Chapter XII: Orphic Cosmogony (5)

[885] _Cat._ 1407, from a photograph. For permission to publish this relief and those in figs. 102, 105, 106, my grateful thanks are due to Mr Kabbadios, Ephor of Antiquities at Athens.

[886] _Cat._ 1377, from a photograph.

[887] For the whole subject of ἐγκοίμησις see L. Deubner, _De Incubatione capitula duo_.

[888] Eur. _Iph. in T._ 1261.

[889] P. I. 34. 5.

[890] _A. Mitt._ 1893, p. 250. The introduction of the healer of Epidauros may have been connected with the great plague at Athens.

[891] A. Koerte, ‘Bezirk eines Heilgottes,’ _A. Mitt._ 1893, p. 237, and 1896, p. 311.

[892] Koerte, _op. cit._ Μνησιπτολέμη ὑπὲρ Δικαιοφάνους Ἀσκληπιῷ Ἀμύνῳ ἀνέθηκε.

[893] Koerte, _op. cit._ ἄνδρες δίκαιοι γε[γόν]ασι περὶ τὰ κοινὰ τῶν ὀργεώνων τοῦ Ἀμύνου καὶ τοῦ Ἀσκληπιοῦ καὶ τοῦ Δεξίονος ἐπαινέσαι κτλ.

[894] _Etym. Mag._ s.v. Δεξίων. It seems possible that by the οἰκία in which Sophocles received Asklepios is meant the Amyneion.

[895] Istr. frg. 51.

[896] Koerte, _op. cit._ ἐπὶ ἱερέως Σοφοκλέους τοῦ Φιλώτου.

[897] Cf. P. VIII. 8. 4, II. 10. 3, III. 23. 7.

[898] Prof. Ridgeway, _The Early Age of Greece_, vol. I. p. 640.

[899] Usener, _Die Sinflutsagen_, p. 58, draws attention to the hypocoristic form Ἡρύκαλος, see Hesych. s.v. τὸν Ἡρακλέα Σώφρων ὑποκοριστικῶς, and supposes an old Greek diminutive καλος = Lat. _culus_, homunculus, Herculus.

[900] See p. 12.

[901] Diod. Sic. IV. 40 τὴν Ἥραν ἀναβᾶσαν ἐπὶ κλίνην καὶ τὸν Ἡρακλέα προσλαβομένην πρὸς τὸ σῶμα διὰ τῶν ἐνδυμάτων ἀφεῖναι πρὸς τὴν γῆν μιμουμένην τὴν ἀληθινὴν γένεσιν· ὅπερ μέχρι τοῦ νῦν ποιεῖν τοὺς βαρβάρους ὅταν θετὸν υἱὸν ποιεῖσθαι βούλωνται.

[902] Rosch. _Lex._ s.v. Herakles, ‘Apotheose,’ p. 2239.

[903] Ἐφημερὶς Ἀρχ. 1890, Pl. VII.

[904] Schol. ad Ar. _Nub._ 508 ἐν Λεβαδείᾳ ἱερὸν ἐστὶ Τροφωνίου ὅπου ὄφις ἦν ὁ μαντευόμενος ᾧ οἱ κατοικοῦντες πλακοῦντας ἔβαλλον μέλιτι δεδευομένους. The women in the fourth Mime of Herondas (_v._ 90) offer a pelanos to the snake of Asklepios.

[905] Berl. _Cat._ 3155. _Jahrb. d. Inst._, Anzeiger, 1890, p. 89.

[906] Plat. _Legg._ 717 A. The Olympian gods do not here concern us, but it may be worth noting that the gods who keep the state τοὺς τὴν πόλιν ἔχοντας θεούς, who are classed with the Olympians as of the first rank, seem to correspond with the ἀστυνόμοι and ἀγοραῖοι of Aeschylus (_Ag._ 90) who take rank with the οὐράνιοι. Some gods wherever found were Olympian, e.g. Zeus and Apollo; others though not Pan-Hellenically recognised took rank as such locally, e.g. Demeter.

[907] Hes. _Erg._ 109.

[908] There are several instances in the National Museum at Athens and ‘Hero-Feasts’ have been carved on sarcophagi which are still in the courtyard of the local museum at Paros.

[909] _Inv._ 55, see Dr Wiegand, ‘Antike Sculpturen in Samos,’ _A. Mitt._ 1900, p. 176.

[910] _Inv._ 60.

[911] See Dr Wiegand, _op. cit._ p. 180.

[912] See Dr Verrall, ‘Death and the Horse,’ _J.H.S._, XVIII. 1898, p. 1.

[913] Roscher, s.v. Heros, p. 2559, No. 5. A better reproduction in phototype has been published by Dr Chr. Blinkenberg, ‘Et Attisk Votivrelief,’ _Festskrift til J. L. Ussing_, Kopenhagen, 1900. I follow Dr Ussing’s view (kindly translated for me by Dr Martin Nilsson).

[914] P. I. 22. 1-3, see Dr Frazer ad loc., and _Myth. and Mon. Anc. Athens_, p. 328.

[915] Eur. _Hipp._ 26 ff., trans. Mr Gilbert Murray. For Aphrodite Endemos, _Love-at-Home_, see Dr Verrall, _Cl. Rev._, Dec. 1901, p. 449. Dr Svoronos makes the interesting suggestion that the sanctuary founded by Phaedra may have been on the site later occupied by the temple of Nike Apteros, and that the Wingless Victory may have been a title rather of Aphrodite than the Athene. See _Journal International d’Archéologie_, 1901, p. 459.

[916] _Cat._ 95, published and fully discussed by Prof. Furtwängler, ‘Ein sogenanntes Todtenmahlrelief mit Inschrift,’ _Sitzungsberichte d. k. Bay. Ak. d. Wissenschaften_, Philos.-Philolog. Klasse 1897, p. 401.

[917] Hesych. s.v.

[918] Plat. _Legg._ VI. 784 D.

[919] Both reliefs are reproduced from photographs kindly given me by the German Archaeological Institute. The relief to Zeus Philios was found near the Hill of the Nymphs at Athens (_C.I.A._ II. 1330), that to the Agathos Daimon at Thespiae (_C.I.A._ I. 1815).

[920] νὴ τὸν Φίλιον was a popular oath, cf. Ar. _Acharn._ 730. The omission of the proper name is significant.

[921] Diod. Sinop. frg. ap. Athen. VI. 2396. Meineke, _F.C.G._ III. p. 543.

[922] Cat. 1500. Both designs in figs. 110 and 111 are reproduced from photographs.

[923] The most recent account of this much discussed relief is by Dr Studniczka, ‘Ueber das Schauspielerrelief aus dem Peiraeus,’ in _Mélanges Perrot_, p. 307. The relief was first published _A. Mittheilungen_ 1882, Taf. 14, p. 389; see also _Hermes_ 1887, p. 336. _A. Mitt._ 1888, p. 221. Reisch, _Weihgeschenke_, p. 23. _Jahrbuch d. Inst._ 1896, p. 104. _A. Mitt._ 1896, p. 362.

[924] Dr Studniczka (op. cit. supra) has made a very close examination of the objects held, and attempts, I do not think successfully, to deduce therefrom the dramatic characters impersonated. The object held by the last figure to the left as well as his face is obliterated. It is sufficient for our purpose that it is clear from the middle figure they are _actors_.

[925] From a photograph. There are similar reliefs not quite so well preserved in the Louvre and in the British Museum (_Cat._ 176). A complete list of those extant is given by Hauser, _Die Neu-attischen Reliefs_, Anhang, p. 189. The earliest specimen, more nearly approaching the ‘Hero-Relief,’ and so marked by the presence of a snake, is published _Arch. Zeit._ 1882, Taf. XIV., and I have already discussed it, _Myth. and Mon. Anc. Athens_, p. xlv, fig. 7.

[926] Herod. V. 67. I owe this important reference to the article _Heros_ in Roscher’s _Lexicon_, p. 2492, but Dr Deneken calls no attention to its significance in relation to Dionysos.

[927] _J.H.S._ V. p. 116. Prof. Percy Gardner explains the coin as belonging to Asklepios: my suggestion is made with the utmost diffidence as differing from so great an authority on numismatics.

[928] Mr A. G. Bather in an interesting article on ‘The Problem of the Bacchae’ (_J.H.S._ XIV. 1894, p. 263) concludes that the myths of the introduction of Dionysos ‘do not find their origin in any introduction of the god from without, but in the yearly inbringing of the new statue.’

[929] Berlin, _Cat._ 1704. _Mon. d. Inst._ 1873 vol. IX. Pl. LV. W. Helbig, _Annali_ 1873, p. 106. The curious inscriptions do not here concern us.

[930] _Wiener Vorlegeblätter_, Serie D, Taf. 1 and 2. The vase is now in the Municipal Museum at Corneto.

[931] _Il._ VI. 129.

[932] Soph. _Ant._ 955.

[933] Ar. _Thesm._ 135, schol. ad loc.

[934] Naples. Heydemann, Cat. 3237. _Myth. and Mon. Anc. Athens_, pp. 260, 261, figs. 11 and 12.

[935] Herod. VII. 110.

[936] Strabo VII. § 318.

[937] Strabo frg. VII.

[938] Paulinus Nol. _carm. xxx. de reditu Niket. Episc. in Daciam_.

Nam simul terris animisque duri
et sua Bessi nive duriores
nunc oves facti duce te gregantur
pacis in aulam.
quasque cervices dare servituti
semper a bello indomiti negarant
nunc iugo veri domini subactas
sternere gaudent.
nunc magis dives pretio laboris
Bessus exultat, quod humi manuque
ante quaerebat, modo mente caeli
colligit aurum.
...
mos ubi quondam fuerat ferarum,
nunc ibi ritus viget angelorum
et latet justus quibus ipse latro
vixit in antris.

