Chapter IV: Preface (4)

Beloved Son,--Peace and apostolic blessing. The news we have just received of the death of your son, Giovanni of blessed memory, has grieved us deeply, not only because it is in itself untimely, but also because we fear it is likely to prove hurtful to a man of your age and infirmity. Yours is a life that should be prolonged in the sweetness of the Spirit, and you ought at all times to find comfort. Our own consolation is that you are wise, that you are well versed in the chances of fortune and able to hold your feelings in restraint. We urge you then, Cosimo, to do this, and looking towards God, to bless Him and to trust that all is for the best. We are ignorant of His secrets; He alone knows our needs and our true advantage. Let us then have faith that we and your son have been dealt with in gentleness, for neither you nor he could foresee the future. We look to your lofty nature, my son, to continue bearing God’s will in this with patience, even as we hear you do bear it, without giving way to grief. Mourning accords not with your age; it is contrary to your health, and we ourselves, your native city, and all Italy, require that your life should be as far as possible prolonged. Let good works and acts of piety be your tribute to your son’s memory. Anything else would be inconsistent with your nature; deeds of charity, devotion, and prayer are their own reward. This brief letter is written to acquaint you with our grief, and to assure you of our solicitude. Let these few words be counted for our affection.--Given at S. Peter’s, in Rome, under the ring of the Fisherman, on the 1st day of November 1463, in the 6th year of our pontificate.[75]

Cosimo de’ Medici _to_ Pope Pius II.

Most blessed Father,--The power and wisdom of the words you wrote made me feel, while I read them, that I was veritably listening to the consoling voice of Him whose true Vicar you are. Nothing more sweet, nothing more saintly, or even divine, could have been written. And your consolation had this effect: I have always thought it expedient and praiseworthy to control (for I could not quench) my grief; but now, most blessed Father, to act contrary to your advice would seem to me positively sinful. I therefore strive to the best of my power, and so far as my weak spirit will permit, to bear this great calamity with calmness. To me it appeared a calamity; but God alone knows what is truly a misfortune, and we, as you write so wisely and devoutly, are ignorant of it. Yet I never thought it was not well with my son Giovanni, for I remembered that he had gone forth, not from life, but into life from death. For this, which we call life, is death, and that is the true life which is everlasting. And I recognised that the only suffering his death brought with it was ours, who truly must needs miss him. Yet we know not for what to pray. I trust that God in the abundance of His mercy will pity us that are left behind; for the Lord is gentle and full of mercy. But for my own life, I count it happy, because the Supreme Pontiff, the Vicar of Christ, has been thoughtful on its account. I will indeed take care of it; but not for the reasons which you, in your more than human kindness, have put forward. For what is my power now worth? What worth has it ever had? Nay, my purpose in caring for my life is that I may be found not to have despised this precious gift of God, nor to have forgotten the mercies which I have received from the divine love. I ask of you, most blessed Father, that your Holiness offer a prayer for me, your son, to God, that I may have strength to achieve this.--[1463].[76]

On 3rd November 1463 Pius II. wrote again to Cosimo, to ask him to induce Florence to aid him, by equipping two galleys for his projected crusade against the Turks. Cosimo’s answer is most respectful and very wary.

Cosimo de’ Medici _to_ Pius II.

Cosimo greets the Supreme Pontiff.

