Chapter VIII: Sovereignty in International Relations
In that sphere there is no Law, in the strict modern sense, because no superior authority capable of adjudicating on disputes and enforcing rules, and therefore we cannot speak of the Sovereignty of one State over another State in the same sense in which a Person or Body within a State may be called Legally Supreme over the subjects. Nevertheless, where some legal tie has been created between two or more States, placing one in a lower position, we may say that inferiority exists _de iure_, while if there is merely an actual and continuing disposition of the weaker one to comply with the wishes of the stronger, there is inferiority _de facto_. Where the laws made by the legislative authority of one State directly bind the subjects of another State, the latter State cannot be called in any sense Sovereign. But between this case and that of absolute independence there are several grades of what may be called semi-Sovereignty, or (perhaps more correctly) imperfect Sovereignty. The dependent State, though not amenable to the laws or courts of the superior one, may have no right to hold diplomatic relations with other States, or may, though entitled to send and receive envoys, have bound itself by a treaty with the superior State to submit for the approval of the latter any treaty it may conclude. Or again, it may have formally accepted the protection of the superior State, or have undertaken to receive its executive head from the latter, or to pay tribute to the latter. In all such cases the tie duly formed between the superior and inferior State, and notified to other States, is a fact of high diplomatic moment in determining the international status of the inferior State. Other States are bound by international usage to take note of the fact, and for one of them to attempt to send an ambassador to, or make a treaty with, an inferior State which had bound itself to a superior State in the way above indicated, would constitute a grave breach of comity—would be treated as what diplomatists call ‘an unfriendly act.’ Although, therefore, there is no Law, in the strict sense of the word, binding these inferior States, but only a Contract, still they may appropriately be said to be _de iure_ dependent, or imperfectly sovereign. The world is full of them. There are a great many in India, bound to the British Crown by engagements which make them more or less subject to British control. Rumania and Servia were formerly in this position. There is one left in South-Eastern Europe, Bulgaria, although the tie binding it to the Turkish Sultan is wearing very thin[21]. Bulgaria is not precluded from sending envoys and making treaties. There is one in North Africa—Tunis—which is now, in all but name and legal intendment, a province of France. Another African case, that of the late South African Republic, which, though it could accredit and receive envoys, was liable to have any treaty made by it (except with its neighbour republic) disapproved by Great Britain, has given rise to much controversy. Probably it should not have been called either an internationally Sovereign State, or a Dependent State, but rather a State dependent for one particular purpose and independent for others. The position of Egypt—which is _de iure_ part of the Ottoman Empire for some purposes, is also _de iure_ (for certain other purposes) under the control of six European Powers, and is _de facto_ under the control of one of those six—is a very peculiar one. The varieties of relation in which one State may legally stand to another are indeed endless, and elude any broad classification.
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Footnote 21:
The position of Bosnia, occupied by Austria but not yet formally
severed from the Ottoman Empire, is somewhat different. It may be
compared with that of Lothian in the hands of the king of Scots about
the end of the tenth century, though in that case there may have been
a quasi-feudal relation.
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Quite different from these cases are those in which a State, though practically dependent on another State, has contracted no public engagement which affects her theoretical independence. In such cases, third parties (_i.e._ States) are not _prima facie_ bound (by international usage and comity) to pay any regard to the fact that the inferior State is _de facto_ dependent. They may properly treat it as being completely Sovereign. But just as there are some cases in which a _de facto_ Sovereign becomes morally entitled to obedience from the citizens of a community, so there are some extreme cases in which a State, while technically independent, is notoriously so much _de facto_ under the protection and control of a stronger State that it would be improper for third parties to ignore the actual relation. England (strictly speaking) has no legal control over Afghanistan or Nepal, and had none over independent Burma down to 1885, but Burma was annexed because it toyed with France, and any negotiations by a third power with Afghanistan or Nepal would be resented by England. Persia may possibly sink into a similar position as regards Russia.
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Studies in history and jurisprudence, volume 2 (of 2)Chapter VIII: Sovereignty in International Relations
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