For this and many other valuable references about the Bessi, I am indebted to Dr Tomaschek’s article ‘Ueber Brumalia und Rosalia,’ _Sitzungsber. d. K. Akad. d. Wissenschaften_, Phil.-Hist. Kl., Wien 1868, p. 351.

[939] Thucyd. II. 96.

[940] Plin. _N.H._ IV. 18. 11. 40.

[941] Eur. _Bacch._ 13.

[942] Eur. _Bacch._ 65.

[943] _Ib._ 152.

[944] Plut. _Vit. Alex._ 2.

[945] Eur. _Bacch._ 565.

[946] To Euripides in the _Bacchae_ Dionysos is the god of the grape. The vine probably came from Asia, though about this experts do not seem to be agreed, see Schrader, _Real-lexicon_; but Dionysos, as will later be shown, is earlier than the coming of the vine.

[947] Eur. _Bacch._ 519.

[948] _Ib._ 530.

[949] B.M. Cat. E 695. _Mon. d. Inst._ 1833 tav. L.

[950] Strabo X. 3 § 470.

[951] Strabo frg. 25.

[952] For the orientalism of the Theban character and legends, see Mr D. G. Hogarth, _Philip and Alexander_, p. 34.

[953] Herod. V. 7.

[954] Sappho, frg. 66.

[955] _Wiener Vorlegeblätter_, Serie II. Taf. iii., iv. An even earlier source is the Corinthian vase published by Dr Löschke, _A. Mitt._ 1894, p. 524, Taf. viii.

[956] _Od._ VII. 265.

[957] Soph. _Oed. Tyr._ 209.

[958] Eur. _Bacch._ 1356.

[959] _Ib._ 302.

[960] Polyaen. _Strat._ I. 1.

[961] This remarkable frieze is in the local museum at Delphi and is not as yet completely published.

[962] Herod. V. 3.

[963] Soph. frg. 782 ap. Strab. XV. 687.

[964] Eur. _Bacch._ 556.

[965] Diod. III. 4.

[966] _Ib._ 65.

[967] Diod. IV. 3.

[968] This was first, I believe, observed by Dr Head (_Hist. Num._ p. 176). In discussing the coinage of Lete in Macedonia he says: ‘The coin types all refer to the orgiastic rites practised in the worship of the mountain Bacchus, which originated in the country of the Satrae or Satyrs’ (Herod. VII. 111).

[969] Prof. Ridgeway (_Early Age of Greece_, vol. I. p. 343) identifies the Orreskii of the coins with the Orestae of Strabo (§ 434). He thinks the slight difference in form is due to a copyist’s mistake of τ for κ.

[970] Head, _Hist. Num._ p. 176.

[971] Nonnus, _Dionys._ XIII. 43

καὶ λασίων Σατύρων Κενταυρίδος αἷμα γενέθλης.

[972] _Il._ I. 262

κάρτιστοι μὲν ἔσαν καὶ καρτίστοις ἐμάχοντο
φηρσὶν ὀρεσκῴοισι.

[973] _Il._ II. 711

ὅτε φῆρας ἐτίσατο λαχνήεντας
τοὺς δ’ ἐκ Πηλίου ὦσε καὶ Αἰθίκεσσι πέλασσεν.

[974] _Od._ XXI. 303 ἐξ οὗ Κενταύροισι καὶ ἀνδράσι νεῖκος ἐτύχθη.

[975] Boston, _Inv._ No. 6508. _American Journal of Archaeology_ 1900, pl. VI. p. 441. The vase belongs to the class usually called ‘proto-Corinthian.’ Mr J. C. Hopkins prefers to call it ‘Argive.’

[976] _J.H.S._ vol. I. p. 130, fig. 1, published and discussed with other art representations by Mr Sidney Colvin.

[977] It is, it would seem, a mere chance that we have not what might be called a ‘fish Centaur.’ On an early black-figured vase (_R. Mitt._ II. 1887, Taf. viii.) we have a series of men represented as completely human, not with the body ending in fish tails, but with an extra fish tail added to the complete human body. These are the natural monster-forms of a people dwelling on the sea-coast.

[978] P. V. 19. 9.

[979] Pind. _Pyth._ III. 5.

[980] B.M. _Cat._ B 620. _J.H.S._ vol. I. pl. ii. p. 132.

[981] _Early Age of Greece_, vol. I. p. 177.

[982] An analogous case to the Satyrs and Centaurs has already been noted (p. 172), i.e. the Keres, regarded as Telchines, and of monstrous forms; and still more clear is the case of the Kyklopes (p. 190), barbarous monsters yet builders and craftsmen.

[983] Pind. frg. 44.

[984] _J.H.S._ I. Pl. ii. Engelmann, _Bilder-Atlas_, 110.

[985] The animal form assumed by Dionysos was (as will later be shown, p. 432) that of a bull. Had his own worshippers invented the monstrous Satyrs, they would probably have chosen the bull shape. With the horse Dionysos, unlike his attendants, has no affinities.

[986] Würzburg, No. 354. _Mon. d. Inst._ X. 8 a. _Myth. and Mon. Ancient Athens_, p. lxxix.

[987] The literature of this controversy is fully given and discussed by Dr K. Wernicke, ‘Bockschöre und Satyrdrama,’ _Hermes_ XXXII. 1897, p. 29.

[988] Since the above was written I see with great pleasure that Dr Emil Reisch in his article ‘Zur Vorgeschichte der attischen Tragödie’ (_Festschrift Theodor Gomperz_ 1902, p. 459) reasserts the old view that the horse-demons of the vases are Satyrs.

[989] Hes. frg. CXXIX.

[990] Plut. _Vit. Alex._ 2. For many references as to the Maenads I am indebted to the articles by Dr A. Rapp, ‘Die Maenade in gr. Cultus in der Kunst und Poesie,’ _Rhein. Mus._ 1872, pp. 1 and 562, and for references to the Thyiades to Dr Weniger’s _Das Collegium der Thyiaden_.

[991] Plut. _de Superstit._ X.

Μαινάδα Θυιάδα Φοιβάδα Λυσσάδα.

[992] Eur. _Bacch._ 977.

[993] Aesch. _Eum._ 22.

[994] Aesch. _Eum._ 19.

[995] P. X. 19. 3.

[996] Hermitage, _Cat._ 1807.

[997] Aesch. _Eum._ 1.

[998] See Dr Verrall, _Euripides the Rationalist_, p. 223. The same theological euphemism is observable in the Hymn to Dionysos recently discovered at Delphi and which will be discussed later (p. 417). Here there is a manifest attempt to fuse the worship of Apollo and Dionysos. Dionysos even adopts the characteristic Apolline title of Paean.

[999] P. X. 4. 2.

[1000] P. X. 6. 2.

[1001] P. X. 32. 7.

[1002] _De Is. et Os._ 35. Herodotus (VII. 178) mentions an altar of the winds at Delphi in a place called Thyia, which was the temenos of the heroine, who may herself have been a raging wind. The same precinct, we know from an inscription found at Delphi, was called Thyiai. See E. Bourguet, _Mélanges Perrot_, p. 25.

[1003] Plut. _de prin. frig._ XVIII.

[1004] Plut. _de mul. virt._ XIII.

[1005] Eur. _Bacch._ 683.

[1006] Plut. _de Ei apud Delph._ XX. 1 Φοῖβον δὲ δή που τὸ καθαρὸν καὶ ἁγνὸν οἱ παλαιοὶ πᾶν ὠνόμαζον ὡς ἔτι Θεσσαλοὶ τοὺς ἱερέας ἐν ταῖς ἀποφράσιν ἡμέραις αὐτοὺς ἐφ’ ἑαυτῶν ἔξω διατρίβοντας οἶμαι φοιβονομεῖσθαι, see _J.H.S._ XIX. p. 241.

[1007] Aesch. _Eum._ 6.

[1008] On a curious ‘Tyrrhenian’ amphora (Gerhard, _Auserlesene Vasenbilder_ 220), the scene of the slaying of Troilos is represented. This took place according to tradition in the Thymbraean sanctuary. The sanctuary is indicated by a regular omphalos covered by a fillet and against it is inscribed βωμός.

[1009] Aesch. _Ag._ 1275.

[1010] Eur. _Hec._ 827

ἡ Φοιβὰς ἣν καλοῦσι Κασσάνδραν Φρύγες.

[1011] Eur. _Bacch._ 664

βάκχας ποτνιάδας εἰσιδών, αἳ τῆσδε γῆς
οἴστροισι λευκὸν κῶλον ἐξηκόντισαν.

Mr Murray’s translation preserves the twofold connotation of the word, purity and inspired madness.

[1012] Phot. _Bibl._ V. 533ᵇ ὅτι τὸ ποτνιᾶσθαι κυριώτερον ἐπὶ γυναῖκας τάττεταί φησιν ὅταν κακόν τι πάσχῃ καὶ θήλειαν ἱκετεύῃ θεόν. ποτνιώμενον δὲ ἄνδρα ἄν τις εἴπῃ ἁμαρτάνει.

[1013] Diod. IV. 3.

[1014] _Oed. Col._ 670, trans. by Mr D. S. MacColl.

[1015] First published by Kondolleon, _Ath. Mitt._ XV. (1890) p. 330, discussed by E. Maass, _Hermes_ XXVI. (1891) p. 178, and S. Reinach, _Rev. des Études grecques_ III. (1890) p. 349, and O. Kern, _Beiträge zur Geschichte der griechischen Philosophie und Religion_, Berlin 1895.

[1016] ἀφίδρυμα Διονύσου.

[1017]

ὄφρα λάβητε
Μαινάδας αἱ γενεῆς Εἰνοῦς ἀπὸ Καδμηείης.
αἳ δ’ ὑμῖν δώσουσι καὶ ὄργια καὶ νόμιμ’ ἐσθλά.

[1018] Plut. _Vit. Alex._ 2.

