Chapter XII: Orphic Cosmogony (4)

Mr T. R. Glover, in the chapter on Quintus Smyrnaeus in his _Life and Letters in the Fourth Century_, points out that the Keres in the poem of Quintus have developed a supremacy unknown to Homer, they are ἄφυκτοι—even the gods cannot check them. They are by-forms of Aisa and Moira.

[474] _Cat._ B 639; Murray, _Hist. of Greek Sculpture_ vol. II. p. 28. Dr Murray cites this vase as an instance of primitive perspective. Hermes, depicted in an impossible position, actually between the two advancing combatants, is thought of as in the background.

[475] Hes. _Theog._ 211.

[476] _Theog._ 217 ff.

[477] Hes. _Erg._ 416. The only other passage in which this difficult word occurs is in one of the oracles collected in the συναγωγή of Mnaseas (3rd cent. B.C.) and preserved for us by the scholiast on the _Phoenissae_ of Euripides (ad _v._ 638, Müller _F.H.G._ 3, p. 157) where Kadmos is told to go on ‘till he comes to the herds of the Ker-nourished Pelagon’ (κηριτρεφέος Πελάγοντος). Here it looks as if the epithet indicated prosperity, the man nourished and favoured and cherished by the Keres, see Roscher, _Lexicon_ s.v. Kadmos, p. 834, and s.v. Keres, p. 1139, but it is possible that, as suggested to me by Mr Cornford, the word may have been coined by Hesiod in bitter parody of the Homeric Διοτρεφής. The notion of the evil wasting action of Keres comes out in the word κηραίνω, as in Eur. Hipp. 223 τί ποτ’, ὦ τέκνον, τάδε κηραίνεις, and more physically in Aesch. _Supp._ 999 θῆρες δὲ κηραίνουσι.

[478] Hesych. s.v., ὅσοι νόσῳ τεθνήκασιν.

[479] Aesch. _Eum._ 930.

[480] Hes. _Scut._ 249.

[481] P. V. 19. 6 τοῦ Πολυνείκους δὲ ὄπισθεν ἕστηκεν ὀδόντας τε ἔχουσα οὐδὲν ἡμερωτέρους θηρίου καὶ οἱ καὶ τῶν χειρῶν εἰσὶν ἐπικαμπεῖς οἱ ὄνυχες· ἐπίγραμμα δὲ ἐπ’ αὐτῇ εἶναί φησι Κῆρα, ὡς τὸν μὲν ὑπὸ τοῦ Πεπρωμένου τὸν Πολυνείκην ἀπαχθέντα, Ἐτεοκλεῖ δὲ γενομένης καὶ σὺν τῷ δικαίῳ τῆς τελευτῆς.

[482] Blue-black, κυάνεος, remained the traditional colour of the underworld, as in the _Alcestis_ of Euripides (_v._ 262):

ὑπ’ ὀφρύσι κυαναυγέσι
βλέπων πτερωτός—†αἵδας†.

[483] P. X. 28. 4.

[484] Admirable specimens of savage dancing-masks with Medusa-like tongue and tusks are exhibited in the Berlin Museum für Völkerkunde.

[485] Hesych. s.v., Photius s.v.

[486] P. VIII. 15. 3, see Dr Frazer ad loc.

[487] P. VIII. 15. 3.

[488] For these ovens see Conze, ‘Griechische Kohlenbecken,’ _Jahrbuch d. Inst._, 1890, Taf. I. and II., and Furtwängler, _op. cit._ 1891, p. 110.

[489] Callim. _Hym. ad Dian._ 67, and see _Myths of the Odyssey_, p. 26.

[490] Hom. _Epigr._ XIV. Κάμινος ἢ Κεραμεῖς.

[491] Pernice, _Festschrift für Benndorf_, p. 75. The inscriptions are not yet satisfactorily explained.

[492] A satyr-mask on an oven is figured in my _Greek Vase-paintings_, p. 9, fig. 1.

[493] Poll. _On._ VII. 108.

[494] Schol. ad Ar. _Nub._ 436.

[495] _Od._ XI. 633

ἐμὲ δὲ χλωρὸν δέος ᾕρει
μή μοι γοργείην κεφαλὴν δεινοῖο πελώρου
ἐξ Ἀΐδεος πέμψειεν ἀγαυὴ Περσεφόνεια.

I have translated γοργείην ‘grizzly,’ not ‘Gorgon,’ advisedly. Homer does not commit himself to a definite Gorgon. Mr Neil on Aristoph. _Eq._ 1181 says “Γοργολόφα means merely ‘fierce-plumed.’” _The_ Gorgon was made out of the terror, not the terror out of _the_ Gorgon.

[496] _J.H.S._ XX. 1900, p. xliv. On an _askos_ in the British Museum (_Cat._ G 80) decorated with a stamped relief, a Gorgon’s head is figured with horns and animal ears. The head stands above, but separated from, a fantastic body.

[497] Th. Homolle, _Bull. de Corr. Hell._ XII. 1888, p. 464.

[498] Ϝι[φ]ικαρτίδης | μ’α|νέθεκε | hο | Νάhσιος, see M. Homolle, _op. cit._

[499] _J.H.S._ 1885, Pl. LIX. _Brit. Mus. Cat._

[500] Aesch. _Prom. Vinct._ 793.

[501] Hes. _Theog._ 270.

[502] Cat. 1956; _Ath. Mitt._ 1886, Taf. X. 270.

[503] Aesch. _Prom. Vinct._ 800 ἃς θνητὸς οὐδεὶς εἰσιδὼν ἕξει πνοάς. The line is usually rendered ‘no mortal may behold them and live,’ but, in the light of the account of Athenaeus, it is clear that the πνοαί are the intolerable exhalations, not the breath of life.

[504] Athen. V. 64 § 221 κτείνει τὸν ὑπ’ αὐτῆς θεωρηθέντα, οὐ τῷ πνεύματι ἀλλὰ τῇ γιγνομένῃ ἀπὸ τῆς τῶν ὀμμάτων φύσεως φορᾷ καὶ νεκρὸν ποιεῖ. The same account is given by Aelian, _Hist. An._ VII. 5, and Eustathius § 1704 in commenting on _Od._ XI. 633.

[505] Visconti, _Bull. de Comm. Arch._ 1890, Tav. I. and II. p. 24. A relief with similar design exists on the back of a Corinthian marble in the British Museum: its apotropaic functions are fully discussed by Prof. Michaelis, _J.H.S._ VI. 1885, p. 312.

[506] For the evil eye in Greece see O. Jahn, _Berichte d. k. sächs. Ges. d. Wissenschaften_, Wien 1855, and P. Perdrizet, _Bull. de Corr. Hell._ 1900, p. 292, and for modern survivals, Tuchmann, _Mélusine_ 1885.

[507] Aesch. _Eum._ 54 ἐκ δ’ ὀμμάτων λείβουσι δυσφιλῆ δία. Following Dr Verrall, I keep the MS. reading.

[508] Since this section was written Dr G. Weicker’s treatise _Der Seelenvogel_ has appeared. As the substance of his argument as to the soul-origin of the Sirens had been previously published in a dissertation _De Sirenibus Quaestiones Selectae_ (Leipzig, 1895) he had long anticipated my view and I welcome this confirmation of a theory at which I had independently arrived, a theory which indeed must occur to everyone who examines the art-form of the Sirens. I regret that his work was known to me too late for me to utilize the vast stores of evidence he has accumulated.

[509] _Od._ XII. 39.

[510] _Od._ XII. 166.

[511] _Od._ XII. 184.

[512] Mediaeval Sirens are more fully discussed in my _Myths of the Odyssey_, p. 172.

[513] _Met._ V. 552

vobis Acheloïdes unde
pluma pedesque avium cum virginis ora geratis?

Apollonius Rhodius also believes that the bird form was a metamorphosis. _Argon._ IV. 898

τότε δ’ ἄλλο μὲν οἰωνοῖσιν
ἄλλο δὲ παρθενικῇς ἐναλίγκιαι ἔσκον ἰδέσθαι.

[514] Aesch. _Sept._ 776. The nature of the Sphinx as a mantic earth-demon will be discussed in detail later (p. 207).

[515] Published and discussed by H. Bulle, _Strena Helbigiana_, p. 31. Recently acquired for the Boston Museum, see _Twenty-sixth Annual Report of Boston Museum of Fine Arts_, Dec. 31, 1901, p. 35.

[516] Eur. _Hel._ 167.

[517] _Cat._ E 477. The vase is a _kelebe_ of late style with columnar handles. In previously discussing this design (_Myths of the Odyssey_, p. 158, pl. 40 and _Myth. and Mon. Ancient Athens_, p. lxix, fig. 14) I felt uncertain whether the bird-woman were Harpy, Siren, or Soul. I am now convinced that a soul is intended, and that the bird form was probably borrowed from Egypt: see _Book of the Dead_, Vignette XCI.

