Chapter XIII: Part 13

We left this charming place very early, breakfasted at Spire and arrived at Manheim early enough to see all the Lyons before dinner. I was much entertained with the Gallery of Pictures in the Elector's Palace. It was much superior to anything I had seen. The Library is very handsome. Papa went to the Play in the evening & made an acquaintance there, who he brought home with him, & talked Commerce and Agriculture, till near one in the morning. The next day we went to Mayence, & the day after saw the Castle, the Provost's house, the Cathedral, &c., and left Mayence at two o'clock in a very tolerable Boat. But the Wind was quite contrary, & it was very late when we arrived at Bingen. Mama did not take a fancy to Navigation in the least. For my part I enjoyed it very much, as the Banks of the Rhine, particularly from Bingen to Coblentz, are very picturesque. The great number of Castles made me imagine myself in the Age of Chivalry, & I almost persuaded myself I was a distressed Damsel carried away against my Will. The next thing, of course, was to expect a brave Knight to set me free, but as none made their appearance, I was obliged to quit my romantic Ideas, & my _Castles in the Air_, of which I had plenty, as well in my head, as around me. In plain English, I was much pleased with the day's journey, & Mama was pretty well reconciled to seeing Water all round her, which was at first a great grievance.

[Sidenote: COBLENTZ AND WHITE COCKADES.]

Our famous Adventures begin here. We arrived at Coblentz[180] at five o'clock last Wednesday, & found every Inn in the Town full of _Panaches blancs_. After staying three hours in the Boat, with difficulty Papa found one Room, with one Bed, without Curtains & no other furniture of any kind in it. We preferred this to sleeping in the Boat, the only alternative, & accordingly we females slept on Mattresses upon the ground. As there were no curtains it was impossible to admit Papa of the Party, & he remained all Night in the Boat. The Account that was brought us of the Room we were to sleep in, was that between forty and fifty Officers were in two Rooms at each end of ours, which opened with Folding Doors. Upon a nearer enquiry, the number was reduced between 10 & 20--but they are tolerably quiet, considering they are _Frenchmen_. Yesterday was passed enquiring for Lodgings, & by the help of the Duc de Guiche,[181] the Woman of the house was prevailed upon to give us three Garrets, perfectly unfurnished--but this we considered as charming accommodation compared to the _higgledy piggledy_ Style we had been accustomed to--but the Ground is still our Bed.

Papa has found out a great deal of amusement for himself. He was presented yesterday to the Elector,[182] Monsieur,[183] Madame, the Comte d'Artois, the P. of Condé and his Son; to-day he dined at a very large dinner at the Prince of Nassau's[184]--& is now at the Play in Mad^{e}. de Nassau's Box, who was very desirous of our Company, but Mama is not fond of _violent measures_. The Comte de Romanzov[185] is here, Ambassador to the Princes from the Empress Cat. The Bishop of Arras[186] is not here; but the Duc de Guiche is every thing that is delightful, & Papa has not been at a loss for the Bishop. Our amusements may be mentioned in very few words. We have seen the citadel. We go from here early to-morrow morning--in our Boat. The Weather is very unfavorable to us. Only that you might justly make the Observation, "If you are sensible of your fault, why do you continue to offend?" I would apologize for the length of my Letter. But while you allow me to write to you, I do not think I have quite left Lausanne--& I never know how to leave off. Distribute our Love and comp^{ts} properly.

Believe me
Ever affec. yours,
MARIA T. HOLROYD.

I forgot to say we found our Letters here. Mama desires her Love to Severy & many thanks for his Letter. I have taken a great deal of pains to persuade her to write to him; but she has not resolution enough to take up her pen. I must whisper to you we were disappointed at not hearing a few lines from you.

[180] After the meeting of the Emperor of Austria and the King
of Prussia at Pilnitz, Coblentz became the rallying-point of the
_émigrés_--"a small extra-national Versailles: a Versailles _in
partibus_."

[181] The family of Guiche were descended from _la belle
Corisande_, who, left a widow at twenty-six by the death of her
husband, the Comte de Guiche, became the mistress of Henry IV.,
then only King of Navarre. The Duc de Guiche (afterwards Duc
de Grammont) married, in 1779, a daughter of the Duchesse de
Polignac, and to her interest he owed his place as captain of the
Villeroy Company of the Gardes du Corps. He was also colonel of
the _Dragons de la Reine_. The duke is a "good-natured young man"
(_Lord Auckland's Journal and Correspondence_, vol. i. p. 412).

[182] Charles Theodore, Elector of Bavaria and of the Palatinate.

[183] Monsieur, the title given to the eldest brother of the
reigning King of France, was the Comte de Provence, afterwards
Louis XVIII. (1755-1824). Madame, his wife, was Maria Josephine
Louisa, daughter of Victor Amadeus III. of Sardinia. They escaped
from Paris on the same night as Louis XVI.

[184] The Prince of Nassau-Siegen sailed round the world with
Bougainville (1766-69), served in the Spanish army at the siege
of Gibraltar, then entered the service of the Empress Catharine,
and, as an admiral, commanded the Russian fleet against Turkey
and afterwards against Sweden.

[185] Count Nicholas Romanzov, son of the distinguished Russian
general.

[186] Marc Hilaire de Conzie (1732-1805), Bishop of St. Omer,
became, in 1769, Bishop of Arras. With his brother, who succeeded
him as Bishop of St. Omer, he administered the province of
Artois. He followed the Comte d'Artois in his flight to Italy,
and at London was afterwards his chief political adviser.
He was a friend of Madame du Deffand, who writes of him
enthusiastically. The Duc de Lévis (_Souvenirs et portraits_)
speaks of him less favourably: "Il ne fit que du mal à son parti."