Most blessed Father,--I received your Holiness’ letter a few days ago, a letter full of grandeur and dignity, whose wisdom, as no one can doubt, could have proceeded from none but your Holiness. Me, at any rate, it so affected that after reading it several times I became convinced that such speech was beyond the common use of men, and was indeed none other than what might seem to be written at the dictation of that truly divine Spirit which spoke in the saints of old. When you speak of the insecurity of man’s lot, who would not straightway be moved by the power of your eloquence to despise all that is human? And when you solemnly tell of our immortal life to come, can any be so dull and leaden that he would not feel exalted, as he reads, so as to gain a vision, even here, of the glory of his own immortality and be inspired by a wonderful longing to attain it? And your deeds are no less holy than your words. I say nothing of what you have achieved in the past, saintly though it is and worthy of sacred remembrance. But with regard to the enterprise which you are now preparing, is it possible, most blessed Father, to believe that you, who are Christ’s Vicar, are attempting it without the presence within you of Him whose representative you are? The task is one so novel and so marvellous, that without God’s impulse and support to your age and infirmity the undertaking would seem doomed to fail. That I suppose is the reason why some people regard it, as you say in your letter, with amazement and disapproval. But I ask you, most blessed Father, whether it is not indeed a matter for wonder that a man like you, whose years and feeble health make their own claim to a life of ease and repose, should embark on the exertions of travel and all the hardships of war. It is natural, then, that the well-wishers of the Christian Commonwealth, the friends of peace in Italy, and all who desire the true and righteous tranquillity of kingdoms and the permanence of the Christian sway, should behold these difficulties and dangers with dread. They look upon your virtue as a gift clearly sent by God for the healing of human ills; they love the Roman Church and care for the integrity and happiness of Christendom; and they regard your safety as their security for all these. It must needs be that they are alarmed by your undertaking such difficulties and your exposure to such dangers, seeing that they do not possess your wisdom nor are they supported by the divine breath which inspires you. But though they do not see that which is before the eyes of your greater wisdom, perhaps since they wish only for what may be best for you and most beneficial for your flock, they do not deserve so much blame for disapproving an enterprise which to their limited apprehension appears so great and so difficult. You, most blessed Father, whom God will guide to victory even as He has brought you thus far, will persevere in spite of it all. Nor will the faith of Peter whose seat you occupy fail you. The end of this undertaking, which you begin so splendidly, will be to the glory of God and the joy and felicity of all that are yours, even though its initial stage be difficult and laborious. Behold the faithful shepherd offers his life for his sheep.

I now come to the summons which you address to me and the invitation to join you in this beneficent and glorious enterprise. There you write to me not as a private man who is satisfied with the mediocre dignity of a citizen, but as though I were a reigning prince, and your exhortation is so kind that I find myself unable to thank you as I would wish. For though all through my life God’s kindness and bounty has showered upon me much more of human goods than I ever deserved, whereof you most eloquently adduce examples, yet by the grace of Him who is the giver of all that is good, I have never been oblivious of my humble lot. You, however, most blessed Father, in your superhuman kindness write to me in terms of moderation and in the form of a request, whereas it would be your right to urge, nay to command.

But the things you ask of me, most blessed Father, are not of the same nature; as to the first, to procure you a vote of assistance from our city, well you know how limited is the power of a private citizen in a free state under popular government. Nevertheless I am ready to exert my influence, such as it is, in this direction, and will do so to the best of my ability, even as I have done hitherto; I will try to arrange that your interests should be consulted, for your interests are ours and those of the common cause of all Christians. This city of ours has never yet remained behind in any glorious undertaking; but has often by her own choice taken upon herself enormous expenses, difficulties, and dangers, for the defence and dignity of the Roman Pontiff. Therefore I do not believe that she will now hold aloof when you summon her to take part in this enterprise which is pious and necessary and to the common interest of us all.

Personally, from my own resources I can promise you something more definite; that is to say I promise you, not indeed to equip two galleys (which would be an undertaking for a prince not for a private man), but to assist you so far as the limitations of my resources permit. I am not the man to imagine that the gifts of fortune which I possess are the deserved rewards of my business forethought, or of any virtue on my part, or that I have gained them by my human work or my industry, no, I am convinced they are but the gifts of a most bountiful God. If God, who is Himself the giver of all good things, either now or at any other time claims any part of it back, I should deserve to be deemed most ungrateful and impious if I grudged to return what He gave ungrudgingly; but especially now, when such a reward is promised me, which he, who in truth can loose and bind, puts before me.