[518] See _Myths of the Odyssey_, p. 180.

[519] Anton. Lib. I. I owe this reference to Prof. Sam. Wide, _A. Mitt._ XXVI. 1901, 2, p. 155. At the miracle plays it was a custom to let a bird fly when a person died—a crow for the impenitent thief and a white dove for the penitent one. See Mr Hugh Stewart, _Boethius_, p. 187.

[520] _B.M. Cat._ E 440. _Monimenti dell’ Inst._ vol. I. pl. 8.

[521] Published by Schreiber, _Hellenistische Reliefbilder_, Taf. LXI.: where the relief now is is not known. Fully discussed by Dr Otto Crusius, ‘Die Epiphanie der Sirene,’ _Philologos_ (N.F. IV.) p. 93. Dr Crusius rightly observes that the relief has been misunderstood. It represents rather an ἔφοδος than a σύμπλεγμα, and the recumbent figure is a mortal man not a Silen.

[522] Pliny cites Dinon as authority for a like superstition in India. _Nat. Hist._ X. 49 (_F.H.G._ II. p. 90): Nec Sirenes impetraverunt fidem adfirmet licet Dinon Clitarchi celebrati auctoris pater in India esse mulcerique earum cantu quos gravatos somno lacerent. And cf. Aelian _H.A._ XVIII. 22, 23. Siren in the Septuagint is the word used of the desert bogey that our translation renders ‘dragon,’ Job xxx. 30 ‘I am brother to the dragon and companion to owls,’ and again Micah i. 8 ‘I will make a wailing like the dragon and a mourning as the owls.’

[523] _B.M. Cat._ B 651. J. E. Harrison, _Myths of the Odyssey_, Pl. 39.

[524] Erinna, frg. 5 Στᾶλαι καὶ Σειρῆνες ἐμαὶ καὶ πένθιμε κρωσσέ.

[525] Plat. _Rep._ 617 B.

[526] Plut. _Symp._ IX. 14. 6.

[527] Procl. ad Plat. _Rep._ loc. cit. ψυχαί τινες νοερῶς ζῶσαι.

[528] Ar. _Pax_ 832. For this Orphic doctrine see Rohde, _Psyche_ II. p. 423⁴, Dieterich, _Nekuia_, pp. 104 ff.

[529] Eur. _Hipp._ 732.

[530] Eur. frg. 911.

[531] _Myths of the Odyssey_, p. 166.

[532] _Bull. de Corr. Hell._ 1898, p. 238, fig. 6.

[533] _Mus. Greg._ No. 186. Hartwig, _Meisterschalen_, Taf. LXXIII.

[534] Dr Hartwig _op. cit._ has collected and discussed these vases and gives to the artist the name ‘Meister mit dem Ranke.’

[535] Aesch. _Sept. c. Theb._ 539.

[536] Heydemann, _Cat._ No. 2846. _Museo Borbonico_ XII. 9. Discussed and explained by Dr Otto Crusius, _Festschrift für Overbeck_, p. 102. Dr Crusius holds that the snake is merely a ‘Füllfigur.’

[537] Aesop. _Fab._ 55.

[538] Discovered in the excavations at Delphi, see Homolle, _Fouilles de Delphes_, 1902, T. II. pl. XIV.

[539] Berlin, _Inv._ 3186. _Jahrbuch d. Inst._ 1891, Anzeiger, p. 119, fig. 17.

[540] P. I. 41. 4.

[541] Hes. _Theog._ 326 and _Scut. Her._ 33, and see Plat. _Crat._ 414 D.

[542] Dr Frazer ad P. IX. 26. 2.

[543] Milani, _Museo Topografico_, p. 69. ‘Delphika,’ _J.H.S._ 1899, p. 235.

[544] The purpose of these holes, which occur frequently in representations of tomb-mounds on Athenian lekythoi, is not, so far as I know, made out.

[545] Suidas s.v., καὶ κηρυκαίνας ἐκάλουν Ἀλεξανδρεῖς γυναῖκας, αἵτινες εἰς τὰς αὐλὰς παριοῦσαι καὶ τὰς συνοικίας ἐφ’ ᾧτε συναγείρειν τὰ μιάσματα καὶ ἀποφέρειν εἰς θάλασσαν ἅπερ ἐκάλουν φυλάκια.

[546] Hesych. s.v., καὶ τοὺς ἐρινάζοντας τοὺς ἐρίνους κήρυκας λέγουσι.

[547] P. I. 43. 7.

[548] _Anthol. Pal._ VII. 154

Εἰμὶ δὲ Κῆρ τυμβοῦχος, ὁ δὲ κτείνας με Κόροιβος
κεῖται δ’ ὧδ’ ὑπ’ ἐμοῖς ποσσὶ διὰ τρίποδα.

[549] P. VIII. 25. 4 ὅτι τῷ θυμῷ χρῆσθαι καλοῦσιν ἐρινύειν οἱ Ἀρκάδες.

[550] The explanation of Erinyes as ‘angry ones’ is confirmed by modern philology. F. Froehde, Bezzenberger. _Beiträge_, XX. p. 188, derives the word Erinys from ἐ-ρυσ-νος, Lith. _rustas_, angry.

[551] _Il._ IX. 571

τῆς δ’ ἠεροφοῖτις Ἐρινὺς
ἔκλυεν ἐξ Ἐρέβεσφιν ἀμείλιχον ἦτορ ἔχουσα.

[552] On the epithet ἠεροφοῖτις ‘blood-haunting,’ usually translated ‘walking in darkness,’ Roscher (_Myth. Lex._ s.v.) has based a whole mistaken theory of the nature of the Erinyes as ‘storm-clouds.’ The Townley scholion (_ad loc._) offers an alternative reading of the epithet more consonant with the nature of the Erinys: οἱ δὲ εἰαροπῶτις, ἐγκειμένου τοῦ εἶαρ ὅπερ ἐστὶ κατὰ Σαλαμινίους αἷμα. On this showing the Erinyes would be not those who ‘walked in darkness’ but those who sucked the blood, a view certainly consonant with the picture of the Erinyes presented by Aeschylus: ἀπὸ ζῶντος ῥοφεῖν ἐρυθρὸν ἐκ μελέων πέλανον (_Eum._ 264). The termination -πωτις instead of -φοιτις gives of course a simple and satisfactory meaning; but, accepting ἠερο- as representing the Cyprian form εἶαρ ‘blood,’ it is perhaps possible to retain -φοιτις and explain the epithet as ‘blood haunting.’ Another alternative is suggested by Fick, i.e. that the primitive form is ἡαρο-ποῖτις ‘blutrachend,’ ποῖτις being akin to ποινή, cf. Apollo Poitios (see A. Fick, ‘Götternamen,’ in Bezzenberger. _Beiträge_, XX. p. 179).

[553] _Il._ IX. 454.

[554] _Il._ XXI. 412.

[555] _Il._ XIX. 418 ὡς ἄρα φωνήσαντος ἐρινύες ἔσχεθον αὐδήν.

[556] Plut. _de Ex._ 11 ἥλιος γὰρ οὐχ ὑπερβήσεται μέτρα (φησὶν ὁ Ἡράκλειτος) εἰ δὲ μὴ Ἐριννύες μιν, Δίκης ἐπίκουροι, ἐξευρήσουσιν.

[557] The conception of Dike was largely due to Orphic influence, see p. 507.

[558] _v._ 988

ἰὼ μοῖρα βαρυδότειρα μογερὰ
πότνιά τ’ Οἰδίπου σκιὰ
μέλαιν’ Ἐρινύς, ἦ μεγασθενής τις εἶ.

[559] Aesch. _Prom. Vinct._ 566.

[560] The gadfly is purely incidental to Io as cow. Oistros is an incarnation of the distraction caused by the ghost. On a vase-painting representing the slaying of her children by Medea, Oistros (inscribed) is represented as a figure in a chariot drawn by snakes, and near at hand is ‘the ghost of Aietes’ (inscribed) who sent it. (_Arch. Zeit._ 1847, T. 3.)

[561] Plat. _Legg._ IX. 865.

[562] Mr F. M. Cornford draws my attention to a similar and even cruder English superstition. Sir Kenelm Digby, in his _Observations on the Religio Medici_ (5th ed. p. 128), maintains as against Sir Thomas Browne who says that apparitions are devils, that those that appear in cemeteries and charnel-houses are the souls of the dead which have ‘a byas and a languishing’ towards their bodies, and that the body of a murdered man bleeds when the murderer approaches (‘which is frequently seen in England’) because the soul, desiring revenge, and being unable to speak, ‘must endeavour to cause a motion in the subtilest or most fluid parts (and consequently the most moveable ones) of it. This can be nothing but the blood, which then being violently moved, must needs gush out at those places where it findeth issues.’