577.

_The Hon. Maria Holroyd to Edward Gibbon._

Brussels, October 29th, 1791.

It is probable that this my fourth Letter may remain unopened in your Pocket, but I shall leave that to Fate, & only think of convincing you, that I still remember Lausanne & my promise. I like to let People know how _unreasonable_ I am, & therefore I will tell you I had faint hopes of finding a few Lines here, either written or dictated by you. I frequently ask Mama, do you think they are talking of us at Lausanne? & she generally answers--I daresay not; so I should have had a great deal of satisfaction in shewing her, that you thought so much of us as to make a _violent effort_ to tell us so. We have proceeded on our journey with great success from Coblentz to Brussells, & to-morrow go to Antwerp. We arrived here on Thursday from Louvain--the Road was so bad & the Post-horses moved in such a _Swiss_ manner, that we were four days coming from Cologne.

The first day we slept at Juliers, the second at Liège, the third at Louvain, & the fourth (as I had the _honour_ of telling you) we came to Brussells, & fortunately arrived at 'L'Imperatrice,' the only Hotel where there was a single Room unoccupied, just as the Princesse de Salms was moving off--& took possession of her apartments with great satisfaction, as we expected Coblenz accomodations.

[Sidenote: THE SIGHTS OF BRUSSELS.]

We stayed but one night at Cologne, as the Maréchal de Castries was not there, & the Town possessed no other Charms to tempt us to stay, for it is the most dismal place I have seen. The Maréchal is here, & Papa has had a long conference with him. Luckily for us, Papa has neither met with a Quarter Master nor a Commercial man, nor a Farmer here, so we have seen a great deal and been very much amused. We saw the Palace of the Archduchess, a league out of Town, yesterday--& it is fitted up with more Taste than any thing we have seen in our travels. The rest of our time has been spent in Churches, the Arsenal, & some good Collections of Pictures. I have not time to be _prolix_ in my narration, which you will perhaps not be sorry for, as you are not as fond of a long letter as I am. Mama is pretty well, but will not be sorry to find herself at her own fire side again.

Remember us to those who remember our existence--you will not have much trouble, for I suppose you will only deliver the message to yourself--I suspect nobody else of thinking of us. Louisa desires I will not forget her best Comp^{ts} to _M. Mentrond_; she does not choose to suppose he can _forget her_. I expect to hear a great deal of _Mrs. Wood_--or if any body else has supplied her place in your _heart_. When you do write, if such an unlikely event should ever take place, pray tell me something of everybody; I shall like to see the names of those I was acquainted with, & while I read y^{r} letter, shall fancy myself at Lausanne.

Believe me,
Ever sincerely y^{rs},
MARIA T. HOLROYD.

I write in such haste that you must excuse faults of Style, Writing, &c.

578.

_Lord Sheffield to Edward Gibbon._

Calais, 5th Nov., 1791.

After various and sundry embarrassments, here we are safe. The pleasure of the visit being over and the sorrow of departure come on, it naturally occurred in aid of my concern what a damned Fool I was to undertake such an operation. To correct such cogitation, the _distractions_ of the Rhine were some relief. The state of its neighbourhood is at this time very interesting. It was curious to find the Princes and prime Nobility of France thankfull to be allowed to exist on a small angle formed by the Moselle and the Rhine. An army of officers, but not a common man. For the sake of visiting the Garrisons of Alsace, I went the whole length of that Province. Levade's letters were of essential service to me. I thankfully wrote to him when I had proceeded far down the Rhine. Probably I furnished some details, with which he probably has furnished you. I know not whether I mentioned that Huninge and Brisach are in good condition. An incompleat Regiment of two battalions in each place and some Dragoons, not sufficient garrisons, but some cantoned Troops might be thrown in if required.

[Sidenote: MILITARY FORCES ON FRENCH FRONTIER.]

The Regulars at Strasburgh are 6760, including 1100 Horse and 1300 artillery. They say they have some 7000 National Guards, I doubt it. They are the best I have seen; and yet they are very poor stuff for Soldiers, and many are not cloathed. I dined with the Colonel of Carbineers, and saw the finest regiment of France in detail, and also a Swiss Regiment (Viguier), one of the best. Some of the regiments are not more soldier-like than the National Guards. The Democrates say that the officers, being Aristocrates, neglect the men on purpose, and wish the regiments to be ruined; 40 officers had quitted one regiment in Alsace. In short, only seven remained with it, including the Colonel. The Park of Artillery at Strasburgh seems very compleat. It is the second in the Kingdom. A Train is ready for 40 Battalions. The Province of Alsace is at least half Aristocrate. I passed the evening and supped at the Mayor's while at Strasburgh. He and his Lady (a clever dame) thorough Republicans. Observe the Regulars in the two departments of the Rhine are commanded by a German,[187] and the National Guards by a Lt.-Colonel who is a Livonian. Mirabeau's Corps seems a miserable collection; several deserters came from it while I was at Strasburgh. Finally I flattered myself there would be a compleat _Brouillerie_ between the regulars and the National Guards before I left that place. The officers of the latter are naturally disposed to be very absurd. The double pay of these troops _soldès_ is likely to have an excellent effect on the _Troupes de ligne_. I found about 100 French officers at Manterin. Towards 900 at Worms. Bouillé and a certain number are at Mayence.

