Chapter XVII: Part 17

Government had information (I know it to be very serious, and
not from them). The sudden withdrawing of the Troops from the
coast to the City, the extraordinary assembling of Parliament,
the calling out of a part of the Militia, of course caused great
alarm, but the effect was good. The middle ranks in town proposed
Associations.[287] I believe we began in Sussex. I instantly took
to it, gave a right direction, limited the business to support
of Constitution as now established, and of exerting the Civil
power which should be found necessary at this extraordinary
crisis instead of patchwork and partial association by Towns.
I have promoted one in each of the twelve Divisions of the
County. My Division meets first. The Plan ran like wild-fire.
The Constitution is the phrenzy more than Liberty, property and
no excise, or coalition ever was. All the parishes in London are
associating.

I had written the first page when the Princess d'Henin, who
left Boulogne yesterday, entered my room, and the now immediate
departure of post only allows me to say that Charles Fox on
moving the amendment of the Address[288] uttered the most
mischievous doctrines, principles, &c., that could at this
time be invented, declaring himself, however, a friend to the
Constitution, yet admitting the necessity of some changes. We
(Country Gentlemen) opposed him, 290 to 50.[289] Lord Lansdown's
men included in the latter. Most of the others were only with him
because they thought it better not to throw him out of all chance
of control. Just as I came into this house I met Lord Bute, who
told me the Irish Catholicks were in arms. Whether we shall have
war with France is far from settled.

I shall write by next post.

[286] On December 1 an Order in Council was passed, calling
out part of the militia. Another portion was called out on the
western and southern coasts by a second Order of December 5.
Parliament met on December 13 to ratify the step taken by the
Government, within the fourteen days required by statute.

[287] An association was formed, in November, 1792, at the St.
Alban's Tavern, of members of Parliament and other persons of
influence, including Lord Sheffield. A declaration was issued,
stating that, in the opinion of those who signed it, it was in
the present moment incumbent upon us "to give to the executive
government a vigorous and effectual support, in counteracting the
numerous efforts of sedition, in detecting and bringing to legal
punishment the persons concerned therein, and in suppressing in
their beginnings all tumults or riots, on whatever pretence they
may be excited." Another association at the Crown and Anchor,
presided over by Mr. Reeves, a barrister, and containing in the
list of signatures the name of J. T. Batt, Lord Sheffield's
friend, issued a similar declaration. Other associations were
formed with the same object by the merchants and bankers of
London, by the merchants, etc., at Lloyd's, by the general body
of Protestant Dissenters in London and Westminster, by many of
the Livery Companies, and by the Corporation of the City of
London. The declaration to be signed in the county of Sussex is
quoted in full at the beginning of the _Gentleman's Magazine_
for July to December, 1792. The following note is added:
"Association, on the best principle, is taking place throughout
England, and nowhere in a better form than in Sussex, under the
auspices of Lord Sheffield."

[288] Fox, on December 13, declared the calling out of the
militia to be a "ministerial manœuvre," and moved as an amendment
to the address, "That his Majesty's faithful Commons, assembled
in a manner new and alarming to the country, think it their first
duty, and will make it their first business, to inform themselves
of the causes of this measure, being equally zealous to enforce
a due obedience to the laws on the one hand, and a faithful
execution of them on the other."

[289] Lord Malmesbury thus analyzes the minority: "21 were
reformers, 4 Lord Lansdowne's members, and the rest people
personally attached to Fox, and who, from this feeling, and
_against their sentiments_, voted with him. Such were Crewe,
Lord Edward Bentinck, Lord George Cavendish, Lord Milton, Lionel
Damer, and others" (_Diaries and Correspondence_, vol. ii. p.
476).

610.

_Lord Sheffield to Edward Gibbon._

Sheffield Place, 20th Dec., '92.

[Sidenote: JACOBINISM IN ENGLAND.]

I wrote in much haste to you last Friday, and I know not at this time what I wrote. I suppose I mentioned to you that Fox had, contrary to the opinion of all the considerable and respectable men of the Party, uttered everything that his worst enemy could wish, and avowed everything which he seemed to keep back last Sessions. It is impossible to imagine anything more injudicious or more mischievous at this time. Every man in the street asked, "Is he mad?" On the report of the address he maintained still more extravagant language than the day before. The next day, Saturday, he moved an Address to the King to acknowledge and send an Embassy to the Republic, or to that effect.[290] I had been considerably _elevated_ by his speeches of the preceding day, and just before I came down to the House, I heard that Brissot had announced in his newspaper of the 10th, as a measure of Opposition, the acknowledgment of the Republic and an Embassy. I did not suppose that Fox had any communication with him, but it seemed that somebody who was in his councils had connection with Brissot. Thus figged, the moment Fox sat down, I burst, and expressed myself pretty vigorously, and I was not sorry for the opportunity, as I knew the country gentlemen were properly disposed, and I was glad to shew a _good example_. Some followed strongly against Fox's conduct. The speeches are wretchedly given in the common newspapers, but there is a good report of what I said in the Diary and Morning Chronicle, and if there should be room, Maria shall copy it at the end of this letter, as it is not long.

Your last letter of the 26th Nov. is not the 6th, but the 5th Bulletin of affairs in your neighbourhood. While you continue to write you shall have frequent accounts from hence.