Be bold therefore, most blessed Father, in the cause of Christendom, persevere with energy and confidence, and bring the matter to an end. Be convinced, since God inspires you, that opportune assistance will not be wanting. And at last, when you have scattered the barbarous foes of the Christian name, when your sheep are defended and their fold protected, not only will mankind ever remember to honour in you the father and the shepherd, but when in the end God recalls you to His heaven, whence you have now been sent down as His Vicar, you will live in unceasing heavenly joy, having as it were gloriously served your term of divine office.[77]

Lucrezia was as anxious about the physical well-being of her children as about their education. Some months before Cosimo died she was at Pisa with Giuliano, who was ill, and she writes to her husband:

Lucrezia de’ Medici _to her husband_ Piero

I write thee several letters on the same day so that should one go astray thou wilt have news of Giuliano as thou desirest, by any one going there. Yesterday I wrote that as he was better I did not think the change suggested by Messer Mariotti was necessary, and last night I told thee the fever had returned as usual. My last letter was written at seven. After that he did not rest so quietly as on other nights, and he seems to me more uneasy than he should be now that the fever has diminished. I wish thee to know every small change so that thou canst the better judge what Maestro Mariotto writes; and act, not according to my ideas, but as thou thinkest best after reading our reports. His pulse is good, all functions are natural. The fever has returned almost as strong as on the fourteenth day, and has lowered but little. He is not so lively during the day as I could wish, being weakened by the strength of the fever. The Maestro says this is caused by the nature of the phlegm which is in him. I wish thee to know this.

But do not be anxious, for Giuliano is strong; he walks about the room, and, though pale, is of good complexion. I give thee all these details more for thy information than because Giuliano seems to me ill, or that the amelioration does not continue. I commend myself to thee.--The 24th November 1463 at the 16th hour.

Thy Lucrezia at Pisa.

At this moment Giuliano is awake, and the Maestro says he has never found him so free from fever, and that during convalescence people are always more uneasy. Dost thou understand?[78]

Cosimo de’ Medici _to his son_ Piero _at Pisa_

Yesterday we received yours of the 19th, by which we see you are all well. This is most pleasing to us, also that the town is healthy and that you are taking good care of Giuliano who is well. Again we beg of you to see that he takes care of himself. We have also received the letters from Bruges and all my other letters which you had, all shall be answered.

I note that you will write to Niccolò in a few days, when the farm of Piero da Gagliano will be taken over. The sooner this is done the better, as the creditors have begun to get restless, that is Giovanni Rucie ...[79] to whom I have notified that he is to stop proceedings, as he will be paid before the end of the month.

The plague here has abated, and no one mentions it any longer. The cold weather with snow and ice in these last days has put an end to it, so for the present we are all well. Day by day you shall have news how things go. Yester evening it began to rain, and is much milder.

By the grace of God Contessina and I are very well, and so are Bianca and Gugliemo and the little Contessina. They come to us often to keep us company. To-morrow morning we shall get a letter from the Signori here to the Consuls [of the Sea][80] at Pisa, in order that you may cut the wood for the galleys that are to be built. This is a favourable moon for felling trees.

Ruberto is dangerously ill, there is small hope of his recovery. God help him. For this reason none of his brothers can go to help about the wood for the galleys.

Thy companions here will write and send their letters by a horseman and....[81] We do this so that you may have frequent news. Christ guard thee.--Florence, January 23, 1463 (1464).

Cosimo de’ Medici.[82]

The following document shows that Francesco Sforza realised how much he owed to Cosimo de’ Medici. When on the death of Filippo Maria Visconti in 1447 Milan declared herself a Republic, popular feeling in Florence ran high in her favour. It needed all Cosimo’s authority and influence to induce his fellow-citizens to assist Sforza in seizing supreme power. Cosimo saw that as a republic Milan would inevitably fall a prey to Venice, and thus the communications of Italy with the North would be cut off. A strong ruler who owed his crown to Florence would be an invaluable ally, and preserve the balance of power in Italy. We shall see that Piero faithfully carried out his father’s policy.