[563] Aesch. _Choeph._ 285.

[564] P. II. 18. 2 τὸ μίασμα τὸ Πέλοπος καὶ ὁ Μυρτίλου προστρόπαιος ἠκολούθησε.

[565] XXIII. 10. 2.

[566] _Choeph._ 282. In the interpretation of this passage I follow Dr Verrall, _Choephori_, ad _v._ 286.

[567] Hippocr. περὶ ἱερῆς νούσου, p. 123, 20 ὁπόσα δὲ δείματα νυκτὸς παρίσταται καὶ φόβοι καὶ παράνοιαι καὶ ἀναπηδήσεις ἐκ κλίνης Ἑκάτης φασὶν εἶναι ἐπιβουλὰς καὶ ἡρῴων ἐφόδους.

[568] Aesch. _Choeph._ 64. The same idea comes out in the _Electra_ of Euripides (_v._ 318).

[569] P. VIII. 24. 8 and 9 καὶ αὐτὸν ἡ Πυθία διδάσκει τὸν Ἐριφύλης ἀλάστορα ἐς ταύτην οἱ μόνην χώραν οὐ συνακολουθήσειν ἥτις ἐστὶ νεωτάτη, καὶ ἡ θάλασσα τοῦ μητρῴου μιάσματος ἀνέφηνεν ὕστερον αὐτήν. καὶ ὁ μὲν ἐξευρὼν τοῦ Ἀχελῴου τὴν πρόσχωσιν ἐνταῦθα ᾤκησε.

[570] Apollod. III. 7. 5.

[571] _Il._ VI. 200.

[572] Pind. _Isth._ V. 66.

[573] Apollod. II. 2. 3.

[574] For this information as to the character of the Aleïan plain, which suggested the view in the text, I am indebted to the kindness of Prof. Ramsay.

[575] Aesch. _Eum._ 417.

[576] _Ib._ 421.

[577] _Il._ XIX. 258.

[578] Hes. _Erg._ 803.

[579] Aesch. _Eum._ 511.

[580] Aesch. _Eum._ 46 ff.

[581] _v._ 57.

[582] A master-touch from the point of view of Aeschylus, who is all for the new order. It is however impossible to avoid a regret that he stooped to the cheap expedient of blackening the Erinyes as representatives of the old. He thereby half alienates our sympathies. See ‘Delphika,’ _J.H.S._ XIX. 1899, p. 251.

[583] _Cat._ B 471. _Vorlegeblätter_ 1889, Taf. II. 1 _a_.

[584] Würzburg, _Inv._ 354.

[585] The Phineus cylix is published in phototype by Carl Sittl, ‘Die Phineus Schale, und ähnliche Vasen,’ Programm XXV., forming part of the _Jahresbericht des Wagnerischen Kunst-Instituts der Kgl. Universität Würzburg_ 1892. The account there given of the difficult inscriptions is inadequate and must be supplemented by reference to Dr Böhlau’s corrections in his paper on ‘Die Ionischen Augenschalen,’ _A. Mitt._ 1898 (XXIII.) pp. 54, 77; see also Furtwängler-Reinhold, Pl. 41.

[586] Pottier, _Cat. A._ 478, pl. 17. 1. The vase is further discussed by Mr Barnett, _Hermes_, ‘Miscellen,’ 1898, p. 639. Mr Barnett sees in the winged figure Iris, an interpretation with which I cannot agree.

[587] Schol. ad _Od._ τ 518 and P. X. 30. 2. Pind. Schol. _Ol._ I. 90.

[588] Schol. Ambros. B. ad τ 518.

[589] Aesch. _Choeph._ 1048. The noisome exudation from the eyes noted by Aeschylus (_Eum._ 54) has already been shown (p. 195) to be characteristically Gorgon.

[590] _Monimenti dell’ Inst._ IV. pl. 48. Baumeister, p. 1314. The vase, an _oxybaphon_, is now in the Louvre.

[591] Hermitage, _Cat._ I. 349. Stephani, _Compte Rendu_ 1863, pl. VI. 5.

[592] Millin, _Peintures des vases grecs_ II. 68. Baumeister, fig. 1315, p. 1118.

[593] _Jahrbuch d. Inst._ 1890, Anzeiger, p. 90.

[594] Aeschin. _c. Tim._ 80.

[595] Plut. _Vit. Dion._ C. 55.

[596] Plut. _de ser. num. vind._ XXII.

[597] ἄγγελοι βασανισταί in the Apocalypse of Peter; see Dieterich, _Nekuia_ p. 61.

[598] Aesch. _Eum._ 126.

[599] _v._ 131.

[600] Eur. _Iph. in T._ 286.

[601] Eur. _Or._ 256.

[602] Passerius, _Pict. Etrusc._ III. 297. _J.H.S._ vol. XIX. 1899, p. 219. This representation does not stand alone. Among the fragments of vase-paintings found in the excavations on the Acropolis, and as yet unpublished, is one of considerably earlier style than the design in fig. 53, and with a representation exactly similar in all essentials. The winged feet and part of the drapery of the figure remain, and below is a large snake with open mouth. Found as it was in the ‘pre-Persian’ débris, this fragment cannot be later and is probably much earlier than 480 B.C.

[603] This striding flying pose with the bent knee has been used by some archaeologists to explain the epithet καμψίπους. But bending or turning the _knee_ is not bending or turning the foot. It is possible that in this epithet applied (Aesch. _Sept._ 791) to the Erinys we have merely an expression of the instinct to create an uncouth deformed bogey. M. Paul Perdrizet (_Mélusine_ vol. IX. 1898, p. 99, ‘Les pieds ou les genoux à rebours’) makes the interesting suggestion that the καμψίπους Ἐρινύς may be an Erinys with feet turned the reverse way, a horrid distorted cripple. This peculiar form of deformity was not unknown among the ancients, as witness the statuettes cited as examples by M. Perdrizet, a bronze in the British Museum (_Cat. Walters_ no. 216) and a terracotta in the National Museum at Athens (_Cat._ 7877: Stackelberg, _Gräber der Hellenen_, pl. LXXIII. 475). I do not feel confident of the rightness of this interpretation for two reasons, firstly, καμψίπους seems scarcely to be the right epithet for a striking distortion which would rather be στρεβλόπους or some such word, and secondly, constant stress is laid on the _swiftness_ of the Erinys which would be inconsistent with a crippling deformity. On the other hand, figures with their feet reversed _may_ have suggested the inevitable back-coming of the Erinys. Mr F. M. Cornford suggests to me that καμψίπους is the humanized equivalent of γαμψῶνυξ, an interpretation proffered by Blomfield but rejected in favour of _pernix_. The suggestion seems to me to carry fresh conviction now that the Erinys is seen to be in her original essence and in her art-form near akin to Harpy, Sphinx and Bird-woman. Sophocles (_Oed. Tyr._ 1199) calls the Sphinx γαμψῶνυξ. In fig. 44 she is claw-footed; the Harpy to the right in fig. 19 has crooked claws for hands. Aeschylus may be using an epithet that originally meant ‘clutch-foot’ in some new sense as ‘plying the foot,’ i.e. swift, or as ‘back-returning.’

[604] _A. Mitt._ XVI. p. 379. _J.H.S._ XIX. 1899, p. 219, fig. 4.

[605] Vienna Museum. Masner, _Cat._ 221. _Annali dell’ Inst._ 1866, Tav. d’ agg. R. 2.

[606] Aesch. _Choeph._ 527 and 531.

[607] _v._ 549.

[608] _v._ 927

πατρὸς γὰρ αἶσα τόνδε συρίζει μύρον

accepting Dr Verrall’s reading συρίζει.

[609] _Jahrbuch d. Inst._ 1893, p. 93, pl. I. The vase is there interpreted as the slaying of Polyxena, but I agree with Dr Thiersch (_Tyrrhenische Amphoren_, p. 56) that the scene represented is the slaying of Eriphyle by Alcmaeon. In connection with the omphalos-tomb of the vase-painting it is worth noting that at Phlius near the house of divination of Amphiaraos there was an omphalos. See P. II. 13. 7.

[610] Soph. _Oed. Tyr._ 469. The attitude of Sophocles towards the Orestes myth, and the fashion in which he ignores the conflict between Apollo and the Erinyes, cannot be discussed here. It has been ably treated by Miss Janet Case in the _Classical Review_, May 1902, p. 195.

[611] _v._ 475.

[612] Eur. _El._ 1252.

[613] Herod. IV. 149.

[614] Aesch. _Eum._ 106.

[615] Pausanias (I. 31. 2) mentions one other place in Attica where the Semnae are worshipped under this name. At Phlya in one and the same sanctuary there were altars of Demeter Anesidora, of Zeus Ktesios, of Athene Tithrone, of Kore Protogone and of goddesses called Venerable (Σεμνῶν ὀνομαζομένων θεῶν).