[1019] Munich. Jahn, _Cat._ 382. _Greek Vase Paintings_, J. E. Harrison and D. S. MacColl, pl. XV. Baumeister, _Ab._ 928.

[1020] _J.H.S._ XIX. p. 220, fig. 6.

[1021] Head, _Hist. Num._ p. 461, fig. 287.

[1022] Plut. _Vit. Sol._ XII. Epimenides is as it were a historical Orpheus. Coming from Crete, he, like Orpheus (p. 460), modified Dionysiac ritual.

[1023] Plut. _Vit. Sol._ XXI.

[1024] Eur. _Bacch._ 485.

[1025] _Oed. Col._ 674, see p. 369.

[1026] _De Isid. et Os._ XXXV. καὶ θύουσιν οἱ Ὅσιοι θυσίαν ἀπόρρητον ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος ὅταν αἱ Θυιάδες ἐγείρωσι τὸν Λικνίτην.

[1027] The verb θυίω is used of the excited beating of the heart under strong emotion, e.g. Ap. Rhod. III. 754

πυκνὰ δέ οἱ κραδίη στηθέων ἔντοσθεν ἔθυιεν.

[1028] Plut. _Q. Gr._ XII. τῆς δὲ Ἡρωΐδος τὰ πλεῖστα μυστικὸν ἔχει λόγον ὃν ἴσασιν αἱ Θυιάδες, ἐκ δὲ τῶν δρωμένων φανερῶς Σεμέλης ἄν τις ἀναγωγὴν εἰκάσειε.

[1029] Eur. _Bacch._ 375

τὸν Βρόμιον
τὸν Σεμέλας.

_v._ 580

ὁ Σεμέλας,
ὁ Διὸς παῖς.

_v._ 278

ὁ Σεμέλης γόνος.

[1030] Ramsay, _Journal of Asiatic Soc._ XV. 1883, pp. 120 ff., and Latischew, _Für vergleichende Sprachforschung_, vol. XXVIII. pp. 381 ff. The inscriptions are explained and discussed in relation to Semele by Dr Paul Kretschmer, ‘Semele und Dionysos,’ in _Aus der Anomia_ (Berlin 1890), and to him I owe entirely the view adopted in the text.

[1031] P. VI. 20. 9.

[1032] I regret to be obliged to reproduce the publication of Tischbein (_Greek Vases_ I. 39). As regards style it is obviously inadequate. The vase has been examined by Mr Cecil Smith (_Jahrbuch d. Inst._ 1891, p. 120, note 17) and the reproduction of Tischbein is pronounced by him to be as regards subject-matter substantially correct.

[1033] B.M. _Cat._ vol. III. E 182, cf. C. Robert, _Archäologische Mährchen_ 161. Dr Robert explains the vase as the birth of Dionysos from the well-nymph Dirce, but vase-paintings offer no analogy to the representation of a well-nymph as a figure rising from the ground.

[1034] Cf. _Myth. and Mon. Anc. Athens_, p. xxxix.

[1035] Heydemann, _Cat. St Angelo Coll._ 172. Gerhard, _Ges. Abh._ Taf. LXVIII. The authenticity of the inscriptions has been questioned. I examined them last year in the Naples Museum and see no ground for suspicion.

[1036] An inscription of the 5th century B.C. recently discovered shows that at Thebes there was an actual sanctuary of Earth. It runs as follows: ἱαρὸν Γᾶς Μακαίρας Τελεσσφόρο. The titles μάκαιρα and τελεσφόρος are applied to Ge in the Orphic Hymn (xxvi. 1 and 10). See _Bull. de Corr. Hell._ 1901, p. 363.

[1037] Soph. _Ant._ 1139.

[1038] Eur. _Hipp._ 555.

[1039] Eur. _Bacch._ 1.

[1040] Such places were, if we may trust the _Etymologicon Magnum_, called ἐνηλύσια, which at least in popular etymology was believed to mean ‘Places of Advent.’ They are thus defined: ἐνηλύσια λέγεται εἰς ἃ κεραυνὸς εἰσβέβηκεν ἃ καὶ ἀνατίθεται Διῒ καταιβάτῃ καὶ λέγεται ἄδυτα καὶ ἄβατα.

[1041] P. IX. 16. 7.

[1042] Plut. _Q. Gr._ XXXVIII.

[1043] Lydus, _de mens._ IV. 96.

[1044] Eur. _Bacch._ 594.

[1045] Eur. _Bacch._ 1082.

[1046] Aristot. περὶ θαυμ. 122.

[1047] Pind. _Pyth._ III. 77 and schol. ad loc.

[1048] I have collected and discussed some instances of these in my article ‘Delphika,’ _J.H.S._ XIX. 1899, p. 238.

[1049] P. VIII. 31. 4, and at Gythium, P. III. 22. 1.

[1050] Porph. _Vit. Pyth._ XVII.

[1051] Dr Kretschmer (_Aus der Anomia_ p. 23) has shown that in all probability the second half of the name Dionysos (-νυσος) means ‘son’ or ‘young man’: it is the cognate of Lat. _nurus_ and of Gr. νύμφη, which in the compound κακόνυμφος (Eur. _Alc._ 206, 990) appears in masculine form. On the fragment of an early black-figured vase signed by Sophilos, three nymphs appear with the inscription Νῦσαι which seems equivalent to κόραι or νύμφαι or παρθένοι (_A. Mitt._ XIV. Taf. i.). Aristophanes seems to have vaguely felt or imagined some connection between the last half of the word and Nysa, the birthplace of the god, in his Νυσήιον Διὸς Διόνυσον (_Ran._ 215) echoed by Apollonius Rhodius in Διὸς Νυσήιον υἷα (_Arg._ IV. 1132). Dionysos then is practically either Διόσκουρος, a term of wide application, or possibly child of the tribe of Dioi (see p. 372). Dr Kretschmer further points out that the fluctuation in inscriptions between ι and ε (Δεόνυσος and Διόνυσος) is best accounted for by Thracian origin, as the Thracians appear to have had a vowel which was not exactly either, and was indifferently rendered in Greek by both. Probably then, though not certainly, Dionysos brought his name with him from the North.

[1052] _Jahrbuch des Inst._ 1891, Taf. I. Sufficient fragments of the vase remain to show that the scene represented was the presentation of Dionysos to the Olympians.

[1053] Eur. _Bacch._ 535.

[1054] Eur. _Bacch._ 416.

[1055] Ar. _Ran._ 331.

[1056] Preller (3rd ed. p. 665) goes so far as to say ‘Βρόμιος scheint nur poetisches Beiwort zu sein.’

[1057] Pind. frg. 45

τὸν Βρόμιον τὸν Ἐριβόαν τε καλέομεν.

[1058] Pind. _Ol._ II. 27

ζώει μὲν ἐν Ὀλυμπίοις ἀποθανοῦσα βρόμῳ
κεραυνοῦ τανυέθειρα Σεμέλα.

[1059] Strabo X. p. 470.

[1060] _Anthol. Pal._ IX. 368

Εἰς οἶνον ἀπὸ κριθῆς.

Τίς; πόθεν εἶς Διόνυσε; μὰ γὰρ τὸν ἀληθέα Βάκχον
οὔ σ’ ἐπιγιγνώσκω· τὸν Διὸς οἶδα μόνον.
κεῖνος νέκταρ ὄδωδε, σὺ δὲ τράγον· ἦ ῥά σε Κελτοὶ
τῇ πενίῃ βοτρύων τεῦξαν ἀπ’ ἀσταχύων.
τῷ σε χρὴ καλέειν Δημήτριον, οὐ Διόνυσον,
πυρογενῆ μᾶλλον καὶ βρόμον οὐ Βρόμιον.

The epigram is discussed and the play on πυριγενῆ, πυρογενῆ, βρόμος and Βρόμιος rightly observed by Hehn (_Kulturpflanzen_, 6th ed. p. 147), and to his book and Schrader’s _Reallexicon_ I am indebted for many references. Hehn misses the point of τράγος but it was noted long ago by Couring in the _Thesaurus_ of Stephanos (2342 B) s.v. τράγος. He remarks apropos of the epigram: ‘non hircum sed ex olyra et tritico confectum panem.’ See also Dr W. Headlam, _Cl. Rev._ 1901, p. 23.

[1061] Mr Francis Darwin kindly tells me that τράγος is said to be a kind of wheat known now as _triticum amylaeum_. It is akin to spelt, _triticum spelta_, the ancient ζεία. βρόμος is some form of oats, in modern Greek βρώμη. It is of interest to note that in the 4th century B.C. βρόμος was an important cereal accounted as more wholesome than barley. This is clear from the words of the physician Dieuches: γίνεται δὲ ἄλφιτον καὶ ἀπὸ τοῦ βρόμου. φρύγεται δὲ σὺν τῷ ἀχύρῳ πᾶν. ἀποπήσσεταί τε καὶ τρίβεται καὶ ἐρύκεται καθάπερ καὶ τὸ κρίθινον ἄλφιτον. τοῦτο τὸ ἄλφιτον κρεῖττον καὶ ἀφυσώτερόν ἐστι τοῦ κριθίνου (_xxi. veter. et clar. medic. Graec. var. opusc._ ed. F. de Matthaei, Mosquae 1808, p. 39; see Hehn, _Kulturpfl._ 7th edit. p. 553). By the time of Galen it seems to have fallen into comparative disuse, displaced probably by the richer cereals. He says (_de aliment. facult._ I. 14): τροφὴ δ’ ἐστὶν ὑποζυγίων οὐκ ἀνθρώπων, εἰ μή ποτε ἄρα λιμώττοντες ἐσχάτως ἀναγκασθεῖεν, ἐκ τούτου τοῦ σπέρματος. The modern history of oats presents a close analogy. Displaced in the south by the richer wheat it remains the staple food of the northern Scot, and is the food of cattle only in the south.