Francesco Sforza, _Duke of Milan_, _&c._ _&c._

As we have always felt a particular affection for the magnificent Cosimo de’ Medici of Florence on account of his singular virtues, and as he also has loved us and all that pertains to us, we are bound and obliged to love all that belongs to him. Now here in Milan Pigello Portinaro, a Florentine citizen and merchant, the administrator and partner in the business and bank of the Magnificent Cosimo de’ Medici and of Piero and Johanni his sons in Milan, who has served us and the illustrious Madonna Bianca our consort ever since he came to inhabit this our city, about eleven years ago, with very large sums of money, with stuffs and with jewels, and with loans of divers kinds as appear by the entries in our private books. These services, subsidies, and favours given by the said Pigello according to the orders of the aforesaid Magnificent Cosimo and his sons were most pleasing and acceptable to us because they were given willingly, and the said Pigello carried them out and fulfilled them with great diligence, loyalty, and love towards us, and with admirable discretion, by which means we were enabled to arrange our affairs. Pigello made every effort to do this with the smallest possible loss to us, and we are sure he will continue to do so. Therefore we are much pleased and have been well served by the aforesaid Pigello; and all the profit, lucre, and gain that the said Pigello has made, either in their name or in his own with us and with our stewards, officials, and any other agents of ours, we for the above-named reasons approve of and are well content. By this our letter we declare that they can have and hold all without fear of contradiction or qualms of conscience, releasing and absolving the said Magnificent Cosimo, his sons and the said Pigello, and their sons and heirs in perpetuity from any claims; promising for ourselves, our sons and successors, that no question shall be raised about any profits or gains they may have made with us up to the present day for the above said reasons, or for any depending or arising therefrom. Because as has been said we have already, and by this our letter we do now make a general donation of the aforesaid privileges which is formal and binding, and is to be understood as including all those clauses and formalities which are necessary in a full and valid donation _de jure_; with the reservation that if any error is discovered in the books, writing, or reasons above said, they are to be corrected and amended in honest and just fashion; and this is to be understood as binding upon both parties. We command all our governors, clerks of the exchequer, and all other our officials and subjects who see the present letter, to observe it implicitly without contradiction or exception. And that all who see this letter may know that it is written by our own orders, we have signed it with our own hand, and had it sealed with the seal we always use.--Given in Milan on the 11th day of March 1463 (1464).

Francischus Sfortia,
_Vicecomis_, &c., _manu propria.
Cicchus._[83]

The last months of Cosimo’s life were passed chiefly at Careggi, and his great solace was in study, as the following letter shows:

Cosimo de’ Medici _to the_ Reverend Master Marsilio Ficino, _Platonist_

Yesterday I came to the villa of Careggi, not to cultivate my fields but my soul. Come to us, Marsilio, as soon as possible. Bring with thee our Plato’s book _De Summo Bono_. This, I suppose, you have already translated from the Greek language into Latin as you promised. I desire nothing so much as to know the best road to happiness. Farewell, and do not come without the Orphean lyre.

About twenty days before his death, whilst talking to Ficino, Cosimo bewailed the unhappy lot of humanity and exulted in the happier prospect he felt was opening out before him. Ficino replied by citing corresponding ideas from Greek authors, particularly from Zenocrates, upon which Cosimo demanded of Ficino, as a last service, to translate his treatise on Death into Latin. The end was fast approaching, and Cosimo’s calm, rather ironical nature was not changed by physical suffering or by the fear of death. When his wife asked him why he remained silent for so many hours at a time, he answered: “When we go to the villa the preparations for our departure occupy thee for fifteen days; dost thou not understand that I, who am leaving this life for the next one, have much to think on?”

* * * * *

A few days before Cosimo died Piero wrote to his two sons Lorenzo and Giuliano at Cafaggiuolo, where they had been sent with their mother, Lucrezia, on account of the plague which had broken out in Florence. Indeed there was a report that Cosimo’s malady was the plague, and many were afraid to visit him.