[616] The best evidence of this is the language, always ceremonial, of oaths taken in the law courts, where we may be sure the Semnae are invoked by their official title, e.g. Deinarchus _c. Dem._ 47. Μαρτύρομαι τὰς σεμνὰς θεάς, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι. But so far as I am aware the Semnae are never alluded to merely as Semnae.

[617] Eur. _Or._ 259.

[618] Aesch. _Eum._ 55.

[619] Diog. Laert. I. X. 6. See Demoulin, _Épiménide de Crète_, p. 110.

[620] P. I. 28. 6.

[621] Schol. ad Aeschin. _c. Timarch._ I. 188 C ‘ταῖς σεμναῖς θεαῖς.’ Τρεῖς ἦσαν αὗται αἱ λεγόμεναι σεμναὶ θεαὶ ἢ Εὐμενίδες ἢ Ἐριννύες, ὧν τὰς μὲν δύο τὰς ἑκατέρωθεν Σκόπας ὁ Πάριος πεποίηκεν ἐκ τῆς λυχνίτου λίθου τὴν δὲ μέσην Κάλαμις. οἱ δὲ Ἀρεοπαγῖται τρεῖς που τοῦ μηνὸς ἡμέρας τὰς φονικὰς δίκας ἐδίκαζον ἑκάστῃ τῶν θεῶν μίαν ἡμέραν ἀπονέμοντες. ἦν δὲ τὰ πεμπόμενα αὐταῖς ἱερὰ πόπανα καὶ γάλα ἐν ἄγγεσι κεραμείοις. φασὶ μέντοι αὐτὰς Γῆς εἶναι καὶ Σκότους, οἱ δὲ Σκότους καὶ Εὐωνύμης ἣν καὶ Γῆν ὀνομάζεσθαι, κληθῆναι δὲ Εὐμενίδας ἐπιηρέστερον [de conj.: ἐπίηρα Vat. ἐπὶ Ὀρέστου cett.] πρῶτον καλουμένας. The entire scholion is given here for convenience, the ritual of cakes and milk has been previously discussed (p. 90).

[622] Dr Wellmann (_de Istro_ 14) has shown that in all probability the information of the scholiast is borrowed from the treatise of Polemon quoted by Clement of Alexandria in his _Protrepticus_, p. 41.

[623] Schol. ad _Oed. Col._ 39 ‘ἔμφοβοι θεαί.’ Φύλαρχός φησι δύο αὐτὰς εἶναι τά τε ἀγάλματα Ἀθήνησι δύο, Πολέμων δὲ τρεῖς αὐτάς φησι.

[624] Thucyd. I. 126.

[625] Plut. _Vit. Sol._ XII.

[626] Ar. _Eq._ 1312

ἢν δ’ ἀρέσκῃ ταῦτ’ Ἀθηναίοις καθῆσθαί μοι δοκεῖ
ἐς τὸ Θησεῖον πλεούσας ἢ ’πὶ τῶν σεμνῶν θεῶν.

[627] Ar. _Thesm._ 224

ΕΥΡ. οὗτος σὺ ποῖ θεῖς;

ΜΝ. ἐς τὸ τῶν σεμνῶν θεῶν.

[628] Eur. _El._ 1270.

[629] Hesych. s.v. δευτερόποτμος.

[630] Aesch. _Eum._ 1006

ἴτε καὶ σφαγίων τῶνδ’ ὑπὸ σεμνῶν
κατὰ γῆς σύμεναι.

[631] Schol. ad Soph. _Oed. Col._ 42 ‘τὰς πάνθ’ ὁρώσας Εὐμενίδας’.... Τότε γὰρ πρῶτον Εὐμενίδας κληθῆναι εὐμενεῖς κριθέντι νικᾶν παρ’ Ἀθηναίοις καὶ ὁλοκαυτῆσαι αὐταῖς ὄϊν μέλαιναν ἐν Καρνείᾳ [the reading Καρνείᾳ is doubtful] τῆς Πελοποννήσου. Φιλήμων δὲ ὁ κωμικὸς ἑτέρας φησὶ τὰς σεμνὰς θεὰς τῶν Εὐμενίδων.

[632] Dem. _c. Aristocr._ p. 642.

[633] Dem. _c. Dein._ 47.

[634] Philo _de praest. liber_ p. 886 B διό μοι δοκοῦσιν οἱ τῶν Ἑλλήνων ὀξυδερκέστατοι Ἀθηναῖοι τὴν ἐπὶ ταῖς σεμναῖς θεαῖς πομπὴν ὅταν στέλλωσι δοῦλον μηδένα προσλαμβάνειν.

[635] Schol. ad Soph. _Oed. Col._ 489 ‘ἄπυστα φωνῶν.’ τοῦτο ἀπὸ τῆς δρωμένης θυσίας ταῖς Εὐμενίσι· μετὰ γὰρ ἡσυχίας τὰ ἱερὰ δρῶσι καὶ διὰ τοῦτο οἱ μὲν ἀπὸ Ἡσύχου θύουσιν αὐταῖς καθάπερ Πολέμων ἐν τοῖς πρὸς Ἐρατοσθένην φησὶν οὕτω, τὸ δὲ τῶν Εὐπατριδῶν γένος οὐ μετέχει τῆς θυσίας ταύτης. εἶτα ἑξῆς· τῆς δὲ πομπῆς ταύτης Ἡσυχίδαι ὃ δὴ γένος ἐστὶ περὶ τὰς Σεμνὰς θεὰς καὶ τὴν ἡγεμονίαν ἔχει. καὶ προθύονται πρὸ τῆς θυσίας κριὸν Ἡσύχῳ ἱερόν, ἥρω τοῦτον οὕτω καλοῦντες διὰ τὴν εὐφημίαν· οὗ τὸ ἱερὸν παρὰ τὸ Κυλώνειον ἐκτὸς τῶν ἐννέα πυλῶν.

[636] Hesych. s.v., γένος Ἀθήνησιν ἰθαγενῶν.

[637] Plut. _Vit. Nik._ XIII.

[638] Callim. frg. (Schneider II. 123)

Νηφάλι’ αἱ καὶ τῇσιν ἀεὶ μελιηδέας ὄμπνας
λῄτειραι καίειν ἔλλαχον Ἡσυχίδες.

[639] Hesych. s.v. Λῄτειραι· ἱέρειαι τῶν σεμνῶν θεῶν.

[640] Aesch. _Eum._ 856.

[641] _v._ 1026.

[642] Aesch. _Eum._ 1028

φοινικοβάπτοις ἐνδυτοῖς ἐσθήμασιν
τιμᾶτε καὶ τὸ φέγγος ὁρμάσθω πυρός,
ὅπως ἂν εὔφρων ἥδ’ ὁμιλία χθονὸς
τὸ λοιπὸν εὐάνδροισι συμφοραῖς πρέπῃ.

The construction of τιμᾶτε is uncertain, there being no expressed grammatical object; but the two ritual factors, the torches and crimson garments, are certain.

[643] Luc. _de domo_ 18.

[644] Luc. _Hermot._ 806.

[645] Aesch. _Eum._ 706.

[646] Plut. _Vit. Aristid._ XXI.

[647] Cf. αἵματι φοινόν (_Il._ XVI. 159). φοινός, φοῖνιξ and φόνος are not far asunder: cf. also the tragic use of αἷμα for corpse. For purple in the ritual of the dead, see Diels, _Sibyllinische Blätter_, p. 69 note.

[648] Plut. _Vit. Dion._ LVI. περιβάλλεται τὴν πορφυρίδα τῆς θεοῦ καὶ λαβὼν δᾷδα καιομένην ἀπόμνυσι.

[649] Plin. _N.H._ IX. 60 purpura dis advocatur placandis.

[650] Aesch. _Eum._ 804. The significance of the ἐσχάρα as distinguished from the βωμός has been already discussed (p. 61).

[651] Aesch. _Eum._ 860.

[652] Aesch. _Eum._ 980.

[653] _v._ 834.

[654] Plut. _Conj. Praec._ Proem. μετὰ τὸν πάτριον θεσμὸν ὃν ὑμῖν ἡ τῆς Δήμητρος ἱέρεια συνειργνυμένοις ἐφήρμοσεν.

[655] Aesch. _Eum._ 903.

[656] Aesch. _Eum._ 938. The translation offered only attempts to render the general sense of this difficult passage, a sense sufficiently clear for the immediate purpose. No satisfactory explanation has yet been offered of the enigmatic τὸ μὴ περᾶν ὅρον τόπων, see Dr Verrall, ad loc.

[657] P. I. 28. 6.

[658] Arrian, _Anab._ III. 16. 8.

[659] Hesych. s.v. Ἀνεμοκοῖται.