I had not an opportunity of learning distinctly whether Pitt has at last positively declined the admission of Fox into Administration. I have heard it said that he had, and that he had not, both seemingly from good authority, but in truth I forgot to enquire from the only quarter that could inform. The Duke of Portland is greatly distressed by Fox's conduct--if he were to be desired, he might become more desperate.--Lord Loughborough is more vigorous in his opinion of the matter. There seems at present no probability of his accepting the Great Seal. It would be a situation of uncertainty, his acceptance would be reprobated, and he would involve himself in much more trouble and difficulty than at present; yet I do not see how Government can go on without a considerable addition of force. It seems to me, however, agreed among the better part of us in Opposition not to distress or obstruct Government by opposition at this time. The business is too serious. Jacobinism had lately slid rapidly through many parts of the country. Emissaries of all sorts and in great numbers have been very busy, and at a great expence.

I believe that I mentioned in a late letter that the Chief of the Propaganda was here.--Rotombeau,[291] the most execrable of wretches, is here, and bragged that with his own hand he had murdered the Lamballe and 38 persons in one day. Many Frenchmen landed upon different parts of our coast with arms. Some imported them regularly and paid duty for them. Several men landed even near Ipswich with Fire-locks, Side-arms, and a dagger. The officer commanding took them from them, and the Mayor ordered them to be stored. The numbers in London were very great--a very considerable number of persons there, and especially in the Borough, were in concert with them. However wild it may appear, the Plan was to surprize the Tower and to deliver the hundred thousand muskets in the Armoury to the people, who they supposed would follow them. The number who have associated in the several clubs is said to consist of many thousands. Government had notice that an attack would be made on Sat. the 1st Decr. All the night of Friday Artillery and Artillery-men were marching to the Tower from Woolwich, and before day-break it was well-guarded. All this I know and not from friends of Government. The Tower has since been much strengthened; the gates fortified, the Ditch cleansed, and a considerable body of men is now there. All the Cavalry and Regulars within a hundred miles of London, were brought to its close neighbourhood.

[Sidenote: FOX'S MISCHIEVOUS SPEECHES.]

The country was of course alarmed, the shopkeepers at Lewes proposed Association in favour of the Constitution, the same disposition seems to have arisen at the same time in different parts of England. Finding it likely to run, I have been very active in giving it a direction. It appeared to me that nothing could be more advantageous than arranging the minds of the people under a good Principle, while they were in a ferment, and when once committed by their signature, it was likely they would be strenuous for measures which I endeavoured to make their own, as much as possible. Every division of this county is forming Associations to support the Civil Power, and declaring in favour of a Government by King, Lords and Commons. The spirit is going through the whole kingdom. The Jacobins seem to be totally crushed and dismayed. Many French fled to the Ports to secure a passage. Whether C. Fox's speeches will revive them, I do not yet know, but they certainly will encourage many of the miscreants within the country. I do not know whether I mentioned to you the great facility with which several people, even in this county, talk of the foolish expence of maintaining a royal family. Association, giving an opportunity to such an immense proportion of the people to shew their attachment to the Constitution, has an excellent effect, and I have no doubt that the French Devils on the excellent appearance of things will give up their machinations. On the late explosion Rotombeau made an attempt to fly--he was told he would be safer in London. He is well _spied_--he sees four hundred persons in a day. I believe he is now gone.

I came here on Sunday to attend a great meeting of Associations (which I had promoted) on Monday. I intended to return, but on Tuesday I wrote to the D. of Portland & to Lord Loughborough, and told them I was so disgusted with Fox's conduct that I thought they would agree with me, that I had better remain at Sheffield Place till Parliament meets for business after Christmas. That I was sure a very small number of members indeed would follow him in his present career. That, as a well-wisher to the tranquility and safety of the country, I need not be apprehensive of any mischief, except what may arise from the language he holds, which cannot be prevented. That I do not like to seem separate from men with whom I have zealously acted ten out of the thirteen years of my political life.

(_Continued by the Hon. Maria Holroyd._)

My Lord's Speech, taken from the Diary--he rose immediately after Mr. Fox's motion for an Embassy to France. "It is impossible to be silent. Are we then in that deplorable situation? Are we the vilest and most contemptible of nations? Are we to be the first to acknowledge, and cringe to these cut-throats and robbers, who have not the recommendation of being able to controul their own Banditti? Are we to league with them, to act in concert with them? How soon they may be invited here, he should not then attempt to guess--or to say how soon our gaols may be filled with the most respectable persons of the Nation, for the purpose of murdering them in cold blood without a trial--or how soon the most amiable of our women and of the highest ranks may lie on straw crowded in the most loathsome gaols, as in France, with the lowest dregs of the people, faultless however, except that their fathers, husbands, or sons may have ventured to maintain the constitution; he should leave to others more able than he was to detail the mischiefs of the monstrous proposition that had been made. He was too much agitated to attempt it. He was almost ashamed of the enthusiasm he had hitherto felt in favour of the Right Honourable Mover. It is true he had made much enquiry, but he hoped other country gentlemen would communicate what they knew of the state of the country. In respect to war, he believed every man wished to avert it. That the surest means of avoiding it would be by vigorous preparation for it, and if it could not be avoided, that it would be better policy to meet it, than wait for it. That the Disturbers of the World when they had over-run other nations, envying and dreading our prosperity, would not fail with double force to visit us. His Lordship concluded with some observations on the late measures, and told the Ministers, that although he commended their promptness and vigour, yet he could not approve their unjustifiable interpretation of the word--Insurrection. They would have done much better if they had acknowledged that, in consequence of some uncommon danger which impended, they had for the public good laid themselves under the necessity of applying to the Legislature for indemnity, but that he had not objected to the Address or supported the Amendment, because he would not seem to countenance the many mischievous principles and suggestions which had been heard in that House the last two days from the Mover of the Amendment."