Including upwards of 900 of the Gardes du Corps and near 20 Generals, there are 2500 Officers at Coblentz. I was very graciously received by the Princes. They give a supper every night, where I had the amusement of being introduced to Marshal Broglie,[188] &c., &c. The Prince of Condé and Duc de Bourbon were there on a visit. Romanzov has brought credentials and two millions of livres French from the Empress; Calonne is at Baths not far distant for his health; Burke's son had been sometime at Coblentz and was gone to England with Cazalés. Our King has written a very amicable letter to the Princes promising neutrality. I went to Cologne to see the Marshal de Castries. He was gone to Brussels, where I found him. At every inn I found 20 or 30 French Officers, the road is covered with them from Brussels to Coblentz. Nothing can be worse timed than this desertion. It is a Phrenzy and was like wildfire. They would be much better with their regiments and ready in the country to protect Friends and to avail themselves of circumstances. The most sensible of the French disapprove this migration. The officers leave their Regiments without concert with the Princes, who have not lately encouraged it. There seems to be no particular plan at present but to wait events. I unfortunately missed the Abbé Maury passing to Coblentz. I wished to know him. He is a Cardinal _in petto_. He is to have the Arch-Bishop of Sens's Hat. The regular regiments were long ago ordered to be completed to the war establishment, but on an average they have not above half their complements, and on the frontier of the Low Countries there is not an officer left except Soldiers of Fortune.

_L'Esprit de Revolution_ is not likely to flourish again for some time in the Pais Bas. I found Imperial and Electoral troops in possession of Liège, and new taxes laid to pay expenses, viz. on Dogs, Servants, bachelors, &c. The Discontents in the Austrian Netherlands are not likely to be of much consequence, a great part of the country was miserably duped and the whole thrown into such an execrable state, that none but the lowest of the creation can wish for another experiment at a Revolution. The leading party among the enemies of the House of Austria being Clergy and Aristocrates cannot coalesce easily with the Democrates of France. All the Provinces except Brabant are content. Many say a counter-revolution in France is impossible, because the Mass of the People are of one mind. Not near so much as the Austrian Netherlands were. There almost every man was a Patriot, yet the moment an army appeared there was not a struggle. The different extent of country, &c., prevent a correct comparison.

However, it may be observed that France has not a neighbour that is not unfriendly to the Revolution. I have the worst opinion of the French Army. The National Guard behaved execrably at Nancy, where alone they have been tried. We indeed were told the contrary. Some Swiss officers (Democrates) who acted against the regiment of Chateau Vieux[189] have given me details. You may be sure that the Regulars and National Guards will not agree. I am satisfied that of those officers who remain with the Regiments, almost all except soldiers of fortune are aristocrates. The soldiers do _not desert_, but they say they will go to Paris. They will enter into the _Gardes Nat. soldès_, and they go where they please; nobody can stop them. Yet with such a King the situation of the Aristocrates is very difficult. Divisions will naturally take place, the Kingdom is _en traine_ to be torn to pieces. A foreign army on the Frontier or advancing to Paris might unite them, therefore it may be better to wait events. At the same time I have not a notion that a French army would fight under its present circumstances.

[Sidenote: THE MEETING AT PILNITZ.]

It was a comfort to see the excellent Bohemian and Hungarian Infantry in the Austrian Netherlands. They are in fine order. The Treaty of the 23rd of July last between the Emperor and the King of Prussia has been well concealed.[190] It is defensive. The supposition is that Prussia is dissatisfied with England. If Russia should accede to the Treaty (which is not thought unlikely), we shall be compleatly left in the lurch.

Maria has been alert and well-disposed to your correspondence. She seemed pleased with the office, but she will expect an answer. She has saved me from writing sooner. From Brussels we went to Antwerp, Ghent, Bruges, Ostende, and Dunkirk to this place. Mi Ladi continues the same. I should have stopped more than three days at Brussels if I had not been afraid of the division of Mrs. Maynard. Say everything kind for us to the de Severy family. If Mi Ladi does not reply soon to the Fils, I shall. I found letters at Brussels by which I learn that your £2000 is accepted by the Navigation Society, that Mr. Taylor has found a mortgage for £5000 in Yorkshire. He says somewhat of its being more convenient if the money is not paid till a little time hence, and I also learn that my worldly affairs, and the Navigation, have gone on as badly as might be expected from my absence.

Remember us to Mrs. Grevers.

[187] The Baron de Luckner (1722-1794), a Bavarian, entered the
French service after the Seven Years' War, was made a marshal in
1791, and guillotined in 1794.

[188] The Duc de Broglie (1718-1804), one of the most
distinguished of the French generals during the Seven Years' War,
was made a marshal in 1759. Louis XVI. appointed him in 1789
Minister of War; but he was among the earliest of the _émigrés_.
He entered the Russian service in 1794.

[189] In August, 1790, the Swiss Regiment of Château-Vieux
mutinied at Metz, demanding arrears of pay. They fired upon
the National Guard, seized the regimental treasury, and killed
Desilles. The outbreak was quelled by Bouillé. Of the survivors
of the Regiment of Château-Vieux, twenty-three were hanged,
and forty-one sent to the galleys. These galley-slaves were
subsequently released; a _fête_ in their honour was decreed by
the Assembly; their chains hung up as trophies in the Jacobin
Club at Brest, and the men carried through Paris in triumph on
April 15, 1792.