[660] Plat. _Phaedr._ p. 229. The legend no doubt took its rise in the Areopagos, where the king’s daughter was flower-gathering, or fetching water from the Enneakrounos just outside the city gate. It was transplanted later with many another legend and cult to the banks of the Ilissus, outside the enlarged city.

[661] Aesch. _Eum._ 939.

[662] Aesch. _Eum._ 916 δέξομαι Παλλάδος ξυνοικίαν.

[663] _v._ 1041 δεῦρ’ ἴτε, σεμναί.

[664] Harpocrat. s.v. Εὐμενίδες ... Αἰσχύλος ἐν Εὐμενίσιν εἰπὼν τὰ περὶ τὴν κρίσιν τὴν Ὀρέστου φησὶν ὡς ἡ Ἀθηνᾶ πραΰνασα τὰς Ἐρινύας ὥστε μὴ χαλεπῶς ἔχειν πρὸς τὸν Ὀρέστην Εὐμενίδας ὠνόμασεν, εἰσὶ δὲ Ἀληκτὼ, Μέγαιρα, Τισιφόνη.

[665] Aesch. _Eum._ hypoth.... ἧς βουλῇ νικήσας κατῆλθεν εἰς Ἄργος, τὰς δὲ Ἐρινύας πραΰνας προσηγόρευσεν Εὐμενίδας. To suit the statement of Harpocration, πραΰνας has been altered to πραΰνασα.

[666] There is no evidence that can be relied on to show that before Aeschylus wrote his play the Semnae ever bore the title of Eumenides. Pausanias indeed (VII. 25. 1) quotes an oracle from Dodona ostensibly belonging to the mythical days of Apheidas, in which the title Eumenides is given to the goddesses of the Areopagos,

φράζεο δ’ Ἄρειόν τε πάγον, βωμούς τε θυώδεις
Εὐμενίδων κτλ.

And this oracle, he says, the Greek called to mind when the Peloponnesians came against Athens in the time of Codrus. The passage stands alone, and oracle-mongering was rife at all times.

[667] Soph. _Oed. Col._ 41.

[668] Aesch. _Prom. Vinct._ 209

Θέμις
καὶ Γαῖα πολλῶν ὀνομάτων μορφὴ μία.

[669] _Oed. Col._ 486

ὥς σφας καλοῦμεν Εὐμενίδας, ἐξ εὐμενῶν
στέρνων δέχεσθαι τὸν ἱκέτην.

[670] P. I. 11. 4.

[671] P. VII. 25. 7.

[672] P. VIII. 34. 2.

[673] At this point unhappily a lacuna occurs.

[674] _A. Mitt._ IV. 1879, pl. IX. p. 176.

[675] The regular ritual offerings at Titane, see P. I. 11. 4 and Aesch. _Eum._ 834.

[676] The archaic marble statuette found at Olympia and representing a woman with polos on her head and a snake in each hand may very possibly be one of three Eumenides. See _Olympia_, vol. III. p. 27.

[677] Suidas s.v. Εὐμενίδες· Φιλήμων δὲ ὁ κωμικὸς ἑτέρας φησὶ τὰς Σεμνὰς θεὰς τῶν Εὐμενίδων.

[678] Xenoph. frg. 1, 2, 5 and 6.

[679] P. VIII. 42. 4. The material for the study of the non-human forms taken by Greek gods has been recently collected by Dr M. W. de Visser, _Die nicht-menschengestaltigen Götter der Griechen_, 1903.

[680] P. VIII. 41. 6.

[681] Munich. Published and discussed by Dr Böhlan, ‘Schlangenleibige Nymphen,’ _Philologos_ LVII. N.F. XI. 1, and see ‘Delphika,’ _J.H.S._ XIX. 1899, p. 216, note 1.

[682] Aesch. _Eum._ 1.

[683] Aesch. _Prom. Vinct._ 209.

[684] The clearest and most scientific statement of the facts as to this difficult subject known to me is to be found in an article by Dr E. B. Tylor, ‘The Matriarchal family system,’ _Nineteenth Century_, July 1896.

[685] S. Augustine, _De civitat. Dei_ 18. 9 ut nulla ulterius ferrent suffragia, ut nullus nascentium maternum nomen acciperet, ut ne quis eas Athenaeas vocaret.

[686] Athen. XIII. 2 § 555 and Tzetzes _Chil._ V. 19. 650. Other instances of the survival in Greek mythology of traces of matriarchal conditions are collected by Bachofen in his _Mutterrecht_, a book which, spite of the wildness of its theories, remains of value as the fullest existing collection of ancient facts.

[687] P. VIII. 2. 3.

[688] Diog. 8. 1. 10, and Iambl. _Vit. Pyth._ 3. 11.

[689] The fundamental unity of all the Greek goddesses was, I think, first observed by Gerhard, _Ueber Metroon und Goetter-Mutter_, 1849, p. 103, but his illuminating suggestion has been obscured for half a century by systems, such as that of Preller and Max Müller, that see in ancient deities impersonations of natural phenomena.

[690] P. X. 12. 10

Ζεὺς ἦν, Ζεὺς ἐστί, Ζεὺς ἔσσεται· ὦ μεγάλε Ζεῦ.
Γᾶ καρποὺς ἀνίει, διὸ κλῄζετε μητέρα γαῖαν.

[691] P. VIII. 2. 4.

[692] The distinction has been acutely observed by Miss W. M. L. Hutchinson in discussing the earth-born parentage of Aeacus, see _Aeacus a Judge of the Underworld_, p. 6.

[693] Ἐφημερὶς Ἀρχ. 1892, Pl. 9; for stamped Boeotian amphorae in general, see Mr A. de Ridder, _Bull. de Corr. Hell._ XXII. 1898, p. 440.

[694] Dr Wolters (Ἐφ. Ἀρχ. 1892, p. 225) explains the figure of the Earth-Mother as Artemis Λεχώ. I entirely agree with Prof. S. Wide that her pose is not that of ‘eine gebärende Frau’: see S. Wide, ‘Mykenische Götterbilder und Idole,’ _A. Mitt._ XXVI. 1901, p. 253.

[695] Ἐφ. Ἀρχ. 1892, Pl. 10. 1.

[696] On the head of one of the idols in the recently discovered shrine at Cnossos, Mr Arthur Evans kindly tells me, is perched a dove, a forecast it may be of Aphrodite.

[697] See Prof. Ramsay, _J.H.S._ 1884, p. 245.

[698] Cic. _De Nat. Deor._ II. 26 et recidunt omnia in terras et oriuntur e terris.

[699] Aesch. _Choeph._ 127.

[700] Plut. _de fac. in orb. lun._ 28 καὶ τοὺς νεκροὺς Ἀθηναῖοι Δημητρείους ὠνόμαζον τὸ παλαιόν.

[701] Cic. _Legg._ II. 22, and 25, 63.

[702] 1 Cor. XV. 36.

[703] _B.M. Cat._ B 213. Inghirami, _Vasi Fitt._ III. 300. Mr A. Lang, _Homeric Hymns_, plate facing p. 104, names the design ‘Leto with her infants Apollo and Artemis.’ The catalogue of the British Museum with just caution says ‘Leto (?),’ but adds that the children are ‘probably Apollo and Artemis.’ The figures to either side of the central ‘Mother,’ Dionysos and a Satyr, give no clue to the interpretation.

[704] Mr G. C. Richards, _J.H.S._ XIII. 1892, p. 284, pl. XI.

[705] P. V. 18. 1. Dr Frazer translates the difficult word διεστραμμένους ‘turned different ways’; the word seems usually to imply distortion, but in the case of Death and Sleep this seems inappropriate.

[706] _B.M. Cat._ B 168.

[707] Ar. _Thesm._ 295 and schol. ad loc. The words τῇ Γῇ have been interpolated after Κουροτρόφῳ but without MS. authority.

[708] P. IX. 16. 2.

[709] Mr R. C. Bosanquet, ‘Excavations of the British School at Melos,’ _J.H.S._ XVIII. 1898, p. 60, Fig. 1, and Dr P. Wolters, ‘Melische Kultstatuen,’ _A. Mitt._ XV. 1890, p. 248.

[710] All the proposed etymologies, possible and impossible, are collected by Mannhardt, _Mythologische Forschungen_, p. 287. To his discussion must now be added Dr Kretschmer’s view that Δᾶ like Μᾶ means mother and that the form Δαμάτηρ arose when Δᾶ had crystallized into a proper name. See _Festschrift der Wiener-Studien_, 1902, p. 291.

[711] Aesch. _Prom. Vinct._ 568.

[712] _Etym. Mag._ s.v. Δηώ sub fin.: ἢ Δηώ, παρὰ τὰς δηάς· οὕτω γὰρ δηαὶ προσαγορεύονται ὑπὸ Κρητῶν αἱ κριθαί.

[713] Hom. _Il._ II. 528 ζείδωρος ἄρουρα.

[714] _History of the New World_, vol. II. p. 7.