Piero de’ Medici _to_ Lorenzo _and_ Giuliano _his sons at Cafaggiuolo_

I wrote to you the day before yesterday how much worse Cosimo was. It appears to me that he is gradually sinking, and he thinks so himself. On Tuesday evening he would have no one in his room save Mona Contessina and myself. He began to recount all his past life, then he touched upon the government of the city and then on its commerce, and at last he spoke of the management of the private possessions of our family and of what concerns you two; taking comfort that you had good wits and bidding me educate you well so that you might be of help to me. Two things he deplored. First, that he had not done as much as he wished or could have accomplished; secondly, that he left me in such poor health and with much irksome business. Then he said he would make no will, not having made one whilst Giovanni was alive, seeing that we were always united in true love, amity, and esteem, and when it pleased God to so order it he desired to be buried without pomp or show, and reminded me of his often expressed desire to be buried in S. Lorenzo. All this he said with much method and prudence, and with a courage that was marvellous to behold, adding that his life had been a long one and that he was ready and content to depart whensoever it pleased God. Yester morn he left his bed and caused himself to be carefully dressed. The Priors of S. Marco, of S. Lorenzo, and of the Badia of Fiesole were present. He made his confession to the Prior of S. Lorenzo and then heard mass, and he spoke the responses as though in perfect health. Then being asked the articles of faith he repeated them word by word and made his confession and took the Holy Sacrament with more devotion than can be described, having first asked pardon of all present. These things have raised my courage and my hope in the Almighty, although according to the flesh I am sorrowful, yet seeing the greatness of his soul and how well disposed he is, I am in part content that his end should be thus. Yesterday he was pretty well, and also during the night, but on account of his great age I have small hope of his recovery. Cause prayers to be said for him by the friars of Il Bosco[84] and bestow alms as seems best to you, praying God to leave him with us for a while, if such be for the best. And you, who are young, take example and assume your share of care and trouble as God has ordained, and being boys, make up your minds to be men; your condition and the present case demanding that of you lads. Above all take heed to everything that can add to your honour and be of use to you, because the time has come when it is necessary that you should rely on yourselves. Live in the fear of God and trust that all will go well. Of what befalls Cosimo I will advise you. We are expecting a doctor from Milan, but I have more hope in Almighty God than in aught else. No more at present.--Careggi, the 26th July 1464.[85]

The following letter is undated, but as it refers chiefly to the character of Cosimo de’ Medici, and to a certain extent describes him, I have inserted it here.

Marsilio Ficino _to the noble_ Lorenzo de’ Medici

Even as harmony delights us more at the moment it strikes our ears than when we remember tunes we have heard, and the actual sight of war moves us more than any recital thereof, thus the great deeds of noble and illustrious men animate our courage far more than the words of orators and philosophers who dispute about valour. For it is ordered by nature that things themselves should be more potent than their names, and that real events should move the soul with greater force than what is either false or may have happened. Therefore by imitating the deeds of Socrates we are taught better how to attain courage than by the art displayed by Aristotle in his writings on morality. And Christ solely by His example has done more to make us adopt a holy and virtuous way of life than all the orators and philosophers that ever existed. Therefore, my Lorenzo, whilst I applaud you for not despising the writings which teach morals, I beg you to prefer learning from reality instead of from description, as you would prefer a living thing from a dead. Particularly as you have decided to emulate that aged man on whom our Senate bestowed the title of Father of His Country. I mean the great Cosimo, your grandfather and my lord. A man prudent above all men, pious towards God, just and most charitable towards men, temperate in living, diligent in his care for his family, and still more so in the affairs of the Republic; a most honourable man who lived not only for himself, but for the good of his country and his God; whose soul was as humble as any man’s, and yet great and exalted. I, my Lorenzo, for more than twelve years gave myself up to philosophy with him. He was as acute in reasoning as he was prudent and strong in governing. Certainly I owe much to Plato, but must confess that I owe no less to Cosimo. Inasmuch as Plato only once showed me the Idea of courage, Cosimo showed it me every day. For the moment I will not mention his other qualities. Cosimo was as avaricious and careful of time as Midas of money; he spent his days parsimoniously, carefully counting every hour and avariciously saving every second; he often lamented the loss of hours. Finally, having like Solon the philosophor (even when occupied in most serious business) diligently studied philosophy, yet even till the last day when he departed from this world of shadows to go to light he devoted himself to the acquisition of knowledge. For when we had read together Plato’s book dealing with the _Origin of the Universe_ and the _Summum Bonum_ he, as you who were present well know, soon after quitted this life as though he was really going to enjoy that happiness which he had tasted during our conversations. Farewell, and as God fashioned Cosimo according to the Idea of the world, do you continue as you have begun to fashion yourself according to the Idea of Cosimo.