[190] The meeting of the King Frederick William of Prussia and
the Emperor Leopold of Austria at Pilnitz in 1791, excited the
greatest interest in Europe. It was supposed at the time that the
second partition of Poland was there concerted. But no definite
declaration in common seems to have been signed at that time
by the two sovereigns, except an engagement to make certain
representations to the French Government as to Louis XVI., the
Monarchy, and the restoration of property to the _émigrés_, and
to invite an European concert for the purpose of enforcing these
representations.

579.

_Lord Sheffield to Edward Gibbon._

[Incomplete in original.]

The increase of Mi Ladi's woman, and apprehensions thereon, made it necessary to shorten my visits. You have heard of the little accident on board the Packet. You know dear Puff has a great dislike to cats. About midnight, midway between France and England, an hideous noise like that of a cat in the act of being strangled was heard. Puff barked and was furious. I looked out of my den, and beheld it was an human kitten that proceeded from Mrs. Maynard who was prostrate on the floor. My Lady also incumbent there. Maria contemplative and Louisa astonished. Not a creature on board the Packet but ourselves and the crew. We never know what we may come to, and above all we should not have guessed that Mi Ladi was to become a mid-wife. The mother and child could not have been better, (and have continued so,) if all the obstetric Faculty of Paris and London had attended. The mother was so well that she expressed the greatest anxiety to go with us the day following above 80 miles across the country to this place. We left her in good lodgings and in good care. The want of her prevented the Ladies from passing two days at Lord Guilford's. We found two letters from him at Dover and a dozen messages. I went and had a pleasant dinner with him, and returned at night to the Ladies.

I must now come to the unpleasant part, your business. Immediately on my return I wrote to Taylor about the £5000 mortgage. I have a letter full of disappointment. The person to be paid off has accepted low interest. He complains of being frequently thus treated. Don't bother yourself. I still hope soon to settle the business.

I wrote you a long letter from Calais.

580.

_The Hon. Maria Holroyd to Edward Gibbon._

Sheffield Place, Nov. 13th, 1791.

It is with a mixture of satisfaction & regret, that I complete my part of our engagement in writing this Letter. I find great pleasure in being returned to dear, precious Sheffield, & in telling you so, because I am sure you will be glad to hear we are safe and well; but writing to you the last letter is like a second taking leave, & tho' I have been near six weeks upon the journey from Lausanne, that moment is still as fresh in my memory as it was the next day, & the recollection of it as unpleasing. If I _dared_ I would ask to be allowed to tell you we were alive, now & then when Papa & Mama were in an idle mood, & to be allowed to _hope_ for an answer _once_ in _two_ or _three years_, in your own hand or not, as you thought proper or found convenient.

[Sidenote: DISTRESSES UPON THE SEA.]

I was very glad Papa wrote a long letter from Calais, as his information about things in general would be more interesting to you than mine, as I suppose he gave you a full account of our route from Brussells to Calais. I will only tell you that I was very much amused at Antwerp, & that I _catch_ myself, now & then, _making believe_ to know a good Picture from a bad one--having seen so many excellent ones lately. We left Calais last Sunday at 9 in the morning, having waited three days for a favorable wind, & at last in despair, set off in a perfect Calm, which prolonged our passage 24 hours--which was uncommonly tedious, & very bad luck, as our Passage from Brighton was as tiresome in coming over. However to pass the time, or to diversify the amusements of the Passage, which from the sickness of the Company would have preserved some degree of sameness, Mrs. Maynard with Mama's assistance, half way between Calais & Dover, presented the cabbin boy with a _Sea Nymph_; which with its Mother are now _as well as can be expected_, at Cap^n Sampson's house at Dover. I have heard that Sailors, when they come from a voyage, find great pleasure in talking of & recollecting Toils & Dangers past--such is our case; for we have laughed very heartily here, at our Distresses upon the Sea--which certainly at the time was no laughing matter.

We found the inhabitants of S. P. in excellent preservation & quite rejoyced to see us returned--most of them, when we left England, being convinced we should be all massacred by the National Assembly in a very short time. I hope the quiet life of this place will soon restore Mama's health & spirits, who desires her kindest remembrances to you & those we love at Lausanne. Do not let anybody forget us, for we forget nobody.

Ever much y^{rs},
M. T. HOLROYD.

581.

_Lord Sheffield to Edward Gibbon._

Sheffield Place, 13th Dec., 1791.

My Lady is getting quite well. Bratts very fond of their Swiss Tour. I have passed a week very pleasantly in London. King apparently quite well. Lally a great favourite with Lord Loughborough. He assisted at a copious dinner at Batt's, and said he never enjoyed one more interesting. He saw Lord Guilford on his passage through London, who was well pleased with him, as also is Douglas. Tell Mr. Trevor good care will be taken of him. La Comtesse de Lally seems to preserve a strict incognito. Lady Loughborough visits her. I can only collect that she doth not appear to like to go out. It is said, she has not confined her practices to Lally. Introduced him to Burke, who says the said Lally persists in his errors, and justifies all his mischievous conduct in the beginning, and the said Burke is as ridiculous and as absurd as may be imagined.[191] I have been presented to Cazalés (who resides with Burke), but I had not an opportunity of seeing anything of him. England has supplied and has been paid for 36,000 stand of arms for the Emigrants. The Corps Diplomatique at London says that Spain has sent 5 millions of livres to the Princes, and Portugal 4 millions--Berlin 2 millions.

I have expectation of seeing Batt and Lally here at Christmas. Tell Levade I have only just learned where to find his son-in-law. I hope also to see him here. People begin to talk of 3½ per Cent. for money.