[290] On Saturday, December 15, Fox moved that an address be
presented to his Majesty, "that a minister may be sent to Paris
to treat with those persons who exercise provisionally the
functions of executive government in France." The motion was
negatived without a division.

[291] "Some of the very worst of the French murderers on the 10th
of August and beginning of September have been here, particularly
one _Rotundo_, who was a principal performer in the massacres
of the prisoners on the 2nd and 3rd of September. He was one of
the executioners of Madame de Lamballe, of which I understand he
boasted when in England, for I hear he is gone back" (_Life and
Letters of Sir Gilbert Elliot_, vol. ii. p. 91). It is difficult
to trace the foundation for the statement. One Petit Mamin was
accused of having boasted that he had killed the princess; but he
denied having made the boast, and proved, to the satisfaction of
the jury, that he was not in Paris at the time (Mortimer-Ternaux,
_Histoire de la Terreur_, 1792-94, vol. iii. pp. 632, 633).
In Lescure's _Vie de la Princesse de Lamballe_ (pp. 426-428)
the names of the murderers are given as Charlat and Grison. M.
Feuillet de Conches (_Louis XVI., Marie Antoinette, et Madame
Elisabeth_, vol. vi. p. 316) says that Gonchon was the name of
the man who first struck down the princess.

611.

_To Lord Sheffield._

Lausanne, Dec. 14th, 1792.

*Our little storm has now completely subsided, and we are again spectators, though anxious spectators, of the general tempest that invades or threatens almost every country of Europe. Our troops are every day disbanding and returning home, and the greatest part of the French have evacuated the neighbourhood of Geneva. Monsieur Barthelemy,[292] whom you have seen secretary in London, is most courteously entertained, as ambassador, by the Helvetic body. He is now at Berne, where a Diet will speedily be convened; the language on both sides is now pacific, and even friendly, and some hopes are given of a provision for the officers of the Swiss guards who have survived the Massacres of Paris.

[292] François, Marquis de Barthélemy (1750-1830), concluded
three treaties at Basle in 1795--with Prussia, the United
Provinces, and Spain. He was a member of the Directory; but,
suspected for his moderation, was sent, first to Cayenne, then to
Sinnamari. Thence he escaped to England. He assisted in drawing
up the charter at the restoration of Louis XVIII.

January 1st, 1793.

[Sidenote: REVOLUTION AT GENEVA.]

With the return of peace I have relapsed into my former indolence; but now awakening, after a fortnight's slumber, I have little or nothing to add, with regard to the internal state of this country, only the revolution of Geneva has already taken place, as I announced, but sooner than I expected. The Swiss troops had no sooner evacuated the place, than the _Egaliseurs_, as they are called, assembled in arms; and as no resistance was made, no blood was shed on the occasion. They seized the gates, disarmed the garrison, imprisoned the magistrates, imparted the rights of citizens to all the rabble of the town and country, and proclaimed a _national_ convention, which has not yet met. They are all for a pure and absolute Democracy; but wish to remain a small independent state, whilst others aspire to become a part of the republic of France; and as the latter, though less numerous, are more violent and absurd than their adversaries, it is highly probable that they will succeed. The Citizens of the best families and fortunes have retired from Geneva into the Pays de Vaud, but the French methods of recalling or proscribing emigrants will soon be adopted. You must have observed, that Savoy has now become _le Department du Mont Blanc_. I cannot satisfy myself whether the mass of the people is pleased or displeased with the change; but my noble scenery is clouded by the democratical aspect of twelve leagues of the opposite coast, which every morning obtrude themselves on my view. I here conclude the first part of the history of our Alpine troubles, and now consider myself as disengaged from all promises of periodical writing. Upon the whole, I kept it beyond our expectation; nor do I think that you have been sufficiently astonished by the wonderful effort of the triple dispatch.

You must now succeed to my task, and I shall expect, during the winter, a regular political journal of the events of your greater world. You are on the theatre, and may often be behind the scenes. You can always see, and may sometimes foresee. My own choice has indeed transported me into a foreign land; but I am truly attached, from interest and inclination, to my native country; and even as a Citizen of the World, I wish the stability and happiness of England, the sole great refuge of mankind against the opposite mischiefs of despotism and Democracy. I was indeed alarmed, and the more so, as I saw that you were not without apprehension; but I now glory in the triumph of reason and genuine patriotism, which seems to pervade the country; nor do I dislike some mixture of popular enthusiasm, which may be requisite to encounter our mad or wicked enemies with equal arms.