[715] O. Rubensohn, ‘Eleusinische Beiträge,’ _A. Mitth._ 1899, pl. VII.

[716] _Hom. Hymn. ad Cer._ 1.

[717] _Hom. Hymn. ad Cer._ 470. The elaborate aetiology of the whole Homeric Hymn to Demeter has been fully examined and explained by Mr F. B. Jevons in his _Introduction to the History of Religion_, ch. XXIII. and Appendix.

[718] Athens Nat. Mus. 484. Fig. 67 is reproduced from a photograph kindly sent me by Prof. Sam. Wide. For further particulars of this class of vases I must refer to Prof. Wide’s article ‘Eine lokale Gattung Boiotischer Gefässe,’ _A. Mitt._ XXVI. 1901, p. 143. Prof. Wide makes the interesting suggestion that the bird in the field is a bird-soul and points out that merely decorative ‘Füllfiguren’ do not occur on this class of vases. This interpretation seems to me highly probable, but till further evidence emerges, I hesitate to adopt it as certain.

[719] Plut. _de fac. in orb. lun._ XXVIII.

[720] Plut. _de Is. et Osir._ LXVI. ποιητὴς δέ τις ἐπὶ τῶν θεριζόντων ‘Τῆμος ὅτ’ αἰζηοὶ Δημήτερα κωλοτομεῦσιν.’

[721] P. VIII. 25. 4-7.

[722] _Jahrbuch d. Inst. Anz._ 1893, p. 166.

[723] Berl. _Cat._ 2646. _Mon. d. Inst._ XII. tav. IV. This vase with others of the same type is explained by Dr Robert, _Archäologische Mährchen_, p. 196, as the rising of a Spring-Nymph, but the inscribed Berlin vase was not known to him, see also ‘Delphika,’ _J.H.S._ XIX. 1899, p. 232.

[724] _Cat._ 298. Milliet et Giraudon, Pl. LII. B, discussed by Prof. Furtwängler, _Jahrbuch d. Inst._ 1891, p. 113, and Prof. Gardner, _J.H.S._ XXI. 1901, p. 5, and J. E. Harrison, ‘Delphika,’ _J.H.S._ XIX. 1899, p. 232.

[725] Vasi dipinti del Museo Vivenzio designati di C. Angelini nel MDCCXCVI. Illustrato di G. Patroni 1900, Tav. XXIX. All the plates of this publication are of course reproduced from very old drawings and are quite untrustworthy as regards style. The vase under discussion is now lost, so that the original cannot be compared. Sig. Patroni thinks the drawing is authentic. I reproduce it partly because the subject is not wholly explicable, partly in the hope that by making it more widely known, I may lead to the rediscovery of the vase, which may be in some private collection.

[726] Prof. Percy Gardner, ‘A new Pandora Vase,’ _J.H.S._ XXI. 1901, Plate 1.

[727] _Brit. Mus. Cat._ D 4. _White Athenian Vases_, Plate 19. _Myth. and Mon. of Anc. Athens_, p. 450, fig. 50.

[728] The worship of Ge as Anesidora at Phlya will be later discussed, Chap. XII.

[729] A lost play of Sophocles was called Πανδώρα ἢ Σφυροκόποι. The σφῦρα though characteristic of Hephaistos the craftsman was used by agriculturists. Trygaeus in the _Pax_ (_v._ 566) remembers that his σφῦρα waits at home glittering and ready, see _J.H.S._ XX. 1900, p. 107.

[730] Prof. Furtwängler, _Jahrbuch d. Inst._ 1891, pp. 117 and 124, ‘Ein uraltes mythisches Symbol für die Blitze sind aber Hammer und Beil. Sie sind es ... die mit mächtigen Gewittern den Kopf der grossen Mutter Erde schlagen und hämmern bis sie erwacht und erweicht.’

[731] P. I. 43. 2 ... ἐοικότα δὲ τῷ λόγῳ δρῶσιν ἐς ἡμᾶς ἔτι αἱ Μεγαρέων γυναῖκες.

[732] The _Etymologicon Magnum_ has the form Ἀνακληθρίς.

[733] Xen. _Symp._ VII. 5. I have elsewhere (_Myth. and Mon. of Anc. Athens_, p. cxvii) discussed the possible influence of such mimetic presentations on the fixed mythological types of vase-paintings. Dr Frazer (_Golden Bough_, 2nd ed. vol. III. p. 165) makes the interesting suggestion that in sacred dramas may be found a possible meeting-ground between Euhemerists and their opponents.

[734] Ar. _Av._ 971, schol. ad loc.

[735] Frg. Hippon. ap. Athen. IX. § 370.

[736] Philostr. _Vit. Apoll._ XXXIX. § 275.

[737] _Brit. Mus. Cat._ E 467. _J.H.S._ XI. pl. 11 and 12, p. 278, and Roscher, _Lex._ s.v. Pandora, fig. 2.

[738] Hes. _Theog._ 570, trans. Mr D. S. MacColl.

[739] Hes. _Op._ 69 ff.

[740] Hes. _Op._ 59.

[741] For the origin of the _pithos_ see _J.H.S._ XX. 1900, p. 99.

[742] Plut. _de Ei ap. Delph._ II. 1.

[743] P. IX. 35. 1.

[744] Eur. _Ion_ 496.

[745] Eur. _Erech._ frg. V. 3.

[746] I have collected and discussed this evidence in ‘Mythological Studies,’ _J.H.S._, vol. XII. 1891, p. 350.

[747] P. I. 18. 2.

[748] P. I. 26. 6.

[749] Ov. _Met._ II. 759.

[750] Schol. ad Ar. _Thesm._ 533 κατὰ γὰρ τῆς Ἀγραύλου ὤμνυον κατὰ δὲ τῆς Πανδρόσου σπανιώτερον.

[751] Plut. _Quaest. Symp._ IX. 14. 2.

[752] For three in the cultus of the dead, see Diels, _Sibyllinische Blätter_, p. 40. For a discussion of trinities other than of maiden goddesses, see Usener, ‘Dreiheit’ (_Rhein. Mus._ LVIII. pp. 1-47).

[753] In this connection it may be worth noting that where the nature of the dual goddess prevents her taking a central place as in the case of Eileithyia she never merges into a trinity. There are often two Eileithyiai, e.g. one to either side of Zeus at the birth of Athene, but never three.

[754] Roscher, _Lex._ s.v. Matres, Matronae.

[755] Fröhner, Coll. Tyszkicwisk, Pl. XVI.; _J.H.S._ XIX. p. 218, Fig. 3.

[756] _A. Mitt._ 1896, p. 266, Taf. VIII.

[757] Eur. _Ion_ 490, trans. Mr D. S. MacColl.

[758] For the development of the type of Hecate in conjunction with the Charites, see _Myth. and Mon. Anc. Athens_, p. 373.

[759] In the Vienna Museum, found at Gallipoli, _Arch. Epigr. Mitt._ vol. I. Taf. 1. Prof. O. Benndorf, ‘Die Chariten des Sokrates,’ _Arch. Zeit._ 1869.

[760] The sources for the story are well collected in Roscher’s _Lexicon_, s.v. Paris, but the author of the article seems to have no suspicion of the real substratum of the myth.

[761] Luc. _dial. deor._ 20 ἡ καλὴ λαβέτω. Tzetzes ad Lycophr. 93 τῇ καλῇ τὸ μῆλον.

[762] _Cat._ 422. Milliet et Giraudon, Pl. 104.

[763] _B.M. Cat._ E 289. _J.H.S._ VII. 1886, p. 9.

[764] _J.H.S._ VII. 1888, p. 198, fig. 1.

[765] _J.H.S._ VII. 1888, p. 203.

[766] _J.H.S._ VII. 1888, p. 282.

[767] Procl. _Excerpt._ αἳ πρὸς Ἀλέξανδρον ἐν Ἴδῃ κατὰ Διὸς προσταγὴν ὑφ’ Ἑρμοῦ πρὸς τὴν κρίσιν ἄγονται. See Schneider, _Der troische Sagenkreis_, p. 99, and Welcker, _Ep. Kyklos_ II. 88.

[768] _Berl. Cat._ 2154. Endt, _Beiträge zur Ionischen Vasenmalerei_, p. 29, figs. 11, 12 and 13.

[769] The figure of Paris which does not here concern us came in with the popularity of the Homeric cycle, and the connection between the conflict of σημεῖα and the Trojan war may probably have been due to the author of the _Kypria_.

[770] Eur. _Andr._ 281.