[191] In his _Letter to a Member of the National Assembly_, dated
January 19, 1791 (_Works_ (1855), vol. ii. pp. 546, 547), Burke
spoke severely of Mounier and Lally. He took up the position of
a French aristocrat, and treated the English Constitution as
unsuited to France. Lally replied to him in his _Lettre au très
hon. Edm. Burke, membre du parlement d'Angleterre_ (June 20,
1791), and in his _Seconde lettre_ in 1792. In these letters he
defended the aims of the constitutional reformers in France.

582.

_Lord Sheffield to Edward Gibbon._

Sheffield Place, 25th Dec., 1791.

I am obliged to write to you, otherwise it would not be proper, because we are determined to starve you into a more decent deportment; not a fragment from you except the medley to Maria. She has been so zealous in your service, that she deserved more notice. The obligation to write is that a pipe of Madeira (which has travelled and is very good) is ordered to set out for Lausanne by the same consignment and way as the last, _ergo_ you must give notice to your correspondent at Basle, &c.

[Sidenote: MARRIAGE, BATTLE, FIRE, AND SCANDAL.]

Nothing extraordinary has occurred in this family since my last. My Lady is better. We expect Batt to-morrow, probably Lally, and also Mr. Levade's son-in-law, with whom I have corresponded. The Duchess of York[192] almost smothered the French Revolution in this country; Lord Cornwallis's operations[193] almost suppressed the Duchess of York, and I daresay the Duke of Richmond's fire[194] has afforded some relief to Lord Cornwallis. I should be happy to furnish you with as much scandal as possible, but I know of no event of the kind worth record, unless Lady Belmore's[195] trip to the Continent incontinently with Lord Ancrum should be deemed so, and Lady Tyrconnell's[196] Flight to Glamis Castle with Lord Strathmore. These amiable women have left behind them grown daughters. May the Mamas----

I have secured for you the famous Shakespear; Boydel[197] is satisfied that I subscribed for two setts. It is by far the finest book ever printed. I have your first number and 5 large and 5 small prints in my possession, but I shall not send them--you must come for them.

As you care nothing about the good of the nation, it is almost unnecessary to mention that the gross produce of the Permanent Revenue last year, including Land and Malt, amounted to £20,355,380 exclusive of fines, forfeitures, Taxes on Places, First Fruits, &c., amounting to £125,476 and the profit of the Lottery. The Gross Excise last year £9,054,850, encrease this year £1,200,000, of which £800,000 are old and £400,000 new Duties. The British Shipping has increased 318,522 tons since 1773. The whole tonnage of France is not much more than a fourth more. Their tonnage in 1787 was little more than a fifth of ours.

Lord Cornwallis[198] has been marching about in Tippoo's country for six weeks to prove that it was not the monsoon that obliged him to quit Seringapatam. Was it not a curious omission to have neither a minister nor a spy in the Maratta Camp, and was it not an extraordinary folly to risk an engagement for the purpose of besieging Seringapatam 9 days before there was an absolute famine in the English Camp? Abercrombie's cattle were all swept away by Tippoo's General, and neither Abercrombie nor any of his officers have a second coat or shirt.

We never had cavalry in an Indian Army before. It was the great strength of this famous army. It is all ruined.

[192] On October 1, 1791, the Duke of York was married at Berlin
to the Princess Frederica of Prussia. On November 23 they were
remarried, at seven o'clock in the evening, at "the Queen's
house" in London.

[193] In India against Tippoo. See note at the end of the letter.

[194] Between 9 and 12 a.m. on December 21, 1791, the Duke of
Richmond's house in Privy Gardens, now called Whitehall Gardens,
was almost completely destroyed by fire.

[195] Henrietta, daughter of John, second Earl of Buckinghamshire
(born 1762), married, in 1780, Armar Corry, Earl of Belmore, from
whom she was divorced in 1792. She afterwards, April 16, 1793,
married William, Earl of Ancram.

[196] The Countess of Tyrconnel, the second wife of the Earl
of Tyrconnel, was the youngest daughter of Lord Delaval, and
therefore a niece of the notorious Sir Francis Delaval. Rumour
had coupled her name with that of the Duke of York (Wraxall's
_Posthumous Memoirs_, vol. iii. p. 192).

[197] John Boydell, in 1786, began to prepare his illustrated
edition of Shakespeare, and built a gallery in Pall Mall for the
exhibition of the pictures painted for the work. The work was
published in eighteen parts, of which the first appeared in 1791,
and the whole was completed in 1802.

[198] The third Mysore war began with the invasion of the
protected district of Travancore in 1789 by Tippoo, who laid
waste the Carnatic almost to the gates of Madras. The war lasted
for three years. Lord Cornwallis, in April and May, 1791,
advanced from Bangalore to Seringapatam, and drove Tippoo's
army before him into the capital (May 15). General Abercromby,
advancing towards the same point from the west, reached
Periapatnam. But, owing to the difficulty of crossing the swollen
Cavery, the two forces could not unite. A few days later, the
heavy rains and want of provisions compelled Cornwallis (May
26) to retire, leaving the greater part of his heavy artillery.
At the same time Abercromby retreated to Tellicherry on the
east coast. Near Bangalore, Cornwallis unexpectedly encountered
the Mahratta horse advancing to his assistance. In the autumn
and winter months many hill-forts were reduced on the road to
Seringapatam, and on February 5, 1792, Cornwallis once more
arrived before its walls. Tippoo, on March 18, 1792, signed a
peace by which he surrendered half his territories, paid a war
indemnity, and gave up two of his sons as hostages for the due
performance of the treaty.

583.

_To Lord Sheffield._

Lausanne, December 28th, 1791.