The behaviour of* Fox *rather afflicts than surprises me. You may remember what I told you last year at Lausanne, when you attempted his defence, that his inmost soul was deeply tinged with Democracy. Such wild opinions cannot easily be reconciled with his excellent understanding, but ''tis true 'tis pity, and pity 'tis, 'tis true.' He will surely ruin himself in the opinion of the wise and good men of his party. You have now crushed the daring subverters of the Constitution, but I now fear the moderate well-meaners--reformers. Do not, I beseech you, tamper with Parliamentary representation. The present House of Commons forms in _practice_ a body of Gentlemen who must always sympathize with the interest and opinions of the people, and the slightest innovation launches you without rudder or compass on a dark and dangerous ocean of Theoretical experiment. On this subject I am indeed serious.

Upon the whole, I like the beginning of '93 better than the end of '92. The illusion seems to break away throughout Europe. I think England and Switzerland are safe. Brabant adheres to the old constitution. The Germans are disgusted with the rapine and insolence of their deliverers. The Pope is resolved to head his armies, and the Lazzaroni of Naples have presented St. Januarius with a gold fuzee, to fire on the Brigands Français. So much for politics, which till now never had such possession of my mind. Next post I will write about myself and my own designs. Alas, your poor eyes! make the Maria write; I will speedily answer her. My Lady is still dumb. The German posts are now slow and irregular. You had better write by the way of France, under cover, directed to _Le Citoyen Rebours, à Pontarlier, France_. Adieu.*

Ever yours,
G.

612.

_To Lord Sheffield._

Lausanne, Jan. 6th, 1793.

[Sidenote: OF HIMSELF AND HIS OWN PLANS.]

*There was formerly a time when our correspondence was a painful discussion of my private affairs; a vexatious repetition of losses, of disappointments, of sales, &c. These affairs are now decently arranged: but public cares have now succeeded to private anxiety, and our whole attention is lately turned from Lenborough and Beriton, to the political state of France and of Europe. From these politics, however, one letter shall be free, while I talk of myself and of my own plans; a subject most interesting to a friend, and only to a friend.

I know not whether I am sorry or glad that my expedition has been postponed to the present year. It is true, that I now wish myself in England, and almost repent that I did not grasp the opportunity when the obstacles were comparatively smaller than they are now likely to prove. Yet had I reached you last summer before the month of August, a considerable portion of my time would be now elapsed, and I should already begin to think of my departure. If the Gout should spare me this winter, (and as yet I have not felt any symptom,) and if the spring should make a soft and early appearance, it is my intention to be with you in Downing-street before the end of April, and thus to enjoy six weeks or two months of the most agreeable season of London and the neighbourhood, after the hurry of parliament is subsided, and before the great rural dispersion. As the banks of the Rhine and the Belgic provinces are completely overspread with anarchy and war, I have made up my mind to pass through the territories of the French Republic. From the best and most recent information, I am satisfied that there is little or no real danger in the journey; and I must arm myself with patience to support the vexatious insolence of democratical tyranny. I have even a sort of curiosity to spend some days at Paris, to assist at the debates of the Pandæmonium, to seek an introduction to the principal Devils, and to contemplate a new form of public and private life, which never existed before, and which I devoutly hope will not long continue to exist. Should the obstacles of health or weather confine me at Lausanne till the month of May, I shall scarcely be able to resist the temptation of passing some part at least of the summer in my own little paradise.

But all these schemes must ultimately depend on the great question of peace and War, which will indeed be speedily determined. Should France become impervious to an English traveller, what must I do? I shall not easily resolve to explore my way through the unknown language and abominable roads of the interior parts of Germany, to embark in Holland, or perhaps at Hamburgh, and to be finally intercepted by a French privateer. My stay in England appears not less doubtful than the means of transporting myself. Should I arrive in the spring, it is possible, and barely possible, that I should return here in the autumn; it is much more probable that I shall pass the winter, and there may be even a chance of my giving my own country a longer tryal. In my letter to My Lady I fairly exposed the decline of Lausanne; but such an establishment as mine must not be lightly abandoned; nor can I discover what adequate mode of life my private circumstances, easy as they now are, could afford me in England. London and Bath have doubtless their respective merits, and I could wish to reside within a day's journey of Sheffield-place. But a state of perfect happiness is not to be found here below; and in the possession of my library, house, and garden, with the relicks of our society, and a frequent intercourse with the Neckers, I may still be tolerably content. Among the disastrous changes of Lausanne, I must principally reckon the approaching dissolution of poor Severy and his family. He is still alive, but in such hopeless and painful decay, that we no longer conceal our wishes for his speedy release. I never loved nor esteemed him so much as in this last mortal disease, which he supports with a degree of courage, patience, and even chearfulness, beyond all belief. His wife, whose whole time and soul are devoted to him, is almost sinking under her long anxiety. The children are most amiably assiduous to both their parents, and at all events, his filial duties and worldly cares must detain the son some time at home.

[Sidenote: A LITERARY SECRET.]