[771] Since the above was written I see that Eustathius (§ 1665. 59) expressly states that Aphrodite strove _with the Charites_: ἔνθα ἐρίσαι περὶ κάλλους τήν τε Ἀφροδίτην καὶ τὰς Χάριτας αἷς ὀνόματα Πασιθέη, Καλὴ καὶ Εὐφροσύνη, τὸν δὲ δικάσαντα κρῖναι καλὴν τὴν Καλήν, ἣν καὶ γῆμαι τὸν Ἥφαιστον. He goes on to say that Kalè married Arachnos in Crete and that Arachnos μιγέντα αὐχεῖν τῇ Ἀφροδίτῃ μιγῆναι.

[772] Hom. _Od._ XX. 67.

[773] I follow Prof. Ridgeway (_J.H.S._ 1898, p. xxxiv) in holding that Artemis with her father Zeus and her brother Apollo are immigrants from the North, divinities of the Achaean stock. Hence their dominance in Homer.

[774] Published and discussed by M. P. Perdrizet, _Bull. de Corr. Hell._ 1898, p. 584.

[775] Tradition variously ascribed the theft to Tantalos and Pandareos. Here the presence of the two daughters points to Pandareos as the offender. The sources for the myth of the theft in its various forms, which do not here immediately concern us, are collected in Roscher’s _Lexicon_, s.v. Pandareus, see also p. 226.

[776] On only one vase representing the ‘Judgment’ does Artemis so far as I know appear, viz. the _very_ late amphora in the Naples Museum. (Heydemann, _Cat._ 2870.)

[777] _Anthol. Palat._ VI. 280; the play on κόρα in the lines

τὰς τε κόρας, Λιμνᾶτι κόρᾳ, κόρα, ὡς ἐπιεικὲς
ἄνθετο καὶ τὰ κορᾶν ἐνδύματ’ Ἀρτέμιδι

cannot be rendered in English.

[778] Dilthey, _Arch. Zeit._ 1873.

[779] Pauly-Wissowa s.v. Athena, p. 1941, 50.

[780] Plat. _Legg._ 796 ἡ δὲ αὖ που παρ’ ἡμῖν Κόρη καὶ δέσποινα ... ἃ δὴ πάντως μιμεῖσθαι πρέπον ἂν εἴη κόρους τε ἅμα καὶ κόρας.

[781] Soph. frg. ap. Strabo § 392. That Pallas was the eponymous hero of the Pallantidae was first pointed out by Düncker, _Hist. of Greece_, vol. I. p. 113.

[782] Strab. XVII. 46 § 816 παρθένος ἱερᾶται ἃς καλοῦσιν οἱ Ἕλληνες παλλάδας: see A. Fick, _Indogerm. Beiträge_, 1896.

[783] _C.I.A._ II. 470. 10 συνεξήγαγον δὲ (οἱ ἔφηβοι) Παλλάδα μετὰ τῶν γεννητῶν καὶ πάλιν εἰσήγαγον μετὰ πάσης εὐκοσμίας.

[784] Aesch. _Eum._ 916.

[785] _The Knights of Aristophanes_, p. 83.

[786] See Mr Gilbert Murray, _Ancient Greek Literature_, p. 178.

[787] _Hom. Hymn._ XXVIII., translated by Mr D. S. MacColl.

[788] Aesch. _Eum._ 736.

[789] Rossbach, _Griechische Antiken des arch. Museums in Breslau, Festgruss 40 d. Philologen_ (Görlitz, 1889), Taf. I.

[790] The meaning of the woman-headed bird and of her name was first seen by Dr Max Mayer, ‘Mythhistorica,’ _Hermes_ XXXVII.

[791] Ar. _Hist. Anim._ IX. 18, p. 617 _a_ 9.

[792] P. I. 5. 3 and I. 41. 6; see Dr Frazer ad loc.

[793] P. I. 41. 9.

[794] Lyc. _Alc._ 359. In connection with Lycophron’s account it is curious to find that in the earliest known representation of the rape of Cassandra in vase-paintings (_J.H.S._ 1884, Pl. XL.) behind the figure of Athene stands a large human-headed bird, but this may be a mere coincidence.

[795] O. Benndorf, _Griechische und Sicilische Vasenbilder_, pl. 51. 1.

[796] Soph. _Phil._ 1327.

[797] Herod. VIII. 41.

[798] Collignon et Couve, _Cat._ 1942. _Jahrbuch d. Inst._, Anzeiger, 1896, p. 36.

[799] Since the above was written I learn that Mr Evans has discovered at Cnossos the figure of a goddess with a snake in either hand and a snake or snakes coiled about her head. She may prove to be the prototype of Athene, of the Erinys and of many another form of Earth-goddess.

[800] Coll. Faina. _Röm. Mitt._ 1897, XII. pl. 12. Another instance of a winged Athene occurs on the fine vase published by Mr A. de Ridder, _Cat. Bibl. Nat._ No. 269, p. 173, fig. 23. Athene flies over the sea carrying the dead body of a hero. Here she performs the office of Eos or of a Death-Siren or Harpy.

[801] Aesch. _Eum._ 407.

[802] _Il._ XVIII. 382.

[803] From a photograph. The slab is now in the Museum at Naples.

[804] E. Petersen, _Röm. Mittheil._ 1899, pl. VII. p. 154.

[805] Some further instances of the rising of an Earth-goddess greeted by Erotes will be discussed in Chapter XII., and see p. 570.

[806] Hom. _Od._ VIII. 270.

[807] _Hom. Hymn_ VI. 2, trans. by Mr Gilbert Murray.

[808] At Sekyon, though we are not expressly told of a bath of Aphrodite, she had a maiden-priestess who was called Loutrophoros, see P. II. 10. 4. The Orphic Hymn to Aphrodite (LV. 19) joins together the notions of bath and birth: Αἰγύπτου κατέχεις ἱερῆς γονιμώδεα λουτρά.

[809] P. II. 38. 2.

[810] Reproduced from a photograph. The relief is published and fully discussed by Dr Petersen, _Röm. Mittheilungen_, 1892, Taf. II. p. 32. The relief with two other slabs manifestly belonging to the same structure came to light on a Sunday during the summer of 1887, during the absence of the official inspector, in the piece of ground formerly belonging to the Villa Ludovisi and now bounded by the Vie Boncompagni, Abruzzi e Piemonte. It is said to have been found in an upright position, but as no other monuments came to light, though the ground was examined to a depth of 50 metres, the reliefs were probably not _in situ_. Dr Petersen thinks they formed the three sides of a throne of Aphrodite. They may, however, have formed part of the decoration of the mouth of a well. That they were in some way connected with Aphrodite is practically certain from the design on the two other reliefs (not figured here). These represent respectively a nude woman playing on the double flutes, who, from the analogy of similar representations on vase-paintings, is certainly a hetaira, and a woman draped and veiled bringing incense who is probably a bride. The various interpretations and restorations of the monument are given by Dr Helbig, _Führer Rom_ II. p. 128, and _Antike Denkmäler d. K. Arch. Inst._ vol. II. Pl. 6 and 7, p. 3.

[811] P. V. 11. 8.

[812] Since the above was written I see that M. Joubin (_La Sculpture Grecque entre les guerres médiques et l’époque de Périclès_, p. 204) has anticipated me in using the Genoa vase as evidence to show that the uprising woman in the Ludovisi relief is Aphrodite. But unfortunately M. Joubin fails to see that Aphrodite is also Kore; he says, ‘D’autres archéologues avaient identifié le personnage figuré à mi-corps avec Korè ou Ge; mais la découverte du vase de Gènes coupe court toutes ces interprétations.’ This is to my mind to miss the real religious significance of the figure; but M. Joubin is, of course, mainly concerned with artistic criticism.

[813] Brit. Mus. _Cat._ D 2. The best reproduction of this beautiful vase is plate XV. of _White Athenian Vases in Brit. Mus._

[814] Lucret. I. 1.

[815] As long ago as 1857, H. D. Müller in his remarkable book _Mythologie der Griechischen Stämme_, pp. 249-255, saw that Zeus and Hera belonged to stocks racially distinct, and that in the compulsory marriage of Hera to Zeus is reflected the subjugation of a primitive race to Achaean invaders. In discussing the American excavations at Argos I followed his leading, see ‘Primitive Hera-Worship,’ _Cl. Review_, Dec. 1892, p. 474, and 1893, p. 44.

[816] Athen. § 672.

[817] Strab. § 637.

[818] P. VIII. 22. 2. The sources for the cult of Hera are well collected by Mr Farnell in his _Cults of the Greek States_, p. 211, but with Mr Farnell’s main thesis ‘that her association with Zeus is a primitive factor in the Greek worship of Hera’ I am still as he then notes (p. 199) completely at issue.

[819] Again acutely observed by H. D. Müller, _Mythologie d. Gr. Stämme_, pp. 254, 255, where the identity of Dione and Juno is noted.

[820] These reliefs are now in the Museum at Sofia: there were discovered in all ninety-two of the same type. _Bull. de Corr. Hell._ XXI. 1897, p. 130, fig. 12; p. 138, fig. 17.