[Sidenote: THE DEMON OF PROCRASTINATION.]

*Alas! alas! the Demon of procrastination has again possessed me. Three months have nearly rolled away since your departure; and seven letters, five from the most valuable Maria, and two from Yourself, have extorted from me only a single epistle, which, perhaps, would never have been written, had I not used the permission of employing my own tongue and the hand of a secretary. Shall I tell you, that, for these last six weeks, the eve of every post day has witnessed a _firm_ resolution, and the day itself has furnished some ingenious delay? This morning, for instance, I had determined to invade you as soon as the breakfast things should be removed: they were removed; but I had something to read, to write, to meditate, and there was time enough before me. Hour after hour has stolen away, and I finally begin my letter at two o'Clock, evidently too late for the post, as I must dress, dine, go abroad, &c. A foundation, however, _shall be_ laid, which will stare me in the face; and next Saturday I shall probably be rowzed by the awful reflection that it is the last day in the year.

After realizing this summer an event which I had long considered as a dream of fancy, I know not whether I should rejoyce or grieve at your visit to Lausanne. While I possessed the family, the sentiment of pleasure, with some occasional shades, highly predominated; and the last weeks of harmony and content were those which I the most truly enjoyed, when, just as we had subsided in a regular, easy, comfortable plan of life, the last trump sounded, and, without speaking of the pang of separation, you left me to one of the most gloomy, solitary months of October, which I have ever passed.

For yourself and daughter, however, you have contrived to snatch some of the most interesting scenes of this World. Paris, at such a moment, Switzerland, and the Rhine, have suggested a train of lively images and useful ideas, which will not be speedily erazed. The mind of the young Damsel, more especially, will be enlarged and enlightened in every sense; in four months she has lived many years; and she will much deceive and displease me, if she does not review and methodize her journal, in such a manner as she is capable of performing, for the amusement of her particular friends. Another benefit which will redound from your recent view is, that every place, person, and object, about Lausanne, are now become familiar and interesting to you. In our future correspondence (do I dare pronounce the word correspondence?) I can talk to you as freely of every circumstance as if it were actually before your eyes.

And first, of my own improvements.--All those venerable piles of ancient verdure which you admired, have been eradicated in one fatal day. Your faithful substitutes, William de Severy and Levade, have never ceased to persecute me, till I signed their death warrant. Their place is now supplied by a number of picturesque naked poles, the foster fathers of as many twigs of platanuses and acacias, which may afford a grateful but distant shade to the founder, or to his _seris nepotibus_. In the meanwhile I must confess that the terrace appears broader, and that I discover a much larger quantity of snow than I should otherwise do. The workmen admire your ingenious plan for cutting out a new bed-chamber and book-room; but, on mature consideration, we all unanimously prefer the old scheme of adding a third room beyond the library, with two spacious windows, and a fire-place between, on the Terrace. It will be larger (28 feet by 21), and pleasanter, and warmer: the difference of expence will be much less considerable than I imagined: the door of communication with the library will be artfully buried in the wainscot; and, unless it be opened by my own choice, may always remain a profound secret. Such is the design; but as it will not be executed before next summer, you have time and liberty to state your objections. I am much colder about the staircase, but it may be finished, according to your idea, for thirty pounds; and I feel they will persuade me. Am I not a very rich man? When these alterations are compleated, not forgetting the watercloset, few authors of six Volumes in quartos will be more agreeably lodged than myself.

Lausanne is now full and lively; all our native families are returned from the Country; and, praised be the Lord, we are infested with few foreigners, either French or English. Even our Democrates are more reasonable or more discreet; it is agreed to wave the subject of politics, and we all seem happy and cordial. I have a grand dinner this week, a supper of thirty or forty people on Twelfth-day, &c.; some concerts have taken place, some balls are talked of; and even Maria would allow (yet it is ungenerous to say even Maria) that the winter scene at Lausanne is tolerably gay and active. I say nothing of the Severys, as Angletine has epistolized Maria last post. She has probably hinted her brother meditates a short excursion to Turin; that worthy creature Trevor has given him a pressing invitation to his own house. Mrs. Trevor, who is one of us, does not envy him.

[Sidenote: PEACE OR WAR IN EUROPE?]

In the beginning of February I propose going to Geneva for three or four weeks. I shall lodge and eat with the Neckers; my mornings will be my own, and I shall spend my evenings in the society of the place, where I have many acquaintance. This short absence will agitate my stagnant life, and restore me with fresh appetite to my house, my library, and my friends. Before that time, the end of February, what events may happen, or be ready to happen! The National assembly[199] (compared to which the former was a Senate of heroes and Demigods) seem resolved to attack Germany _avec quatre millions de bayonettes libres_; the army of the princes must soon either fight, or starve, or conquer. Will Sweden draw his sword?[200] will Russia draw her purse?[201] an empty purse! All is darkness and anarchy: neither party is strong enough to impose a settlement; and I cannot see a possibility of an amicable arrangement, where there are no heads (in any sense of the word) who can answer for the multitude. Send me your ideas, and those of Lord Guildford, Lord Loughborough, Fox, &c.