And now approach, and let me drop into your most private ear, a literary secret. Of the Memoirs little has been done, and with that little I am not satisfied. They must be postponed till a mature season; and I much doubt whether the book and the author can ever see the light at the same time. But I have long revolved in my mind another scheme of Biographical writing: the lives, or rather the characters, of the most eminent persons in arts and arms, in Church and State, who have flourished in Britain from the reign of Henry VIII. to the present age. This work, extensive as it may be, would be an amusement rather than a toil: the materials are accessible in our own language, and for the most part ready to my hands: but the subject, which would afford a rich display of human nature and domestic history, would powerfully address itself to the feelings of every Englishman. The taste or fashion of the times seems to delight in picturesque decorations; and this series of British portraits might aptly be accompanied by the respective heads, taken from originals, and engraved by the best masters. Alderman Boydell,[293] and his son-in-law, Mr. George Nicol, bookseller in Pallmall, are the great undertakers in this line;* but your negociation with them will require the dexterity of an Auckland or a Malmsbury, as it is most essential that I be solicited, and do not solicit. In your walk through Pall Mall, you may call on the bookseller, who appeared to me an intelligent man, and after some general questions about his Edition of Shakespeare, &c., you may open the British portraits as an idea of your own to which I am perfectly a stranger. If he kindles at the thought, and eagerly claims my alliance, you will begin to hesitate. "I am afraid, Mr. Nichols, that we shall hardly persuade my friend to engage in so great a work. Gibbon is old, and rich, and lazy. However, you may make the tryal, and if you have a mind to write to Lausanne (as I do not know when he will be in England), I will send the application."

On the receipt of his proposal, the business will come properly before me, and it will then be in my power to deliberate, to demur, to state observations, and to prescribe terms. Should Nichols or Boydell be cool, you will be still colder; I shall hear from you the tone and motives of their refusal, and on my arrival in England I shall be free to consider, whether it may suit me to proceed in a mere literary work without any other decorations than those which it may derive from the pen of the author. *It is a serious truth, that I am no longer ambitious of fame or money; that my habits of industry are much impaired, and that I have reduced my studies to be the loose amusement of my morning hours, the repetition of which will insensibly lead me to the last term of existence. And for this very reason I shall not be sorry to bind myself by a liberal engagement, from which I may not with honour recede.

Before I conclude, we must say a word or two of Parliamentary and pecuniary concerns. 1. We all admire the generous spirit with which you damned the Assassins, but I hope that your abjuration of all future connection with Fox was not quite so peremptory as it is stated in the French papers. Let him do what he will, I must love the dog. The opinion of Parliament in favour of Louis XVI. was declared in a manner worthy of the representatives of a great and wise nation.[294] It will certainly have a powerful effect; and if the poor King be not already murdered, I am satisfied that his life is in safety: but is such a life worth his care? Our debates will now become every day more interesting; and as I only expect from you opinions and anecdotes, I most earnestly conjure you to send me Woodfall's Register, with the margins cut close, as often (and that must be very often) as the occasion deserves it.* My direction, more distinctly than in my last letter, must be under cover to Le Citoyen le Rebours, Maitre de Poste a Pontarlier, dans le department du Doubs. *I now spare no expense for news.*

2. Will it never be possible to get me a good Mortgage for my £3000? I believe it may be advisable to change my stock from the Short Annuities, the value of which is wearing every day, to the 3 per Cents., which are now so low. Notwithstanding Sainsbury's death, I hope the Buriton interest is regularly paid; when there is a stoppage, the Goslings might give you or me notice that I may not be exposed to the danger of overdrawing. I want to have Caplin's direction, as I may have some orders that should be executed before my arrival. We have written twice to Ostend without obtaining an answer. Have you had no better success? I tremble for my Madeira.

*I want some account of Mrs. G.'s health. Will my lady never write? How can people be so indolent! I suppose this will find you at Sheffield-place during the recess, and that the heavy baggage will not move until after the birthday. Shall I be with you by the first of May? The Gods only know. I almost wish that I had accompanied Madame de Staël.*

Ever yours,
E. G.

[293] Boydell was Lord Mayor in 1790-91.

[294] On December 21, 1792, a copy was read to the House of
Commons of the instructions sent to Earl Gower, the British
Ambassador at Paris, signifying his recall in August on the
ground that, as the executive power was withdrawn from Louis
XVI., the credentials under which the ambassador acted were no
longer available. In the instructions, the king, while "adhering
to the principles of neutrality in respect to the settlement of
the internal government of France," considered it "no deviation
from those principles to manifest, by all the means in his power,
his solicitude for the personal situation of their most Christian
majesties, and their royal family; and he earnestly and anxiously
hopes that they will, at least, be secure from any acts of
violence, which cannot fail to produce one universal sentiment of
indignation through every country of Europe." It was unanimously
resolved that the paper should remain on the table of the House.
The king was sentenced to death by the Convention, January 17,
1793. His appeal to the nation was rejected, January 19-20, and
the final sentence announced to him on Sunday, January 20. He was
executed the following day.

613.

_Lord Sheffield to Edward Gibbon._

Sheffield Place, Jan. 23rd, 1793.

Your silence, which seemed long after your extraordinary epistolary efforts, threw the family into a state of revolt; we abjured writing to you until we had further information of your state, &c. Your letters of the 1st & 6th (the latter rec^{d}. this day) promoted an immediate search for this large sheet of paper.

[Sidenote: LORD SHEFFIELD ON SWISS POLITICS.]

In respect to the French Revolution at Geneva, I consider it in a very serious light. I am perfectly satisfied that if a War with England does not take place, that the execrable french demons will produce the same Revolution in the Pays de Vaud. From what has passed lately, I have entirely changed my opinion of the Swiss character. I no longer expect that noble resistance which was supposed characteristic of them. This mortifies me, but I see a greater probability of your re-establishment in England than I had flattered myself with before. I acknowledge that no creature could leave your spot without deep regret. It is eminently beautiful and pleasant. Its convenience is of your own creation, your books are there--but tho' the translation of them to this island might cost you £400, it would not be impossible expence.