[1062] H. Weil, _Bull. de Corr. Hell._ XIX. p. 401

[Δεῦρ’ ἄνα Δ]ιθύραμβε, Βάκχ’,
ε[ὔϊε θυρσῆ]ρες, Βραϊ-
τά, Βρόμι(ε), ἠρινα[ῖς ἱκοῦ
ταῖσδ(ε)] ἱεραῖς ἐν ὥραις.

Dr Weil suggests “faut-il le rattacher à Ϝραίω = ῥαίω et l’expliquer ‘celui qui frappe et qui brise’?”

[1063] Ducange s.v. braisum: grana ad conficiendam braisum cerevisiam praeparata.

[1064] Dem. _de Cor._ 313.

[1065] Theophr. _Char._ LXXVII.

[1066] Clem. Al. _Protr._ II. Arnob. _c. gent._ V. p. 170.

[1067] Diod. IV. 4.

[1068] Strab. X. 3 § 471.

[1069] Ar. _Av._ 875

καὶ φρυγίλῳ Σαβαζίῳ καὶ στρουθῷ μεγάλῃ
μητρὶ θεῶν καὶ ἀνθρώπων.

[1070] Ar. _Lys._ 388.

[1071] Ar. _Vesp._ 5-12. The word βουκολεῖς (_v._ 6) points to the βουκόλοι, priests or attendants of the bull-Dionysos.

[1072] Ammian. Marcell. 26. 8. 2: est autem sabaia ex ordeo vel frumento in liquorem conversis paupertinus in Illyrico potus. O. Schrader, _Reallexikon_ p. 89, points out that the derivation of Sabazios from _sabaia_ is possible, if the view of Kretschmer (_Einleitung_ p. 195) be accepted that Sabazios represents an earlier _Savadios_; he compares the old Gallic divinity Braciaca ‘God of Malt.’ Mr A. B. Cook kindly drew my attention to the remark of De Vit in his edition of Forcellini’s _Lexicon_, s.v. sabaia: ‘unde etiam _zabaion_ vulgo apud nostrates’ (Venetos?).

[1073] Hieron. _Com._ 7 _in Is._ cap. 19: quod genus est potionis ex frugibus aquaque confectum et vulgo in Dalmatiae Pannoniaeque provinciis gentili barbaroque sermone appellatur _sabaium_.

[1074] This was first observed by Grimm (_Geschichte d. d. Sprache_ p. 66), see Hehn, _Kulturpflanzen_, 7th edit. p. 550, but Hehn’s explanation of the custom does not seem satisfactory. Our custom of calling inferior varieties of plants by _dog_-names, e.g. Dog-Rose, Dog-Violet, seems analogous.

[1075] For the group of words denoting ‘dregs’ e.g. O.P. _dragios_, with which τρυγῳδία is connected, see Schrader, _Prehistoric Antiquities_ p. 322, and Hehn, _Kulturpflanzen_ p. 159.

[1076] For the literature of this protracted controversy see U. v. Wilamowitz, Eur. _Her._ I. p. 32; A. Körte, _Jahrbuch d. Inst._ 1893, VIII. p. 61; Löschke, _A. Mitt._ XV. 1894, p. 518; K. Wernicke, _Hermes_ 1897, p. 290; Bethe, _Proleg._ p. 48. My own view was first suggested in the _Classical Rev._ July 1902, p. 331.

[1077] Aesch. frg. 190 ap. Plut. _Mor._ p. 86 τοῦ δὲ σατύρου τὸ πῦρ ὡς πρῶτον ὤφθη βουλομένου φιλῆσαι καὶ περιλαβεῖν ὁ Προμηθεύς

τράγος γένειον ἆρα πενθήσεις σύγε.

[1078] Porph. _de antr. nymph._ 7.

[1079] Plat. _Symp._ § 203.

[1080] Plut. _Symp._ IV. 6.

[1081] Brugsch, _Religion und Mythologie d. alten Egypter_, p. 647.

[1082] Xen. _Anab._ IV. 5. 26 ἐνῆσαν δὲ καὶ αὐταὶ αἱ κριθαὶ ἰσοχειλεῖς.

[1083] Lasicius, _De Diis Sarmagitarum_, p. 44.

[1084] Archil. frg. ap. Athen. X. 67 § 447. Bergk 32

ὥσπερ παρ’ αὐλῷ βρῦτον ἢ Θρῆιξ ἀνὴρ
ἢ Φρὺξ ἔβρυζε.

[1085] Aesch. frg. 123 ap. Athen. loc. cit.

[1086] Diod. V. 26.

[1087] In the north as to-day the Beer-god retained his supremacy. It is interesting to note that the British saint, St Brigida, re-performed the miracle of Cana with the characteristically northern modification that she turned the water into excellent beer: _Christi autem ancilla videns quia tunc illico non poterat invenire cerevisiam, aquam ad balneum portatam benedixerit et in optimam cerevisiam conversa est a Deo et abundanter sitientibus propinata est_. _Acta SS. Febr._ I. Vita IV. S. Brigidae cap. IV. quoted by Hehn, _op. cit._ p. 149. In the Egyptian _Book of the Dead_ (Chap. CX.) the desire of the soul is for cakes and _ale_.

[1088] Hehn, _Kulturpflanzen_, 7th edit. p. 154.

[1089] Eur. _Hipp._ 141.

[1090] Plut. _de Is. et Osir._ LXIX. Φρύγες δὲ τὸν θεὸν οἰόμενοι χειμῶνος καθεύδειν, θέρους δ’ ἐγρηγορέναι, τότε μὲν κατευνασμούς, τότε δ’ ἀνεγέρσεις βακχεύοντες αὐτῷ τελοῦσι. Παφλαγόνες δὲ καταδεῖσθαι καὶ καθείργνυσθαι χειμῶνος, ἦρος δὲ κινεῖσθαι καὶ ἀναλύεσθαι φάσκουσι. The earlier portion of this passage deals with the analogous cult of Demeter (p. 128) already discussed.

[1091] Berlin, _Cat._ 2290. _Wiener Vorlegeblätter_, Serie A, Taf. VI.

[1092] Plut. _Quaest. R._ CXII.

[1093] Pliny _N.H._ XVI. 62.

[1094] Eur. _Bacch._ 55.

[1095] _Annali d. Inst._ 1862, Tav. d’agg. C.

[1096] Perdrizet, _Bull. de Corr. Hell._ 1900, p. 322.

[1097] Plut. _de Is. et Os._ XXXV. ὅτι δ’ οὐ μόνον τοῦ οἴνου Διόνυσον ἀλλὰ καὶ πάσης ὑγρᾶς φύσεως Ἕλληνες ἡγοῦνται κύριον καὶ ἀρχηγὸν ἀρκεῖ Πίνδαρος μάρτυς εἶναι λέγων·

Δενδρέων δὲ νόμον Διόνυσος πολυγηθής αὐξάνοι
ἁγνὸν φέγγος ὀπώρας.

[1098] Plut. _Symp._ IX. 14. 4.

[1099] Eur. _Bacch._ 274.

[1100] The doctrine of Teiresias was wide-spread in Greece by the time of Diodorus. He says (IV. 3): καθόλου δὲ μυθολογοῦσι τῶν θεῶν μεγίστης ἀποδοχῆς τυγχάνειν παρ’ ἀνθρώποις τοὺς ταῖς εὐεργεσίαις ὑπερβαλομένους κατὰ τὴν εὕρεσιν τῶν ἀγαθῶν Διόνυσόν τε καὶ Δήμητρα, τὸν μὲν τοῦ προσηνεστάτου ποτοῦ γενόμενον εὑρέτην, τὴν δὲ τῆς ξηρᾶς τροφῆς τὴν κρατίστην παραδοῦσαν τῷ γένει τῶν ἀνθρώπων.

[1101] _Myth. and Mon. Anc._ Athens, pp. 44-50.

[1102] B.M. _Cat._ B 264. Gerhard, _Auserlesene Vasenbilder_, Taf. 38.

[1103] Eur. _Bacch._ 99.

[1104] Eur. _Bacch._ 918.

[1105] Eur. _Bacch._ 1017

φάνηθι ταῦρος ἢ πολύκρανος ἰδεῖν
δράκων ἢ πυριφλέγων ὁρᾶσθαι λέων.

[1106] Schol. ad Lyc. _Al._ 1237 κερατοφοροῦσι γὰρ καὶ αὗται κατὰ μίμησιν Διονύσου, ταυρόκρανος γὰρ φαντάζεται καὶ ζωγραφεῖται.

[1107] Plut. _de Is. et Os._ XXXV.

[1108] Athen. § 425 C.

[1109] Soph. _Trach._ 9.

[1110] Soph. frg. 548.

[1111] _Archäologische Zeitung_ XVI. (1883), Taf. 11. This vase is now in the Louvre.

[1112] Gerhard, _Auserlesene Vasenbilder_, Taf. 47.

[1113] Eur. _Bacch._ 519.

[1114] Plato _Legg._ III. 700 B ἄλλο εἶδος ᾠδῆς Διονύσου γένεσις, οἶμαι, διθύραμβος λεγόμενος.

[1115] Pind. _Ol._ XIII. 18

ταὶ Διωνύσου πόθεν ἐξέφανεν
σὺν βοηλάτᾳ χάριτες διθυράμβῳ;

[1116] Plut. _Q. Gr._ XXXVI.

Ἐλθεῖν ἥρω Διόνυσε
Ἀλείων ἐς ναόν,
ἁγνὸν σὺν χαρίτεσσιν
ἐς ναὸν τῷ βοέῳ ποδὶ θύων.
Ἄξιε ταῦρε, ἄξιε ταῦρε.