Before I conclude, a word of my vexatious affairs.--Shall I never sail on the smooth stream of good security and half-yearly interest? Will every body refuse my money? I had already written to Darell and Gosling to obey your commands, and was in hopes that you had already made large and salutary evacuations. During your absence I never expected much effect from the cold indifference of agents; but you are now in England--you will be speedily in London; set all your setting dogs to beat the field, hunt, enquire,--why should you not advertise? And let not the Goslings dine at my expence. I know not what to say at present of India bonds--do they not Sink? Our affairs in that Country seem in a very ticklish situation. At all events consult with Darrel, he has knowledge of that sort and is a real friend. Yet I am almost ashamed to complain of some stagnation of interest, when I am witness to the natural and acquired philosophy of so many French, who are reduced from riches, not to indigence, but to absolute want and beggary. A Count Argout has just left us, who possessed ten thousand a-year in the Island of St. Domingo;[202] he is utterly burned and ruined; and a brother, whom he tenderly loved, has been murdered by the Negroes. These are real misfortunes.

[Sidenote: AN AMAZING PUSH OF REMORSE.]

I have much revolved the plan of the Memoirs I once mentioned; and, as you do not think it ridiculous, I believe I shall make an attempt: if I can please myself, I am confident of not displeasing; but let this be a profound secret between us: people must not be prepared to laugh; they must be taken by surprize. Have you looked over your, or rather my letters? Surely in the course of the year, you may find a safe and cheap occasion of sending me a parcel; they may assist me. Adieu. I embrace My Lady: send me a favourable account of her health and spirits. How happy might we have been, could she have preserved them at Lausanne! I kiss the Marmaille. By an amazing push of remorse and diligence I have finished my letter, three pages and a half, this same day since dinner; but I have not time to read it. Ever yours.*

half past six.

[199] The States-General met May 5, 1789. On June 17, 1789, the
Third Estate formed itself into a National Assembly, which was
dissolved September 30, 1791. The Legislative Assembly, also
constituted a National Assembly, sate from October 1, 1791, to
September 21, 1792. In December, 1791, Louis XVI. threatened
that, if the Electors of Trèves and Mayence did not prevent the
assembly of troops in their territories, he would declare war. On
March 1, 1792, the Emperor Leopold II. died, and was succeeded,
as King of Hungary and Bohemia, by his son Francis Joseph.
Against him France declared war, April 20, 1792.

[200] Gustavus III., King of Sweden (1746-1792), was assassinated
by Anckarström in March, 1792. He had offered his services
against France as generalissimo of the forces of the Allied
Powers.

[201] Russia, after withdrawing her ambassador from Paris,
ordered the French minister to leave St. Petersburg in August,
1792.

[202] The negroes in the French or western part of the Island of
St. Domingo rose against the whites in August, 1791. In September
the General Assembly of the island appealed to the National
Assembly at Paris for aid, by a letter detailing the horrors of
the insurrection, and later (November 30) by sending a deputy,
who was heard in the National Assembly. The insurrection was the
first step in the independence of Hayti, which was recognized by
the French in 1825. A Comte d'Argout succeeded the Comte d'Ennery
as governor of the colony in 1777.

584.

_To Lord Sheffield._

Lausanne, December 31st, 1791.
To-morrow a new year, _multos et felices_.

*I now most sincerely repent of my late repentance, and do almost swear never to renounce the amiable and useful practice of procrastination. Had I delayed, as I was strongly tempted, another post, your missive of the 13th, which did not reach me till this morning (three mails were due), would have arrived in time, and I might have avoided this second Herculean labour. It will be, however, no more than an infant Hercules. The topics of conversation have been fully discussed, and I shall now confine myself to the needful of the new business. _Felix faustumque sit!_ May no untoward accident disarrange your Yorkshire Mortgage; the conclusion of which will place me in a clear and easy state, such as I have never known since the first hour of property.*

Considering the fragment which we had recovered from Hugonin's shipwreck, and the large autumnal payments, I should have imagined that the Goslings would have been somewhat fatter: your lawyers' bills, the last (as I flatter myself) that I shall ever know, must have cut deeper than you expected; but I shall see the detail of their account. If the Yorkshire friend should like £6000 instead of £5000, and if the estate would afford adequate and ample security, why should you not desire Darrel to sell the amount of £3800? I should then have exactly £20,000 firmly seated on land and water, besides your annuity of £250, and I would not touch the moderate residue of my short annuities, till poor Mrs. G.'s dismission from below (which cannot be a very distant event) shall release me from her annual tribute of £300.

*The three per cents are so high, and the country is in such a damned state of prosperity under that fellow Pitt, that it goes against me to purchase at such low interest. In my visit to England next autumn, or in the spring following, (alas! you _must_ acquiesce in the alternative,) I hope to be armed with sufficient materials to draw upon Cadell for a loose sum of £1000 perhaps or £1500, which may be employed as taste or fancy shall dictate, in the improvement of my library, a service of plate, &c. I am not very sanguine, but surely this is no uncomfortable prospect.

This pecuniary detail, which has not indeed been so unpleasant as it used formerly to be, has carried me farther than I expected. Let us now drink and be merry. I flatter myself that your Madeira, improved by its travels, will set forwards for Messrs. Romberg, at Ostend, early in the spring; and I should be very well pleased if you could add a hogshead of excellent claret, for which we should be entitled to the Drawback. They must halt at Basle, and send notice to me for a safe conduct. Have you had any intelligence from Lord Awkland about the wine which he was to order from Bourdeaux, by Marseilles and the Rhone? The one need not impede the other; I wish to have a long stock. Corea has promised me a hogshead of his native Madeira, for which I am to give him an order on Cadell for a copy of the Decline and Fall: he vanished without notice, and is now at Paris. Could you not fish out his direction by Mrs. Wood, who by this time is in England? I rejoice in Lally's prosperity, but cannot think Burke so very mad. Have you reconsidered my proposal of a declaration of constitutional principles from the heads of the party? I think a foolish address from a body of Whigs to the national assembly renders it still more incumbent on you. The intelligence of my Lady's amendment has given us all most heartfelt pleasure. How very unlucky was the moment! Achieve my worldly concerns, _et eris mihi magnus Apollo_. Adieu, ever yours.*

585.