But war between this country and France is more certain than you seem to think it. You could not have read Lord Grenville's notice of Chauvelin's Paper.[295] I like it much, it seemed to show that War is inevitable--indeed letters received this day mention it as certain, and Chauvelin's departure is immediately expected. The Devils seem damnably afraid of us, and I hope with reason. There can be little doubt that Spain and Holland will heartily join and compleat the Circle of Fire, except on the frontier of your poor Swiss. Surely it will be more politick and more economick for us to engage, when backed by all Europe, than to fight them single-handed hereafter. Our merchants however affect to be panic-struck on Acct. of our Turkey fleet, which they say is worth a million sterling. I should not forget a strange dilemma in which we find ourselves through a most extraordinary neglect of that essential naval store--cordage. All the Rope-yards in England will not in a considerable time be able to supply the quantity that is wanted. I have the pleasure however of observing that the War is not likely to be unpopular. Charles F. and they who bellowed most against it certainly most wish it, because it is the only thing that can eventually overturn the Administration. But you remark how few join in the cry against War. None of the innumerable declarations of Associations give the smallest hint of disapprobation.

[Sidenote: FOX AND THE DUKE OF PORTLAND.]

I believe I mentioned that I thought, if C. Fox should manage prudently, that the Party would not suffer essentially. But he seems totally to have discarded all attention to that respectable and most necessary though vulgar condescension. In the Debate,[296] when Sir Gilbert Elliot stated that the Duke of Portland entirely differed from C. Fox, the latter distinctly said, that he had no reason to think so, but if that was the case, there was nothing left for him to do, but either to carry on the most fruitless opposition or to quit Parliament. It is said he went next morning to the Duke and repeated his threat to quit Parliament. The Duke was induced to send the Marquis of Titchfield to the House of Commons to contradict in a degree, or at least give a different colour to what Sir Gilbert had said, although the latter had taken down in writing the Duke's sentiments which he had delivered to the House. It is a most serious business to cast off or deny the Leader of the Party in the House of Commons, and such a man as Fox, with whom he has always acted. But it seems probable from the spirit of the times that the Duke will ruin himself with the Publick by adhering to him. It is probable that he will still remain enthralled with a connection which at this moment is neither consistent with his opinions, his interest, nor his estimation with those who have hitherto highly respected him; should that happen, it is impossible to unite two confidences so entirely opposite to each other, and no party can hold men together whose views for the Publick Interest are so totally different. The state of the times will accelerate decision. The ambiguous state in which things were left at the time of the Recess, must in some way be cleared up before our meeting, which is to take place a week hence.[297]

Every appearance indicates War--a War for the very existence of the Constitution--half measures cannot be pursued with safety or honour. Charles seemed disposed to support the enemies of the country, against the country, as he and his Party did the last War. You will recollect how it used to affect my nerves, and how I used to execrate the conduct of Opposition. The second attempt at the same vile game revolts me in the highest degree, and I think it will be impossible for me ever to follow such a leader. I have kept out of the way, yet I find the Country Gentlemen and many others much disposed to follow the style I took up so vigorously on the proposition being made to acknowledge the Republick. What I then said is _vaunted_ throughout Europe far beyond what it deserves. It has been nobly seconded by the Country Gentlemen. It certainly was not pronounced with indifference, but with the most hearty zeal. It was a natural effort, and probably the best of the kind I had ever made, and the friends of Government said it was the best and most useful speech that will probably be made this Sessions.

I hear since my absence that others and of high consequence are tired and disgusted with the uncertainty of the situation in which some of our friends have placed themselves, and with the multiplied intrigues that have been used to keep them in that state. In the country, by all accounts, and certainly in town, there has been a very general consent to the measures which have been taken to resist all that torrent of evil which was pouring in upon us from France; and it is truly mortifying, that those, who have done great good by their early favor to those measures, should suffer their conduct to be obscured and lose the credit of their good intentions. I believe I mentioned that I had reason to suppose L^d. L. would not accept the Seals, unless there should be something like a general coalition. But this was before the meeting of Parliament. Several of my correspondents say that he is certainly to have them immediately. The _disorganized_ state of the Party and the wrong-headedness of a Chief among the Commons have perhaps promoted it.

In respect to your passage to this country. War renders it very difficult. After a declaration, you, especially a notorious aristocrate, will hardly venture it--a degree of acrimony is to be expected, and ought to be promoted by us between the two countries. The Rhine will not be a desireable route for such an unweildy personage, who could not easily shift as difficulties arose, but you might travel the road by which Mrs. Moss returned,--by Stutgard and Frankfort, without touching upon the Rhine till she came to Cologne. From Cologne or Dusseldörf you might find your way to the Hague, and there our friend Lord Auckland would contrive to amuse you till he could find a passage in a Frigate for you to England. I by no means intend to recommend this route to you early in the Spring, but in Summer, when the invading armies will probably have left the Rhine in their rear. But until they have left its neighbourhood--Frankfort, &c., I do not see a chance of even a more active person passing that way without disagrement. In short, I should think you rather wild if you attempted to go to Paris, even if there were not war; and if you were there, the uncivilized crowding at the Pandemonium would not delight you.