[1117]

[Δεῦρ’ ἄνα Δ]ιθύραμβε, Βάκχ’,
ε[ὔιε θυρσῆ]ρες, Βραϊ-
τά, Βρόμι(ε), ἠρινα[ῖς ἱκοῦ
ταῖσδ(ε)] ἱεραῖς ἐν ὥραις.
Εὐοῖ ὦ ἰὸ [Βάκχ’ ὦ ἰὲ Παιὰ]ν
[ὃ]ν Θήβαις ποτ’ ἐν εὐίαις
Ζη[νὶ γείνατο] καλλίπαις Θυώνα.
πάντες δ’ [ἀστέρες ἀγχ]όρευ-
σαν, πάντες δὲ βροτοὶ χ[άρη-
σαν σαῖς], Βάκχιε, γένναις.

I have followed throughout Dr H. Weil’s version.

[1118] Plut. _de Is. et Os._ XXXV.

[1119] Plut. _de Ei ap. Delph._ IX.

[1120] The suggestion that follows as to the connection of the word Dithyramb with Thriae is only given tentatively. It is also possible that the word Dithyramb may be of foreign origin. Epiphanius (_Adv. Haeres._ vol. I. bk iii. p. 1093 D) tells of a goddess in Egypt, worshipped with orgiastic rites under the name Τίθραμβος. She was akin to Hecate (ἄλλοι δὲ τῇ Τιθράμβῳ Ἑκάτην ἑρμηνευομένην). Τίθραμβος may have come with other orgiastic elements from Crete to Thrace (see p. 460).

[1121] Suidas s.v. λέγουσι γὰρ θρίασιν τὴν τῶν ποιητῶν μανίαν.

[1122] Philoch. frg. 125 ap. Zenob. _prov. cent._ V. 75 Φιλόχορός φησιν ὅτι νύμφαι κατεῖχον τὸν Παρνασσὸν τροφοὶ Ἀπόλλωνος τρεῖς καλούμεναι Θριαί, ἀφ’ ὧν αἱ μαντικαὶ ψῆφοι θριαὶ καλοῦνται.

[1123] _Hom. Hymn. ad Merc._ 551-563. I accept Hermann’s reading Θριαί for Μοῖραι, cf. Gemoll ad loc.

[1124] For a full account of ‘the Bee in Greek Mythology’ see Mr A. B. Cook, _J.H.S._ XV. 1895, p. 1.

[1125] Eur. _Hipp._ 555.

[1126] θρίαμβος translated by the Romans into the plain prose of ‘triumph’ seems to have remained to the Greeks a poetical word consecrated to poetical usage. Conon says indeed of Tereus in telling the story of Philomela: τέμνει τὴν αὐτῆς γλῶσσαν δεδιὼς τὸν ἐκ λόγων θρίαμβον (_Narrat._ XXXI.), but the story and the usage of the word seem borrowed from some poetical source. Sir Richard Jebb kindly draws my attention to the fact that in our earliest literary mention of the _thriambos_ (Kratinos, Koch frg. 36) it is apparently sung by a female singer:

ὅτε σὺ τοὺς καλοὺς θριάμβους ἀναρύτουσ’ ἀπηχθάνου.

[1127] See Mr Gilbert Murray, _Euripides_ p. lxvii.

[1128] Eur. _Bacch._ 699.

[1129] _Ib._ 862.

[1130] _Ib._ 723.

[1131] Nietzsche has drawn in this respect a contrast, beautiful and profoundly true, between the religion and art of Apollo and Dionysos. Apollo, careful to remain his splendid self, projects an image, a dream, and calls it _god_. It is illusion (_Schein_), its watchword is limitation (_Maass_), Know thyself, Nothing too much. Dionysos breaks all bonds; his motto is the limitless (_Uebermaass_), Excess, Ecstasy. _Das Individuum mit allen seinen Grenzen und Maassen ging hier in der Selbstvergessenheit der dionysischen Zustände unter, und vergass die apollinischen Satzungen_ (Nietzsche, _Die Geburt der Tragödie_, p. 37).

[1132] Ath. XI. 31 § 427.

[1133] Plat. _Legg._ p. 775.

[1134] _Ib._ p. 637.

[1135] Ath. XI. 4 § 461.

[1136] Ath. XI. 51 § 476.

[1137] Plut. _De adul. et amic._ VII.

[1138] Diod. IV. 3.

[1139] _Boston Museum Annual Report_, 1901, p. 60, No. 20. P. Hartung, _Strena Helbigiana_, p. 111.

[1140] Bacchyl. _Paean_, Bergk 13, trans. by Mr D. S. MacColl.

[1141] Brit. Mus. _Cat._ E 439, pl. XV. On the reverse a Satyr plays the flute to his master’s dancing.

[1142] Bibliothèque Nationale, _Cat._ 576. P. Hartwig, _Meisterschalen_ XXXIII. 1.

[1143] Athens, Nat. Mus. _Inv._ 3442. _Bull. de Corr. Hell._ XIX. 1895, p. 94.

[1144] Eur. _Bacch._ 135.

[1145] Eur. _Bacch._ 409.

[1146] Herod. II. 81 ὁμολογέουσι δὲ ταῦτα τοῖσι Ὀρφικοῖσι καλεομένοισι καὶ Βακχικοῖσι, ἐοῦσι δὲ Αἰγυπτίοισι καὶ Πυθαγορείοισι.

[1147] Eur. _Hipp._ 954

Ὀρφέα τ’ ἄνακτ’ ἔχων
βάκχευε.

[1148] Apollod. I. 3. 2, 3.

[1149] Diod. III. 65 πολλὰ μεταθεῖναι τῶν ἐν τοῖς ὀργίοις.

[1150] E. Maass, _Orpheus_. To Dr Maass’s learned book I owe much, but I am reluctantly compelled to differ from his main contention.

[1151] Conon, _Narr._ XLV. φιλόμουσον τὸ Θρᾴκων καὶ Μακεδόνων γένος.

[1152] Strabo X. 3 § 722.

[1153] Strabo VII. 7 § 315.

[1154] Eur. _Bacch._ 560.

[1155] Eur. _Alc._ 579.

[1156] In the Church of S. Apollinare in Classe. See Kurth, _Mosaiken von der christlich. Era_, Taf. XXVII.

[1157] Berlin Mus. _Cat._ 3172; _Progr. Winckelmannsfeste_, Berlin, No. 50, Taf. II.; Roscher, _Lexicon_, vol. III. p. 1179.

[1158] Herod. VII. 75.

[1159] Diod. IV. 25.

[1160] These wanderings by sea may perhaps be reflected in the voyage of the Argonauts.

[1161] Roscher, _Lexicon_, vol. III. p. 1181, fig. 5. The vase was formerly in the Dutuit collection.

[1162] Plat. _Symp._ 179 C. Phanocles (ap. Stob. _serm._ LXIV.) makes Orpheus suffer for his introduction of paiderastia, the introduction of which is attributed by Aristotle (_Pol._ II. 10) to the _Cretan_ Minos.

[1163] Prokl. ad Plat. _Polit._ p. 398 Ὀρφεὺς ἅτε τῶν Διονύσου τελετῶν ἡγεμὼν γενόμενος τὰ ὅμοια παθεῖν λέγεται τῷ σφετέρῳ θεῷ.

[1164] Eratosth. _Catast._ XXIV. Since the above was written M. Salomon Reinach’s interesting paper ‘La Mort d’Orphée’ (_Rev. Arch._ 1902, p. 242) has appeared. He sees in Orpheus a fox-totem of the Bassarids. But the traits of Orpheus recorded by tradition seem to me exclusively human. I am more inclined to see in his dismemberment the echo of some tradition of ‘secondary burial,’ such as is known to have been practised in primitive Egypt and, significantly, in Crete, at Palaiokastro. See _J.H.S._ 1902, p. 386.

[1165] Hypoth. ad _Orph. Lith._

[1166] Soph. frg. 523.

[1167] Soph. frg. 1017. The attribution to Sophocles is doubtful.

[1168] Evidence of the use of οἱ σοφοί to indicate the Orphics has been collected by Dr J. Adam in his edition of the _Republic_, Vol. II. p. 378.

[1169] Museo Gregoriano II. 60. 1; Roscher, _Lexicon_ III. p. 1187, fig. 12.

[1170] _J.H.S._ 1888, pl. I. On another vase in the British Museum (Cat. E 301) a Maenad pursuing Orpheus is tattooed on the right arm and both insteps with a ladder-like pattern.

[1171] Plut. _de ser. num. vind._ XII. οὐδὲ γὰρ Θρᾷκας ἐπαινοῦμεν ὅτι στίζουσιν ἄχρι νῦν τιμωροῦντες Ὀρφεῖ τὰς αὑτῶν γυναῖκας, and Phanocles ap. Stob. _Florileg._ p. 399 _v._ 13 says:

ποινὰς δ’ Ὀρφῆϊ κταμένῳ στίζουσι γυναῖκας
εἰς ἔτι νῦν κείνης εἵνεκεν ἀμπλακίης.

[1172] _Early Age of Greece_, vol. I. p. 398.

[1173] Soph. _Ant._ 962.

[1174] Plut. _Symp._ VIII. Proem.

[1175] Philostr. _Her._ V. § 704 ἡ κεφαλὴ γὰρ μετὰ τὸ τῶν γυναικῶν ἔργον ἐς Λέσβον κατασχοῦσα ῥῆγμα τῆς Λέσβου ᾤκισε καὶ ἐν κοίλῃ τῇ γῇ ἐχρησμῴδει.

[1176] Philostr. _Her._ V. § 704.

[1177] Lucian _adv. indoct._ 11.

[1178] _Antiq. Hist. Mir._ V.

[1179] Minervini, _Bull. Arch. Nap._ vol. VI. 1857, Tav. IV.; Roscher, _Lexicon_ III. p. 1178, fig. 3. The vase was last seen by Prof. Furtwängler in the Barone collection; where it now is I am unable to say. On the reverse of the vase (not figured here) a Muse is handing a lyre to a woman.

[1180] Plut. _de defect. orac._ XLV.