[821] The survival of the type of the ‘Three Sisters’ in mediaeval days has been well traced by Miss Eckenstein, _Woman under Monasticism_, p. 40 ff.

[822] Since the above was written Mr A. B. Cook has with great kindness and generosity allowed me to read in proof his article on ‘Zeus, Jupiter and the Oak,’ shortly to be published in the _Classical Review_. Mr Cook believes that the worship of Zeus was indigenous in Greece and that Zeus, Poseidon and Hades are three forms of one primaeval god. His contention is supported by an immense mass of evidence. I am at present unconvinced, but space forbids my entering on the controversy here.

[823] Diog. Laert. _Vit. Epim._ XI.

[824] Ἐφ. Ἀρχ. 1866, pl. 3. The ‘patriarchal couple’ are, I incline to think, rightly explained by Dr Svoronos (_Journal d’Archéol. et Num._ 1901, p. 503) as Asklepios and Hygieia, but as for my purpose it is not necessary to name them, and as the evidence is too detailed to be resumed here, I prefer not to go beyond the inscription.

[825] I follow Prof. Ridgeway in holding that Apollo and his sister Artemis belong to the immigrant Achaean stock, see p. 31, note 1.

[826] Heydemann, _Cat._ 108. Raoul Rochette, _Mon. Inéd._ pl. 37.

[827] Eur. _Ion_ 5.

[828] The evidence for this I have collected elsewhere, see ‘Delphika,’ B. The Omphalos, _J.H.S._ 1899, XIX. 225.

[829] _A. Mitt._ 1887, Taf. XII.

[830] Plut. _de defect. orac._ 1.

[831] P. VI. 20. 7.

[832] P. VIII. 4. 9.

[833] P. III. 26. 5

[834] P. III. 15. 3.

[835] Theocr. _Id._ XVIII. 38.

[836] _Inv. C.A._ 617. Published by M. L. Couve, _Revue Archéologique_, 1898, p. 213, figs. 1 and 2, and discussed by Dr Blinkenberg, 1898, p. 398.

[837] P. III. 18. 15.

[838] Dr S. Wide, ‘Mykenische Götterbilder und Idole,’ _A. Mitt._ 1901, p. 247, Pl. XII.

[839] P. II. 13. 3.

[840] P. VIII. 35. 8.

[841] For the bear-service of Artemis and the bear dedicated to her, see _Myth. and Mon. Anc. Athens_, p. 403.

[842] The materials for the study of hero-worship are well collected in Roscher’s _Lexicon_, s.v. Heroes, and for English readers there is an excellent survey in Mr W. H. D. Rouse’s _Greek Votive Offerings_, c. I. In the pages that follow I confine myself for the most part to such aspects of hero-worship as affect my main argument, and to certain evidence from art which seems to me to have been neglected, or misunderstood. I must also note that, advisedly, I only deal with the ‘Making of a God’ in so far as the god developes out of the hero. The most important and far more difficult question of the relation between totemism and god-making, a problem for the solution of which Greek tradition provides but scanty material, I leave for the present untouched. It can only be decided by much wider anthropological investigation than is within my scope.

[843] _A. Mitt._ 1877, pl. XXII.

[844] For the ‘Timocles’ relief and for the whole class in general, see _Myth. and Mon. Anc. Athens_, p. 590, where I have discussed the influence of the typography of these hero-reliefs on Attic gravestones.

[845] H. Jumod, _Les Barongas_, p. 396, and see ‘Delphika,’ _J.H.S._ XIX. 1899, p. 216.

[846] Mr F. M. Cornford kindly points out to me that the _bearded_ snake is not unknown to Greek literature. He is one of the many θαύματα that meet us in the life of Apollonius of Tyana, see Philostr. _Vit. Apoll._ III. 7 and 8. These snakes belong to the wonder land of India.

[847] Published and discussed, ‘Delphika,’ _J.H.S._ XIX. 1899, p. 229, figs. 9 and 10.

[848] _Cat._ 2458. _J.H.S._ 1899, p. 227, figs. 7 and 8. I have here discussed and rejected a possible mythological interpretation.

[849] Herod. IV. 172.

[850] Aesch. _Choeph._ 105.

[851] P. VI. 20. 3.

[852] Verg. _Aen._ V. 95.

[853] A. Conze, _Reise in der Insel Lesbos_, Pl. IV. fig. 5, p. 11.

[854] Ael. _Hist. An._ I. 51.

[855] Plut. _Vit. Cleom._ 39.

[856] Phot. s.v. ἥρως ποικίλος. After Christian days the notion started by the Olympian religion that the snake was bad was strengthened by association with the ‘old serpent’ of Semitic mythology. Mr R. C. Bosanquet kindly drew my attention to a curious survival of the belief that a bad soul takes the form of a snake in the account of the life and miracles of the fifth century saint, St Marcellus (_Boll. Acta Sanctorum_ 1-3, vol. LXIII. of the whole series, pp. 259 and 267). It was related that a certain matron of noble family, but bad character, died and was buried with great pomp. ‘Ergo ad consumendum ejus cadaver coepit serpens immanissimus frequentare, et, ut dicam clarius, mulieri, cujus membra bestia devorabat, ipse draco factus est sepultura.’ St Marcellus subdued the snake by striking it thrice with his staff and putting his prayer-book on its head. To the present day among the Greeks an unbaptized child, who is not yet quite human (Χριστιανός), is sometimes spoken of as a snake-monster (δράκος) and is apt to disappear in snake form. For the δράκος see Abbott, _Macedonian Folklore_, p. 261.

[857] Herod. II. 51 θεοὺς ὅτι κόσμῳ θέντες. Herodotus according to the fashion of his day derives θεοί from the root θε, to put in order.

[858] Prof. Ridgeway, _Early Age of Greece_, vol. I. p. 339. Aristotle distinctly states that the region round Dodona was ‘ancient Greece,’ see Ar. _Meteor._ I. 12. 9 αὕτη δὲ (ἡ Ἑλλὰς ἡ ἀρχαία) ἐστὶν ἡ περὶ τὴν Δωδώνην καὶ τὸν Ἀχελῷον ... ᾤκουν γὰρ οἱ Σελλοὶ ἐνταῦθα καὶ οἱ καλούμενοι τότε μὲν Γραικοὶ νῦν δέ Ἕλληνες, see Prof. Bury, _J.H.S._ XV. p. 217.

[859] Hesych. s.v. ἥρως· δυνατός, ἰσχυρός, γενναῖος, σεμνός.

[860] Hom. _Od._ I. 29.

[861] I owe this explanation of ἀμύμων entirely to Mr Gilbert Murray.

[862] Hom. _Od._ XXIV. 80.

[863] _Il._ I. 423.

[864] _Od._ XII. 261.

[865] _Od._ XIX. 109.

[866] _Il._ VI. 171.

[867] Aesch. _Choeph._ 1586. Prof. Ridgeway, _Early Age of Greece_, vol. I. p. 97, has pointed out that Agamemnon and Menelaos were new-comers, and that Helen was of the indigenous stock. I venture to suggest that Aigisthos and Clytaemnestra belong also to the ‘Pelasgian’ stratum.

[868] Hom. _Od._ III. 267.

[869] P. II. 16. 7.

[870] Hom. _Od._ XI. 235.

[871] Hes. frg. ap. Schol. Pind. _Pyth._ IV. 253.

[872] Verg. _Aen._ VI. 585. Hygin. _Fab._ 61. Salmoneus, not Athamas, is I think represented on the Chicago vase (fig. 8) as holding the thunderbolt of Zeus; the vase has been rightly explained by Mr A. B. Cook, _Cl. Rev._ July 1903, p. 276. It will later (Chap. XI.) be shown that the canonical Hades was peopled by these heroes of an early racial stratum.

[873] _Od._ XI. 576.

[874] Strab. IX. 3 § 423.

[875] _Od._ VII. 323.

[876] P. X. 4. 10.

[877] P. V. 13. 3.

[878] Pind. _Ol._ I. 90 schol. ad loc.

[879] Schol. ad hyp. _Nem._ Ὁ ἀγὼν (τῶν Νεμέων) ἐπιτάφιος ἐπὶ Ἀρχεμόρῳ ... ὕστερον δὲ νικήσας Ἡρακλῆς ... ἐπεμελήθη τοῦ ἀγῶνος τὰ πολλὰ ἀνορθωσάμενος καὶ Διὸς εἶναι ἱερὸν ἐνομοθέτησε.

[880] P. III. 19. 3.

[881] Ar. _Av._ 1482, schol. ad loc. Athenaeus (XI. 4 § 461) gives the same account of the character of heroes: χαλεποὺς γὰρ καὶ πλήκτας τοὺς ἥρωας νομίζουσι.

[882] Hesych. s.v. κρείττονας.

[883] _West African Studies_, p. 132.

[884] Ar. _Tagenist._ frg. 1.