that the French in Genoa had consumed their last horses and dogs, whilst the Genoese themselves were perishing by famine, and on the eve of revolt against the usurping force—in order to save the carnage which would ensue, his lordship caused it to be intimated to Massena that a defence so heroic would command honourable terms of capitulation. Massena was said to have replied that if the word “capitulation” were mentioned his army should perish with the city; but, as he could no longer defend himself, he had no objection to “treat.” Lord Keith, therefore, proposed a treaty, viz. that the army might return to France, but that Massena himself must remain a prisoner in his hands. To this the French general demurred; but Lord Keith insisting—with the complimentary observation to Massena that “he was worth 20,000 men”—the latter reluctantly gave in, and on the 4th of June 1800 a definite treaty to the above effect was agreed upon, and ratified on the 5th, when the Austrians took possession of the city, and Lord Keith of the harbour, the squadron anchoring within the mole.

This affair being ended, his lordship ordered the _Speedy_ to cruise off the Spanish coast, and on the 14th of June we parted company with the squadron.

“_June_ 16.—Captured a tartan off Elba. Sent her to Leghorn, in the
charge of an officer and four men.

“22.—Off Bastia. Chased a French privateer with a prize in tow. The
Frenchman abandoned the prize, a Sardinian vessel laden with oil and
wool, and we took possession. Made all sail in chase of the privateer;
but on our commencing to fire, she ran under the fort of Caprea, where
we did not think proper to pursue her. Took prize in tow, and on the
following day left her at Leghorn, where we found Lord Nelson, and
several ships at anchor.

“25.—Quitted Leghorn, and on the 26th were again off Bastia, in chase
of a ship which ran for that place, and anchored under a fort three
miles to the southward. Made at and brought her away. Proved to be the
Spanish letter of marque _Assuncion_, of ten guns and thirty-three
men, bound from Tunis to Barcelona. On taking possession, five
gun-boats left Bastia in chase of us; took the prize in tow, and kept
up a running fight with the gun-boats till after midnight, when they
left us.

“29.—Cast off the prize in chase of a French privateer off Sardinia.
On commencing our fire she set all sail and ran off. Returned and took
the prize in tow; and the 4th of July anchored with her in Port Mahon.

“_July_ 9—Off Cape Sebastian. Gave chase to two Spanish ships standing
along shore. They anchored under the protection of the forts. Saw
another vessel lying just within range of the forts;—out boats and cut
her out, the forts firing on the boats without inflicting damage.

“19.—Off Caprea. Several French privateers in sight. Chased, and on
the following morning captured one, the _Constitution_, of one gun and
nineteen men. Whilst we were securing the privateer, a prize which she
had taken made sail in the direction of Gorgona and escaped.

“27.—Off Planosa, in chase of a privateer. On the following morning
saw three others lying in a small creek. On making preparations to cut
them out, a military force made its appearance, and commenced a heavy
fire of musketry, to which it would have answered no purpose to reply.
Fired several broadsides at one of the privateers, and sunk her.

“31.—Off Porto Ferraio in chase of a French privateer, with a prize in
tow. The Frenchman abandoned his prize, of which we took possession,
and whilst so doing the privateer got away.

“_August_ 3.—Anchored with our prizes in Leghorn Roads, where we found
Lord Keith in the _Minotaur_.”

Lord Keith received me very kindly, and directed the _Speedy_ to run down the Spanish coast, pointing out the importance of harassing the enemy there as much as possible, but cautioning me against engaging anything beyond our capacity. During our stay at Leghorn, his lordship frequently invited me ashore to participate in the gaieties of the place.

Having filled up with provisions and water, we sailed on the 16th of August, and on the 21st captured a French privateer bound from Corsica to Toulon. Shortly afterwards we fell in with H.M.S. ships _Mutine_ and _Salamine_, which, to suit their convenience, gave into our charge a number of French prisoners, with whom and our prize we consequently returned to Leghorn.

On the 14th of September we again put to sea, the interval being occupied by a thorough overhaul of the sloop. On the 22nd, when off Caprea, fell in with a Neapolitan vessel having a French prize crew on board. Recaptured the vessel, and took the crew prisoners.

On the 5th of October, the _Speedy_ anchored in Port Mahon, where information was received that the Spaniards had several armed vessels on the look-out for us, should we again appear on their coast. I therefore applied to the authorities to exchange our 4-pounders for 6-pounders, but the latter being too large for the _Speedy’s_ ports, we were again compelled to forego the change as impracticable.

“_October 12._—Sailed from Port Mahon, cruising for some time off Cape
Sebastian, Villa Nova, Oropesa, and Barcelona; occasionally visiting
the enemy’s coast for water, of which the _Speedy_ carried only ten
tons. Nothing material occurred till November 18th, when we narrowly
escaped being swamped in a gale of wind, the sea breaking over our
quarter, and clearing our deck, spars, &c., otherwise inflicting such
damage as to compel our return to Port Mahon, where we were detained
till the 12th of December.

“_December 15._—Off Majorca. Several strange vessels being in sight,
singled out the largest and made sail in chase; shortly after which a
French bombard bore up, hoisting the national colours. We now cleared
for action, altering our course to meet her, when she bore up between
Dragon Island and the Main. Commenced firing at the bombard, which
returned our fire; but shortly afterwards getting closer in shore she
drove on the rocks. Three other vessels being in the passage, we left
her, and captured one of them, the _La Liza_ of ten guns and
thirty-three men, bound from Alicant to Marseilles. Took nineteen of
our prisoners on board the _Speedy_. As it was evident that the
bombard would become a wreck, we paid no further attention to her, but
made all sail after the others.

“_December 18._—Suspecting the passage between Dragon Island and the
Main to be a lurking-place for privateers, we ran in again, but found
nothing. Seeing a number of troops lining the beach, we opened fire
and dispersed them, afterwards engaging a tower, which fired upon us.
The prisoners we had taken proving an incumbrance, we put them on
shore.

“_December 19._—Stood off and on the harbour of Palamos, where we saw
several vessels at anchor. Hoisted Danish colours, and made the signal
for a pilot. Our real character being evidently known, none came off,
and we did not think it prudent to venture in.”

It has been said that the _Speedy_ had become the marked object of the Spanish naval authorities. Not that there was much danger of being caught, for they confined their search to the coast only, and that in the daytime, when we were usually away in the offing; it being our practice to keep out of sight during the day, and run in before dawn on the next morning.

On the 21st, however, when off Plane Island, we were very near “catching a Tartar.” Seeing a large ship in shore, having all the appearance of a well-laden merchantman, we forthwith gave chase. On nearing her she raised her ports, which had been closed to deceive us, the act discovering a heavy broadside, a clear demonstration that we had fallen into the jaws of a formidable Spanish frigate, now crowded with men, who had before remained concealed below.

That the frigate was in search of us there could be no doubt, from the deception practised. To have encountered her with our insignificant armament would have been exceedingly imprudent, whilst escape was out of the question, for she would have outsailed us, and could have run us down by her mere weight. There was, therefore, nothing left, but to try the effect of a _ruse_, prepared beforehand for such an emergency. After receiving at Mahon information that unusual measures were about to be taken by the Spaniards for our capture, I had the _Speedy_ painted in imitation of the Danish brig _Clomer_; the appearance of this vessel being well known on the Spanish coast. We also shipped a Danish quartermaster, taking the further precaution of providing him with the uniform of an officer of that nation.