[1181] The scholiast on the _Plutus_ of Aristophanes _v._ 39, commenting on the words ἔλακεν ἐκ στεμμάτων, says that persons who consulted an oracle made their inquiries of the god in writing. They wrote on a tablet (ἐν πυκτίῳ) placed in the shrine for that purpose and wreathing it with garlands gave it to the divining priest. But this information has an apocryphal air.

[1182] Eur. _Alc._ 962.

[1183] Schol. ad Eur. _Alc._ 968 ὁ δὲ φυσικὸς Ἡράκλειτος ... γράφων οὕτως ‘τὸ δὲ τοῦ Διονύσου κατεσκεύασται ἐπὶ τῆς Θρᾴκης ἐπὶ τοῦ καλουμένου Αἵμου, ὅπου δή τινας ἐν σανίσιν ἀναγραφὰς εἶναί φασιν.’

[1184] According to Diodorus, Linos and Orpheus both used ‘Pelasgic’ letters, and in them Linos wrote the deeds of Dionysos. τόνδ’ οὖν Λίνον φασὶ τοῖς Πελασγικοῖς γράμμασι συνταξάμενον τὰς τοῦ πρώτου Διονύσου πράξεις καὶ τὰς ἄλλας μυθολογίας ἀπολιπεῖν ἐν τοῖς ὑπομνήμασιν. ὁμοίως δὲ τούτοις χρήσασθαι τοῖς Πελασγικοῖς γράμμασι τὸν Ὀρφέα.

[1185] Philostr. _Vit. Apoll._ XIV. 151. Dr Deubner (_de Incubat._ p. 11) notes that ἐφίστασθαι is the regular word used for sudden divine apparitions.

[1186] Conon, _Narr._ XLV. The narrative concludes thus: λαβόντες οὖν (τὴν κεφαλὴν) ὑπὸ σήματι μεγάλῳ θάπτουσι, τέμενος αὐτῷ περιείρξαντες, ὃ τέως μὲν ἡρῷον ἦν, ὕστερον δ’ ἐξενίκησεν ἱερὸν εἶναι· θυσίαις τε γὰρ καὶ ὅσοις ἄλλοις θεοὶ τιμῶνται γεραίρεται· ἔστι δὲ γυναιξὶ παντελῶς ἄβατον.

[1187] Ael. _V.H._ XII. 8.

[1188] Phleg. _Mirab._ III. It is possible that the trait of the severed head was borrowed from the ritual of Adonis at Byblos. See C. Fries. _N. Jahrb. Kl. Alt._ VI. 1903, Heft 1.

[1189] Strab. VII. frgs. 17, 18 and 19.

[1190] P. IX. 30. 12.

[1191] The worship of Eros by the Lycomids will be discussed later (p. 644).

[1192] Ar. _Ran._ 1032.

[1193] S. August. _de civit. dei_ XVIII. 14: Verum isti theologi non pro diis culti sunt quamvis Orpheum nescio quomodo inferiis sacris praeficere soleat civitas impiorum.

[1194] Athen. XIV. 32 § 632.

[1195] P. X. 7. 2.

[1196] [Eur.] _Rhes._ 941.

[1197] Herod. VII. 6.

[1198] Tat. _adv. Graec._ XLI. 271 τὰ ὑπ’ αὐτοῦ ἐπιφερόμενά φασιν ὑπὸ Ὀνομακρίτου τοῦ Ἀθηναίου συντετάχθαι.

[1199] Clem. Al. _Str._ I. 332 Ὀνομάκριτος οὗ τὰ εἰς Ὀρφέα φερόμενα λέγεται εἶναι κατὰ τὴν τῶν Πεισιστρατιδῶν ἀρχὴν περὶ τὴν πεντηκοστὴν Ὀλυμπιάδα.

[1200] P. VIII. 37. 5.

[1201] Plato _Phaed._ p. 69 C εἰσὶ γὰρ δὴ φασὶν οἱ περὶ τὰς τελετὰς ναρθηκοφόροι μὲν πολλοί, Βάκχοι δέ τε παῦροι. Olympiod. ad loc. παρῳδεῖ πανταχοῦ τὰ τοῦ Ὀρφέως, διὸ καὶ στίχον αὐτοῦ φησί·

Πολλοὶ μὲν ναρθηκοφόροι, παῦροι δέ τε Βάκχοι.

ναρθηκοφόρους οὐ μὴν Βάκχους τοὺς πολιτικοὺς καλῶν Βάκχους δὲ τοὺς καθαρτικούς.

[1202] Published by Dr Sam. Wide, _A. Mitt._ XIX. (1894), p. 248; discussed by Dr Ernst Maass, _Orpheus_ (1895); see Dr Erwin Rohde, _Kleine Schriften_, p. 293.

Line 63 οὐδενὶ δὲ ἐξέσται ἐν τῆι στιβάδι οὔτε ἆισαι | οὔτε θορυβῆσαι οὔτε κροτῆσαι μετὰ δὲ | πάσης εὐκοσμίας καὶ ἡσυχίας τοὺς μερισ|μοὺς λέγειν καὶ ποιεῖν προστάσσοντος | τοῦ ἱερέως ἢ τοῦ ἀρχιβάκχου.

Line 135 εὔκοσμος δὲ κληρούσθω ἢ καθισ|τάσθω ὑπὸ τοῦ ἱερέως ἐπιφέρων τῶι ἀκοσ|μοῦντι ἢ θορυβοῦντι τὸν θύρσον τοῦ θε|οῦ ὧι δὲ ἂν παρατεθῆι ὁ θύρσος ἐπικρεί|ναντος τοῦ ἱερέως ἢ τοῦ ἀρχιβάκχου | ἐξερχέσθω τοῦ ἑστιατορείου. ἐὰν δὲ ἀ|πειθῆι αἱρέτωσαν αὐτὸν ἔξω τοῦ πυλῶ|νος οἱ κατασταθησόμενοι ὑπὸ τῶν | ἱερέων ἵπποι, καὶ ἔστω ὑπεύθυνος | τοῖς περὶ τῶν μαχομένων προστεί|μοις.

[1203] Pind. _Ol._ V. 24.

[1204] _Isth._ IV. 14.

[1205] _Pyth._ II. 34.

[1206] Pind. _Pyth._ III. 59.

[1207] _Isth._ VI. 36.

[1208] _Ol._ XIII. 92.

[1209] Soph. _Oed. Col._ 607, trans. Mr Gilbert Murray.

[1210] Ar. _Ran._ 849; see Nauck ad loc.

[1211] The restoration attempted by Dr Körte (_Die Kreter des Euripides_, Aufsätze Ernst Curtius gewidmet, p. 197), on evidence drawn from Etruscan urns, seems to me quite uncertain.

[1212] Eur. frg. 475 ap. Porph. _De Abst._ IV. 19, trans. Mr Gilbert Murray.

[1213] Mr Murray translates the MS. reading:

μύστης γενόμην
καὶ νυκτιπόλου Ζαγρέως βροντὰς
τάς τ’ ὠμοφάγους δαῖτας τελέσας.

For βροντὰς Dr Diels would read βούτας, i.e. βουκόλος. (See Dieterich, _De Hymnis Orphicis_, p. 11, and cf. Eur. frg. 203.) This emendation seems to me probable, but as both MS. readings and all suggested emendations are uncertain I have based no argument on the word βροντάς.

[1214] _v._ 10 Διὸς Ἰδαίου μύστης γενόμην.

[1215] Eur. frg. 904 ap. Clem. Al. _Strom._ V. p. 688.

[1216] Ap. _Etym. Gud._ p. 227. The lexicographers explain the title as meaning mighty hunter, but in the ritual Zagreus is more hunted than hunter.

[1217] Plut. _de Ei_ IX. Διόνυσον δὲ καὶ Ζαγρέα καὶ Νυκτέλιον καὶ Ἰσοδαίτην αὐτὸν ὀνομάζουσι. Taking the three ritual titles in conjunction it seems almost certain that Ἰσοδαίτης refers to the ὠμόφαγοι δαῖτες of the Zagreus ritual shared alike by all mystics.

[1218] _v._ 11 τάς τ’ ὠμοφάγους δαῖτας τελέσας.

[1219] Eur. frg. 476 καὶ ταυροδέτῳ κόλλῃ κραθεῖσ’.

[1220] A. Evans, _Annual of British School at Athens_, vol. VII. p. 18, fig. 7 _a_.

[1221] D. Hogarth, _J.H.S._ vol. XXII. 1902, p. 76 and plates VI.-IX.

[1222] _Op. cit._ nos. 17-18, and _Ann. B.S.A._ VII. fig. 45.

[1223] See supr. p. 452.

[1224] Plut. _de defect. orac._ XIV.

[1225] Clem. Al. _Protr._ II. 12 Διόνυσον μαινόλην ὀργιάζουσι Βάκχοι ὠμοφαγίᾳ τὴν ἱερομηνίαν (? ἱερομανίαν) ἄγοντες καὶ τελέσκουσι τὰς κρεανομίας τῶν φόνων ἀνεστεμμένοι τοῖς ὄφεσιν, ἐπολολύζοντες Εὔαν κτλ.; and again speaking of the analogous ceremonies of the Korybants Clement (_Protr._ II. 6) says: καὶ ταῦτ’ ἔστι τὰ μυστήρια, συνελόντι φάναι, φόνοι καὶ τάφοι.

[1226] Clem. Al. _Protr._ II. 17 τὰ γὰρ Διονύσου μυστήρια τέλεον ἀπάνθρωπα, ὃν εἰσέτι παῖδα ὄντα ἐνόπλῳ κινήσει περιχορευόντων Κουρήτων δόλῳ δὲ ὑποδύντων Τιτάνων ἀπατήσαντες παιδαριώδεσιν ἀθύρμασιν οὗτοι δὴ οἱ Τιτᾶνες διέσπασαν ἔτι νηπίαχον ὄντα ὡς ὁ τῆς τελετῆς ποιητὴς Ὀρφεύς φησιν ὁ Θρᾴκιος: and _Protr._ XII. 119 referring to the _Bacchae_ he speaks of the Maenads as αἱ δύσαγνον κρεανομίαν μυούμεναι.