[Sidenote: EXECUTION OF LOUIS XVI.]

Since this was began a letter from the D. of Richmond announces the horrid account received yesterday from Paris, that, the King was condemned to death on Sunday, was to be executed on Monday,[298] and that a general massacre of his friends was expected. I have not words to express myself. Life cannot be desireable to the unfortunate man--the abomination will in the end be useful--the execration of the World will be uniform and the extirpation of the miscreants surely must and will follow. The abhorrence of their principles will be compleat check to the further spreading of the greatest evils we have ever heard of, and on account of the odium which shall fall on their whole system. I rejoice that the worse than savage act should be done by the Assembly rather than by a tumultuous mob. I can hardly think on any other subject.

Another letter acquaints me that Parliament will meet for business sooner than I expected. Dundas has given notice of a message to come down on Monday the 31st, equivalent to a declaration of War.[299]

I shall send the diary as you desire; I was astonished to receive your letters with the Pontarlier post-mark. You may know best; I should not have supposed France the surest way for them, as the War cannot last. I shall not think of selling your stock to lay it out on a Mortgage at present. I shall consult Darrell on the rational plan of exchanging the short annuities into 3 per Cents. I have told you more than once that I had information of your Madeira, and that it was moving towards you at last. Whether de Custine has since tasted it, I cannot say, but I shall enquire. I fear some letters must have miscarried. Mention dates.

I shall never consent to your dropping the Memoirs. Keep that work always going; but you should decide whether the book and the author are to see the light together, because it might be differently filled up according to that decision. A man may state many things in a posthumous work, that he might not in another; the latter often checks the introduction of many curious thoughts and facts. But I like your Biographical plan very much. It will give great satisfaction, and it may last as long as yourself. What think you of the manner of Plutarch? I shall mention the matter to Nicholls. Well-engraved portraits is a decoration that will be desired by all. We have a slight work by Birch[300] which you know, and which accompanies some very good portraits.

We hear with most sincere concern of the state of that eminently honest _gentleman_, poor de Severy, and were highly concerned for the family. It must be obvious to you that a tolerable situation for the son, in the way you wish, becomes every day more unpromising. Nothing but the North and part of Germany is open, and the passage there during the war will not tempt our great people to send their sons, and I know and you may readily suppose that the market is overstocked in the greatest degree by the numberless Frenchmen of fashion who are soliciting for the office on any terms. So many solicit for them, Severy has scarce a chance during War.

I saw in a Newspaper some time ago a Paragraph which stated several circumstances concerning your present situation at Lausanne, and added that the account came from a noble Lord. I was a good deal annoyed, altho' the circumstance of great incorrectness proved that it did not come from me.

[295] Chauvelin had been accredited by Louis XVI. in May, 1792.
But he now (December 27) addressed a note to Lord Grenville, as
agent of the Executive Council of the French Republic, asking
whether Great Britain was to be considered as a belligerent or
as a neutral power. Lord Grenville declined (December 31) to
acknowledge his official position, but explained the policy of
the British Government. On January 18, 1793, Lord Grenville
replied to M. Chauvelin that the British Government would
continue its preparations to protect the country and its allies,
and to oppose a barrier to French views of aggrandizement and
the propagation of destructive principles. On January 24, M.
Chauvelin was ordered to leave the kingdom within eight days. He
left on January 25. The Convention declared war against England
and Holland, February 8, 1793, and against Spain, March 7.

[296] Lord Sheffield alludes to the debate on the second reading
of the Alien Bill (December 28, 1792). Fox opposed the Bill; Sir
Gilbert Elliot spoke for it, and stated that the Duke of Portland
was in its favour, and that the majority of the Opposition,
of which the duke was the leader, intended to support the
Government. After the debate, Elliot, Wyndham, and Fox met at
the Duke of Portland's, when the duke stated that Sir Gilbert
had correctly expressed his views. Fox, however, recovered
his ascendency over the Duke of Portland, who authorized the
Marquis of Titchfield (December 31), his eldest son, M.P. for
Buckinghamshire, to confine the support of the Opposition to this
particular measure. The marquis ended his speech with an attack
upon the individual ministers, a passage added, it is said, by
Fox, which neutralized the effect of his support (_Diaries and
Correspondence of Lord Malmesbury_, vol. ii. pp. 494, 495).

[297] The Parliamentary recess lasted from January 4 to January
28, 1793.

[298] Louis XVI. was executed in the Place de la Révolution at
10.22 in the morning of Monday, January 21, 1793.

[299] The message was delivered on January 28, laying before the
House the correspondence between Lord Grenville and M. Chauvelin,
and asking for an augmentation of the forces by sea and land.

[300] _The Heads of Illustrious Persons of Great Britain, with
their Lives and Characters_, 2 vols. fol., 1743-52, by the Rev.
Thomas Birch, D.D. The engravings are by Houbraken, Gravelot, and
Vertue.

614.

_Lord Sheffield to Edward Gibbon._

Downing Street, 29th Jan., '93.