Marsilio Ficino.[86]

Brief Memorandum by Piero de’ Medici about his Father’s Death

I record that on the 1st August 1464, at the hour of 22-1/2, Cosimo di Giovanni de’ Medici quitted this life, having been a great sufferer from pains in his joints, although free from all other ills. Towards the end of his life he was afflicted with suppression of urine, which caused frequent fever. He was seventy-seven years of age, a tall, handsome man, and healthy, save for the above-mentioned ills. Of great prudence and still greater kindness, he was the most eminent and the richest citizen our city had possessed for many years, and was trusted and loved by the people above all other men. Indeed there is no record of any citizen who died at that age who was so kind and so famous, and was so universally mourned and with reason, for no man ever had to complain of him, but many have been helped, and succoured, and assisted, for his greatest pleasure lay in aiding others; not only relations and friends, but strangers; and what is more difficult to believe, and still more difficult to accomplish, those who were unfriendly. By such praiseworthy actions he made many persons his friends, who by their own fault or the fault of others had been his enemies. He was liberal, charitable, and merciful, and gave many alms during his life, not only in the city and the State, but in far distant places for things pertaining to religion, rebuilding churches, and giving for other worthy objects which had come under his notice. He was highly esteemed and believed in by all the lords and princes in and out of Italy. He filled all the greatest positions in our city, all foreign ones he declined; but he joined in the most important and honourable embassies sent by our Republic in his time. In the city his commerce enriched many men, besides procuring a large fortune to himself. He was not only a wise and cautious man of business, but a lucky one. As has been said, he died on the aforesaid day in our house at Careggi, after receiving all the sacraments of Holy Church with the utmost devotion and reverence. He would not make a will, but left everything in my hands. He was buried in the church of S. Lorenzo in the earth, in the sepulchre ordered by him, without any honours or pomp, as he would have none but the canons and priests of the said church, the friars of S. Marco, and the canons regular of the Badia of Fiesole, and neither more nor less wax torches than were used at an ordinary funeral. This he ordered with his last breath; saying that alms-giving and other good works ought to be performed while alive, as he had done, and were then of more use. Notwithstanding I, wishing to pay my filial debt to paternal piety, did what was requisite on account of those who remained, ordering alms and masses, as follows in this book.

_Note of the Funeral and of the Masses that are to be said in the Church of S. Lorenzo and in other places for the Soul of Cosimo di Giovanni de’ Medici, &c._

On the morning of August 2, which was Thursday, the funeral took place in the church of S. Lorenzo; for wax we paid lire 43-1/2; for torches, 94 lbs. of candles for putting in the church, and 13 small torches to be carried by the priests, in all 190-1/2 lbs., and for 16 torches of 97 lbs. for placing round the body.

_Note of the Masses and Offices celebrated for the Soul of Cosimo_

To the Chapter and priests of S. Lorenzo for an office lasting eight consecutive days, beginning on August 3rd; with 30 masses for each office, which make 8 offices, with 240 masses for the octave, we paid 16 lire for 6 torches of 33 lbs. and 10 lbs. of candles.

To the Chapter and priests of S. Lorenzo for an office beginning on August 11th, and continuing for thirty consecutive days, finishing on the 11th September, we paid 60 lire per torch of wax of 170 lbs.

Then follows a long list of members of the family, friends, dependants, and slaves, each of whom had from 30 to 10 braccia each of black cloth for the funeral; the women of the family had also black veils and kerchiefs.