[1227] Arnob. V. 19 atque _vos plenos Dei numine ac majestate docentes_ caprorum reclamantium viscera cruentatis oribus dissipatis: the words in italics shew that Arnobius understood the real gist of the rite.

[1228] Porphyr. _De Abst._ II. 55 ἔθυον δὲ καὶ ἐν Χίῳ τῷ Ὠμαδίῳ Διονύσῳ ἄνθρωπον διασπῶντες καὶ ἐν Τενέδῳ ὥς φησιν Εὔελπις ὁ Καρύστιος.

[1229] Ap. Porphyr. _De Abst._ II. 56. Clement (_Protr._ III. 4) says, citing as his authority the _Nostoi_ of Antikleides, that this human sacrifice was offered by the Lyctii, a Cretan tribe.

[1230] Firmicus Maternus _de err. profan._ relig. c. 6 Cretenses, ut furentis tyranni saevitiam mitigarent, festos funeris dies statuunt et annuum sacrum trieterica consecratione componunt, omnia per ordinem facientes, quae puer moriens aut fecit aut passus est. Vivum laniant dentibus taurum, crudeles epulas annuis commemorationibus excitantes et per secreta silvarum clamoribus dissonis ejulantes fingunt animi furentis insaniam ut illud facinus non per fraudem factum sed per insaniam crederetur.

[1231] If any one finds the tearing of the bull with the teeth a hard saying, he may be reassured by the statement of Nonnus (_Dionys._ VI. 205) that the bull-shaped Dionysos was cut in little bits _by a knife_, which would greatly facilitate matters:

ἀμοιβαίῃ δὲ φονῆες
ταυροφυῆ Διόνυσον ἐμιστύλλοντο μαχαίρῃ.

[1232] _Nili opera_, Narrat. III. 28, Migne, Patrol. LXXIX. I owe this reference to Nilus to Prof. Robertson Smith’s _Religion of the Semites_ p. 320, but as the passage is of cardinal importance in relation to the account of Firmicus I have substituted a translation for his summary.

[1233] Porphyr. _De Abst._ II. 48.

[1234] One of the titles of Dionysos, i.e. Eiraphiotes, is as Mr R. A. Neil has pointed out the etymological equivalent of the Sanscrit _varsabha_, _bull_: see _Golden Bough_, 2nd edit. vol. II. p. 164.

[1235] Ar. _Ran._ 355 μηδὲ Κρατίνου τοῦ ταυροφάγου γλώττης Βακχεῖ’ ἐτελέσθη, trans. Rogers.

[1236] Plut. _Vit. Them._ XIII. In this same way a legend grew up and was accredited by Neanthes, the Cyzicene historian, that when Epimenides was ‘purifying Attica by human blood’ a youth, Kratinos, offered himself as a willing sacrifice. But how apocryphal such stories may be is owned by Athenaeus himself (XIII. 78 § 602), who adds after his narrative that he is aware that the whole story was said by Polemon to have been a fiction.

[1237] Published and discussed in relation to the myth of Zagreus by Mr Cecil Smith, _J.H.S._, 1890, p. 343.

[1238] Ael. _N.A._ XII. 34 λίθοις βάλλεται τῇ ὁσίᾳ. ὁσία is the regular word for a _mystic_ rite, cf. _Hom. Hymn. ad Cer._ 211 ὁσίης ἐπέβη.

[1239] See supra, p. 113.

[1240] Diod. Sic. V. 75. 4.

[1241] The scattered sources for the Zagreus myth are given in full in Abel’s _Orphica_ (p. 230 ff.). They appear to be all based on a lost poem or poems attributed to Orpheus of which Clement in the passage already discussed (p. 484) quotes two lines: ὡς ὁ τῆς τελετῆς ποιητὴς Ὀρφεύς φησιν ὁ Θρᾴκιος·

κῶνος καὶ ῥόμβος καὶ παίγνια καμπεσίγυια
μῆλά τε χρύσεα καλὰ παρ’ Ἑσπερίδων λιγυφώνων,

and the scholiast on the passage observes (Dind. I. p. 433) ὠμὰ γὰρ ἤσθιον κρέα οἱ μυούμενοι Διονύσῳ, δεῖγμα τοῦτο τελούμενοι τοῦ σπαραγμοῦ ὃν ὑπέστη Διόνυσος ὑπὸ Τιτάνων.

[1242] Among these sacred objects which cannot be discussed in detail here perhaps the most interesting was the rhombos or bull-roarer still in use among savage tribes, on the significance of which fresh light has recently been thrown by Dr Frazer in his paper ‘On some ceremonies of the Central Australian Tribes.’ Melbourne 1900.

[1243] Nonnus may have based his poem on the Βασσαρικά of Dionysius, to which it seems possible that the fragments recently discovered of an epic poem dealing with Bacchic subjects belong. These fragments contain a curious account of the slaying and eating of a human victim disguised as a stag. See Mr Kenyon in Herwerden’s _Album Gratulatorium_ and Dr Ludwich, ‘Das Papyros-Fragment eines Dionysos-Epos’ (_Berl. Philolog. Wochenschrift_, Jan. 3, 1903, p. 27).

[1244] Nonn. _Dionys._ XXVII. 228

ἐλευκαίνοντο δὲ γύψῳ
μυστιπόλῳ

and see XXVII. 204, XXIX. 274, XXXIV. 144, XLVII. 732. Cf. also the disguise of the Phocians described by Herodotus (VIII. 27).

[1245] Harpocrat. s.v. ἀπομάττων.

[1246] Dem. _de Coron._ § 259.

[1247] Eustath. ad _Il._ II. 735 § 332 τίτανον δὲ κυρίως τὴν κονίαν φαμέν, τὸ ἰδιωτικῶς λεγόμενον ἄσβεστον τὸ ἐν λίθοις κεκαυμένοις χνοῶδες λευκόν. ἐκλήθη δὲ οὕτως ἀπὸ τῶν μυθικῶν Τιτάνων οὓς ὁ τοῦ μύθου Ζεὺς κεραυνοῖς βαλὼν κατέφρυγε. δι’ αὐτοὺς γὰρ καὶ τὸ ἐξ ἄγαν πολλῆς καύσεως καὶ ὡς οἷον εἰπεῖν τιτανώδους διατρυφθὲν ἐν λίθοις λεπτὸν τίτανος ὠνομάσθη, οἷα ποίνης τινὸς Τιτανικῆς γενομένης καὶ ἐν αὐτῷ. οἱ δὲ παλαιοί φασι τίτανος κόνις γύψος, and see Eustath. 1676 where a child who sees snow for the first time is said to have mistaken it for τίτανος.

[1248] Since writing the above I find that my explanation of the Titans has been anticipated by Dr Dieterich, _Rh. Mus._ 1893, p. 280. His high authority is a welcome confirmation of my view.

[1249] P. VIII. 37. 5.

[1250] Ταῦρος δράκοντος καὶ δράκων ταύρου πατήρ, frg. ap. Clem. Al. _Protr._ I. 2. 12. What was made of such a reverent mystic dogma by the unsavoury minds of Christian fathers can be read by the curious.

[1251] M. Salomon Reinach, who has done so much for the elucidation of Orphism, has shown that the Celts held in honour and depicted on their monuments a _horned snake_. Such a conception would keep up the confusion of bull and snake. He believes the original form of Zagreus to have been that of a horned snake. The point is an interesting one and is evidence of Northern elements in Orphic as well as Dionysiac conceptions, see _Rev. Arch._ 1899, vol. XXXV. p. 210, S. Reinach, ‘Zagreus le serpent cornu.’

[1252] _v._ 12 μητρί τ’ ὀρείᾳ δᾷδας ἀνασχών. In the recently discovered fragment of Timotheos (_v._ 135) it is to the ‘Mountain Mother’ that the drowning sailor would pray:

εἰ δυνατὰ πρὸς μελαμπεταλο-
χίτωνα Ματρὸς οὐρεί-
ας δεσπόσυνα γόνατα πεσεῖν....

See Timotheos, _Die Perser_, Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, 1903.

[1253] Published and discussed by the discoverer Mr Evans in the _Annual of the British School at Athens_, vol. VII. 1900-1901, p. 29, fig. 9. The enlargement (3/1) here reproduced from the _Annual_ is based on a restoration, but a perfectly certain one. A series of clay fragments impressed by the same seal, but not from the same impression, were found in a deposit of burnt wood. The various fragments overlapped sufficiently for certain reconstruction. When I first saw a drawing of the seal I was inclined to think it was ‘too good to be true,’ but by Mr Evans’ kindness I was allowed while at Crete to examine the original fragments and am satisfied that the reconstruction is correct. We owe the most important monument of Mycenaean religion to the highly trained eye and extraordinarily acute perception of the excavator.

[1254]

καὶ Κουρήτων
βάκχος ἐκλήθην ὁσιωθείς.

The word ὁσιωθείς is rendered ‘Set Free’ by Mr Murray in his translation for reasons explained later, p. 504.

[1255] Hes. frg. CXXIX. ap. Strab. X. p. 323.

[1256] Diod. V. 66.

[1257] Plut. _Q. Gr._ IX. Τίς ὁ παρὰ Δελφοῖς Ὁσιωτὴρ καὶ διὰ τί Βύσιον ἕνα τῶν μηνῶν καλοῦσιν; Ὁσιωτῆρα μὲν καλοῦσι τὸ θυόμενον ἱερεῖον, ὅταν Ὅσιος ἀποδειχθῇ, πέντε δέ εἰσιν ὅσιοι διὰ βίον καὶ τὰ πολλὰ μετὰ τῶν προφητῶν δρῶσιν οὗτοι καὶ συνιερουργοῦσιν, ἅτε γεγονέναι δοκοῦντες ἀπὸ Δευκαλίωνος. Stephanos comments ‘mendose ut videtur pro τὸν θυόμενον, accipiendo sc. θυόμενον active pro θύοντα.... Recte autem habet τὸ si quidem Ὁσιωτὴρ (ταῦρος) est Hostia quae immolatur.’