_Lord Sheffield to Edward Gibbon._

Sheffield Place, 16th January, 1792.

The circumstance of your being already damned (in the opinion of all good people) has often checked expectoration, and has often been so far inconvenient as to deprive me of an Exordium, which occasion and fine feelings inspired. I have been boiling for some time, and was meditating some eminent degree of abuse when your letters of the 28th and 31st ultimo arrived this morning. They have so far softened, as to save me the trouble of examining your impudent excuses. Seven to one are great odds, especially in letter writing.

[Sidenote: THE CAPACITY OF MARIA HOLROYD.]

As to Lausanne, I do not like to talk of my visit there. I do not think I enjoyed it half enough. It is true I contrived to snatch some of the most interesting scenes of this world. France and Paris at such a moment--the truly Sovereign Proceedings of Berne.[203] It was a comfort to see the whiskered Germans, that excellent contrast to the French National Guards. The Rhine and Austrian Flanders, though last, did not promote and assist less lively images or less usefull ideas. The young ladies are still full of their excursion, and they seem even more delighted with the recollection than they were with the enjoyment. I am glad you recommended to Maria to review and methodise her journal. Her capacity, if well directed, is equal to anything. I hear a superlative account from various parts of the letters she wrote to England. I have not seen them. I hear a good deal also of my own, and I wish I had some long letters I wrote to the Duke of Portland, Lord Guilford, and Lord Loughborough. I have no journal or memoranda of the subjects of them.

We have had some extra encitements to think of Lausanne. First came Francillon, smart, pleasing, and attentive, and although he has not a very imposing Parsonick gravity, I think I discover that he is a diligent pastor. There is a small matter which I flatter myself I may be able to do for him by means of the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury. N.B.--Levade's letter was a great treat to us, and Lavater's manuscript is considered by the Family as an acquisition. I shall write to the former speedily.

[Sidenote: LALLY TOLLENDAL AT COURT.]

Francillon stayed here about ten days, but before his departure, the Lally Tollendal arrived. That lively, miserable, pleasant, mortified, pious, and ingenuous man has been here above a fortnight, and what is still more miraculous, he does not seem to have the least disposition to go; and yet I have walked him on foot over ploughed fields when very wet, and I have trotted him on horseback in the roughest lanes when frozen as hard as possible. He is delighted with the Library, where he finds a great variety of books he had not seen. He has made exhilirating discoveries in respect to Strafford,[204] and he is become the most profound Antiquarian in Parliamentary history that I know. As it is not customary for him to wear breeches until he goes out, which is always late, or until he comes to dinner, I have just received a note from his apartment, which states that not being in condition to enter the Library (Mrs. Poole in her 83rd year is there) he prays me to send him certain folios. Poor fellow, his nerves are in a horrid state, but he says not worse than they have generally been since he had the small pox. Tell Mrs. Trevor I am particularly attentive to his health. I recommend regular meals instead of one enormous dinner, and earlier times of going to and rising from bed, to which in some degree he attends. My Lady, (who is infinitely better) takes to him amazingly, but that seems the custom with all Ladies. I have only one objection to him, namely, he reads in Bed and is eminently _distrait_; I am sorry, as it is a rule with me never to solicit a second visit from a person who has that practice, because there is some inconvenience in having the house burnt down in the middle of the night, unless it could be so contrived that all the inhabitants should be burnt at the same time without knowing anything of the matter. I wish his Malkin was re-established at Tournay--and so I believe does he. The expectations from the uncles are not flattering. I fancy he would like best to be with his Princesses of the Desert and Madame Trevor. Lord Loughborough is extremely pleased with him and is uncommonly kind to him. Lord Guilford likes him, and Lally was much satisfied with his visit of two days to Bushey Park. The King took a great deal of notice of him, and talked to him a long time. They conversed on the _Renversement de toutes les Idées que caracterisait La Revolution Francaise_. Lally said, _"Sire, Je quitte un des sujets de vôtre Majestie et certainement des plus distingués. Il a caracterisè à merveille par une seule plaisanterie ce que nous arrive." "Qui?" "M. Gibbon." "Et que dit il?" "Il dit, que la Revolution Francaise lui rappelle le tems de son enfance, où on lui faisait voir dans une grande estampe un cochon faisant rôtir un Cuisinier."_ Lally adds, "_Sa Majestie Brittanique a ri de ce rire inextinguible que Homer nous donne pour un attribut des Dieux._"

Finally, the Count is likely to pass his time in London as well as can be expected in his burdened state. Everybody interests themselves about him. Yet I can discover no symptom of a commodious arrangement for him. I thought he would have gone to the Queen's Naissance,[205] but I think he will now stay here till Parliament meets, viz. the 31st instant. On his passage to this Island, he had a long conversation with De Bouillè at Mayence. You will remember I have abused that general for not attempting to retake the King. I was unjust. He followed him with one thousand cavalry nine leagues in what is stated an incredibly short time (yet four hours are mentioned), and was stopped by a river,[206] like Lord Cornwallis going to join Abercrombie, who complains that he had not been told of that river; but if they were afraid of being drowned _à la nage_, 500 of them might have gone into the river, and by holding themselves and their horses in a proper direction might have formed a temporary bridge for the other 500.