Yesterday I dined with the Lord High Chancellor Loughborough and his Lady just as he had returned from the Queen's House with the Seals. I came from the country the day before to attend the King's message, which you will see in the papers. I am provoked to write to you a post sooner than I intended by letters from a miserable Frenchman in Switzerland, who signs himself Naijeiraud, chez Madame Lizardex, née Valtravers, au Bureau d'Avis, à Lausanne. He dates his letter from Payerne and Friburg. They contain expressions of the greatest distress. He supposes me the Director of all the hospitable measures in England. Enquire for him immediately, do something for him immediately, and learn whether he does not merit more. His letters are shocking to read. I shall not dislike to pay you; yet as you are a rich old fellow, I am of opinion you will take an opportunity of doing something yourself or of ordering some subscriptions in your name in this country.

[Sidenote: FOX AND HIS FOLLOWERS.]

I observe no others going into office with Lord Loughborough. The D. of Port. is enthralled by Charles Fox, notwithstanding he declares he thinks as we do on the present topics, who do not mean to follow Ch. Fox again. Many adhere to D. of Portland however, yet highly disapproving C. Fox's conduct. The latter, Erskine and Grey, &c., were daily and publickly with Chauvelin, &c., before his departure.

Maret[301] is just come with credentials from the Republick, and it is said with _carte blanche_, and to enquire whether we will receive Dumouriez; offers to withdraw Troops from all the countries attacked, to do what we please in respect to Commercial Treaty, and to abide our arrangement of Peace with Europe. If this be true, it may embarras ministers here how to treat with Pache[302] or men who may not exist two days. Would it not be infamous in respect to all Europe to treat with them at all?

[301] Hugues Bernard Maret, afterwards Duc de Bassano
(1763-1839), was editor of the _Bulletin_ in which were reported
the debates of the National Assembly. He had served in Belgium in
concert with Dumouriez. He had already been sent to England by
the Convention. He now returned with fuller powers. He remained
in London till February after the dismissal of Chauvelin, and
only left when the war was declared. He was a favourite of
Napoleon, and Minister of the Interior under Louis Philippe.

[302] Jean Nicolas Pache (1740-1823) replaced Servan as Minister
of War in October, 1792. In February, 1793, he became Mayor of
Paris, and was responsible for many of the worst horrors of that
year.

615.

_Lord Sheffield to Edward Gibbon._

D. S., 5th Feb., '93.

I obey your orders in sending the account of the last great debate,[303] by the first post. Poor Woodfall is in a strait waistcoat, but the account is not badly given, & I have examined and find it the best. Charles F. told us distinctly that the Sovereignty was absolutely in the people, that the Monarchy was elective, otherwise the Dynasty of Brunswick had no right, and that the majority of the people, whenever they thought proper to change the form of Government, had a right to cashier the King. Perhaps the late conduct of the Prince of Wales (you know he has discarded Fox, Sheridan, Erskine, &c.) has promoted the utterance of these things. That which was called Opposition seems suspended in a comical state. The Duke of Portland adheres to Fox, and all the party disapprove Fox's conduct and almost all vote against him. I see no symptom as yet of anybody taking office with Lord Loughborough. I believe he is delicate in saying anything lest he should appear to use means to take from the Duke of P. The war is popular except among merchants, and those of London consider it as an unavoidable calamity. We are sending Artillery to the coasts of Sussex and Kent, and an Expedition to the West Indies. The beginning, particularly, of Pitt's speech was very fine. Fox's not so good as usual; and as to Windham, I should think he is become the best, at least the most sensible speaker of the whole.

[303] The debate on the king's message for the augmentation
of the forces took place on February 1. Fox spoke against the
increase. It may be added that Mr. Whitbread, speaking on the
same side, and alluding to the Duke of Brunswick's manifestos,
said that they breathed the spirit of Attila, "who, in the
emphatical words recorded by Mr. Gibbon, had said, 'Where
Attila's horse sets his foot, the grass never grows.'"

616.

_To Lord Sheffield._

Begun Feb. 9,--ended Feb. 18, 1793.

[Sidenote: DEATH OF M. DE SEVERY.]

*The struggle is at length over, and poor de Severy is no more! He expired about ten days ago, after every vital principle had been exhausted by a perpetual complication of disorders, which had lasted above five months: and a mortification in one of his legs, that gradually rose to the more noble parts, was the immediate cause of his death. His patience and even chearfulness supported him to the fatal moment; and he enjoyed every comfort that could alleviate his situation, the skill of his physicians, the assiduous tenderness of his family, and the kind sympathy not only of his particular friends, but even of common acquaintance, and generally of the whole town. The stroke has been severely felt, yet I have the satisfaction to perceive that Madame de Severy's health is not affected; and we may hope that in time she will recover a tolerable share of composure and happiness. Her firmness has checked the violent sallies of grief; her gentleness has preserved her from the worst of symptoms, a dry, silent despair. She loves to talk of her irreparable loss, she descants with pleasure on his virtues; her words are interrupted with tears, but those tears are her best relief; and her tender feelings will insensibly subside into an affectionate remembrance. Wilhelm is much more deeply wounded than I could imagine, or than he expected himself: nor have I ever seen the affliction of a son and heir more lively and sincere. Severy was indeed a very valuable man: without any shining qualifications, he was endowed in a high degree with good sense, honour, and benevolence; and few men have filled with more propriety their circle in private life. For myself, I have had the misfortune of knowing him too late, and of losing him too soon. But enough of this melancholy subject.