[1258] Plut. _de Defect. Orac._ XLIX. οἱ γὰρ ἱερεῖς καὶ θύειν φασὶ τὸ ἱερεῖον κτλ.

[1259] Plut. _de Defect. Orac._ LI.

[1260] Nikitsky, _Delphisch-Epigraphische Studien_ p. 145, points out that in inscriptions two hereditary families of priests are traceable; these he thinks may correspond with the προφῆται or utterers whom he holds to be Apolline and the ὅσιοι who are manifestly Dionysiac. His book is in Russian, and I only know it at second hand.

[1261] Plut. _de Is. et Os._ XXXV. and see p. 441. Had the treatise by Socrates περὶ Ὁσίων which Plutarch refers to been preserved, we should have been informed.

[1262] Lyc. _Al._ 207 and schol. ad loc. ταῦρος δὲ ὁ Διόνυσος ... ὅτι ἐν παραβύστῳ τὰ μυστήρια ἐτελεῖτο τῷ Διονύσῳ.

[1263] C. T. Newton, _Discoveries at Cnidos_ p. 735 and Insc. 88, 83 etc.

[1264] Plat. _Legg._ 873 B, schol. ad loc. ἀφοσιούτω* καθαιρέτω, ὡς νῦν, ἢ ἀπαρχὰς προσαγέτω, ἢ τιμάτω, ἢ τὴν ἐπὶ θανάτῳ ἀποδιδότω τιμήν, ἢ πληροφορείτω. I owe the reference to this interesting passage to Mr F. M. Cornford. I am not sure what the scholiast means by the post-classical word πληροφορέω; the passive means in the New Testament ‘to have full assurance’ of faith and the like. It may point to the final stage of initiation.

[1265] Suidas s.v. ὅσιος, ὅσιον χωρίον.

[1266] Plut. _Vit. Rom._ 28.

[1267] Lucian, _Lexiphan._ 10.

[1268] Plut. _de Is. et Os._ LXI. ὁ Ὄσιρις ἐκ τοῦ ὁσίου καὶ ἱεροῦ τοὔνομα μεμιγμένον ἔσχηκε· κοινὸς γάρ ἐστι τῶν ἐν οὐρανῷ καὶ τῶν ἐν ᾅδου λόγος. ὧν τὰ μὲν ἱερὰ τὰ δὲ ὅσια τοῖς παλαιοῖς <ἔθος?> ἦν προσαγορεύειν. It is practically certain that τὰ μέν refers to the first mentioned class, i.e. τὰ ἐν οὐρανῷ.

[1269] Iambl. _Vit. Pythag._ 58 χαρακτὴρ παλαιότροπος ... ἀρχαιοτρόπου δὲ καὶ παλαιοῦ πίνου.

[1270] Plat. _Gorg._ p. 507 B.

[1271] Soph. _Ant._ 74.

[1272] Hes. _Theog._ 901.

[1273] Eur. _Bacch._ 991 ἴτω Δίκα φανερὸς ἴτω ξιφηφόρος.

[1274] Dem. _c. Aristogeit._ XXV. 11.

[1275] _Orph. Hymn._ LXII.

[1276] Eur. _Bacch._ 370 Ὁσία πότνα θεῶν. It is worth noting in connection with the Ὁσία of Euripides, that on tomb-inscriptions in Phrygia, and so far as at present known only there, dedications occur to a divinity bearing the titles ὅσιος καὶ δίκαιος. These inscriptions are of Roman date, and it is usual to refer them to Mithras worship, but, found as they are in Phrygia, the home of the Bacchants, it is possible, I think, that they may indicate an old tradition of Cybele worship. See Roscher s.v. Hosios.

[1277]

πάλλευκα δ’ ἔχων εἵματα φεύγω
γένεσίν τε βροτῶν καὶ νεκροθήκης
οὐ χριμπτόμενος, τήν τ’ ἐμψύχων
βρῶσιν ἐδεστῶν πεφύλαγμαι.

[1278] Diog. Laert. _Vit. Pyth._ 19 § 33.

[1279] Plat. _Legg._ VI. p. 782.

[1280] Soph. frg. 464, ap. Porphyr. _de Abst._ II. p. 134.

[1281] Schol. ad Soph. _Oed. Col._ 100.

[1282] Philoch. frg. 30, ap. Schol. ad Soph. _Oed. Col._ 99.

[1283] Plut. _de tuend. sanit._ XVII.

[1284] Plut. _de cohibend. ir._ XVI. sub fin.

[1285] Soph. _Oed. Col._ 100, νήφων ἀοίνοις, and schol. ad loc.

[1286] Diog. Laert. _Vit. Pythag._ XV., and see p. 91.

[1287] _Hom. Hymn. ad Cer._ 205-210

δεξαμένη δ’ ὁσίης ἐπέβη πολυπότνια Δηώ.

[1288] Porphyr. _de Abst._ II. 4 and I. 31.

[1289] Maeterlinck, _Le Temple enseveli_, p. 188.

[1290] Eur. _Hipp._ 952.

[1291] Ar. _Nub._ 223 ff. That this scene is in intent a parody of Orphic ceremonial was first observed by Dr Dieterich, _Rh. Mus._ 1893, p. 275.

[1292] Ar. _Nub._ 259

ΣΤ. εἶτα δὴ τί κερδανῶ;

ΣΩ. λέγειν γενήσει τρῖμμα, κρόταλον, παιπάλη.
ἀλλ’ ἔχ’ ἀτρεμί.

ΣΤ. μὰ τὸν Δί’ οὐ ψεύσει γέ με·
καταπαττόμενος γὰρ παιπάλη γενήσομαι.

[1293] Schol. ad Ar. _Nub._ 260 ταῦτα μὲν λέγων ὁ Σωκράτης λίθους περιτρίβων πωρίνους καὶ κρούων πρὸς ἀλλήλους συναγαγὼν τὰ ἀπὸ τούτων θραύσματα βάλλει τὸν πρεσβύτην αὐτοῖς καθάπερ τὰ ἱερεῖα ταῖς οὐλαῖς οἱ θύοντες.

[1294] Dio Chrysost. _Or._ XII. 387 εἰώθασιν ἐν τῷ καλουμένῳ θρονισμῷ καθίσαντες τοὺς μυουμένους οἱ τελοῦντες κύκλῳ περιχορεύειν.

[1295] Plat. _Euthyd._ 277 D.

[1296] Aether, air and whirlwind frequently appear in the Orphic fragments preserved to us, e.g. Damasc. _Quaest. de primis princ._ p. 147 καὶ γὰρ Ὀρφεύς·

ἔπειτα δ’ ἔτευξε μέγας Χρόνος αἰθέρι δίῳ
ὠεὸν ἀργύρεον,

and in the fragment of a hymn to the Sun preserved by Macrobius _Sat._ I. 23. 22. Solem esse omnia et Orpheus testatur his versibus:

κέκλυθι τηλεπόρου δίνης ἑλικαυγέα κύκλον
οὐρανίαις στροφάλιγξι περίδρομον αἰὲν ἑλίσσων
ἀγλαὲ Ζεῦ Διόνυσε, πάτερ πόντου, πάτερ αἴης,
Ἥλιε παγγενέτωρ παναίολε χρυσεοφεγγές,

words which might have been sung by Sokrates in his basket.

[1297] Theoph. _Char._ XXVIII.

[1298] Plut. _de Superstit._ XII. τῆς δεισιδαιμονίας ἔργα καὶ πάθη καταγέλαστα καὶ ῥήματα καὶ κινήματα καὶ γοητεῖαι καὶ μαγεῖαι καὶ περιδρομαὶ καὶ τυμπανισμοὶ καὶ ἀκάθαρτοι μὲν καθαρμοί, ῥυπαραὶ δὲ ἁγνεῖαι, βάρβαροι δὲ καὶ παράνομοι πρὸς ἱεροῖς κολασμοὶ καὶ προπηλακισμοί.

[1299] Plut. _de Superstit._ VII.

[1300] Diog. Laert. _Vit. Pyth._ XIX.

[1301] Heracleit. frg. 130, Bywater, καθαίρονται δὲ αἵματι μιαινόμενοι ὥσπερ ἂν εἴ τις ἐς πηλὸν ἐμβὰς πηλῷ ἀπονίζοιτο.

[1302] Plato, _Rep._ 364 B.

[1303] Munich Glyptothek, No. 601. Schreiber, _Hell. Reliefbilder_, Taf. 80 A.

[1304] Soph. frg. 724

στατοῖς
λίκνοισι προστρέπεσθε.

[1305] I have already discussed the _liknon_ in connection with the fragment of Sophocles in the _Classical Review_, vol. VIII. p. 270. In the Thorwaldsen collection at Copenhagen there is a relief closely analogous to that in fig. 148. A _liknon_ is erected on a column: above it appears a large goat’s head, see Schreiber, _Reliefbilder_, Taf. CXI. 1.

[1306] Baumeister, _Denkmäler_ p. 449, fig. 496. Campana _op. plast._ 45. An almost identical relief on a ‘Campana’ terracotta is in the Kestner Museum at Hanover.

[1307] Helbig, _Museo delle Therme_, no. 1122. Fig. 150 is drawn from a photograph.

[1308] Since the above was written and the drawing in fig. 150 made, I have examined the original, and find that the obscure object _is_ a _liknon_; the main outline and even the handle can be clearly made out.

[1309] Duchesne, _Origines du culte chrétien_ p. 416.

[1310] Plut. _Q.R._ X.

[1311] Festus, p. 379.