Besides the many offices celebrated in Florence for the soul of Cosimo, the various Companies of Rome, Venice, Milan, Bruges, Geneva, London, and Avignon celebrated a great many; and liberal alms were given, and many prisoners were pardoned and set free from divers prisons.

_Memorandum of all the Men to whom was given Mourning for the said Funeral_

Yds. Ins. Pietro di Cosimo de’ Medici had dark clay cloth 8 29 Pier Francesco di Lorenzo had cloth 11 4 Lorenzo di Pietro di Cosimo had cloth and Giuliano 16 29 Messer Carlo di Cosimo, cloth 9 16 Niccodemo, Ducal Secretary, cloth 8 29 Messer Gentile di Giorgio, Florentine Canon, cloth 8 29 Maestro Mariotto di Niccolò, our doctor, cloth 8 29 Messer Bartolommeo Scala, Chancellor, cloth 8 29 Matteo di Ser Giovanni de’ Rossi, cloth 8 29 Fruosino d’Andrea da Panzano, cloth 8 29 Ser Francesco Cantansanchi, cloth 8 29 Ser Filippo di Cristofano, Piero’s Chancellor, cloth 8 29 Francesco di Giovanni Fracassini, Factor in Cafaggiuolo, cloth 6 1 Felice di Simone, Factor in Careggi, cloth 6 13 Piero di ..., Factor at Fiesole 6 13 Antonio di Meo Turco, Steward in Florence 6 13 Gugliemo di Francesco da Rovereto 6 13 Guasparri di Francesco da Vicchio 6 13 Piero di Domenico, surnamed Malerba 6 13 Prandino di Piero da Lodi 6 13 Matteo di ... da Vicchio, Barber 6 13 Giovanni di Giovanni, German 6 13 Piero d’Angiolino of Brieg, German 6 13 Donnino di Jacopo, who is in Cafaggiuolo. 6 13 Andrea di Piero from Vienna 6 13

_Memorandum of all the Women who received Mourning for the said funeral_

Yds. Ins.
Madonna Contessina, wife of Cosimo, had cloth, and
besides eight veils and two kerchiefs 20 8
Madonna Lucrezia, wife of Piero di Cosimo, cloth,
and besides two veils and one kerchief 8 29
Maria Nannina, daughter of Piero di Cosimo, cloth 8 29
Madonna Ginevra, wife of the late Giovanni di
Cosimo, cloth, and besides two veils and one
kerchief 8 29
Madonna Ginevra, wife of the late Lorenzo de’ Medici,
cloth, and besides two veils and one kerchief 8 29
Laudomine, wife of Pier Francesco de’ Medici, cloth,
and two veils and one kerchief 8 29
M. Lisabetta, wife of Sozo da Vernio, cloth, and two
veils and one kerchief 8 29
M. Luisa, wife of Alexandro da Vernio, cloth, and
two veils and one kerchief 8 29
M. Marta, wife of Gualtrotto da Vernio, cloth, and
two veils and one kerchief 8 29

_Maids_

M. Marta, widow of Stefano da Villa nuova 6 13 M. Maddalena di Giovanni di Benavenni 6 13 M. Maddalena, widow of Martino da Barberino 6 13 M. Maddalena, widow of Viviano da Cafaggiuolo 6 13 M. Bartola, widow of ----. 6 13

_Slaves_

Caterina 6 13 Crestina 6 13 Caterina 6 13 Tita 6 13

Cosimo de’ Medici died at Careggi on August 1, 1464. His family, as has been said, respected his wish that he should be buried as a private citizen, without any public and official pomp. His fellow-citizens nevertheless resolved to commemorate in some special fashion the decease of the real head of their State. A minute setting forth his services was incorporated in the _Acta_ of the Ten, who also passed a law declaring that he was to be afterwards known by the title of _Pater Patriæ_, and appointed Donato Acciaiuoli to commend its adoption to the people in a set oration. The law was adopted by acclamation, and Cosimo is always known as Cosimo Pater Patriæ.

FOOTNOTES:

[4] _Le Istorie Fiorentine_, Niccolò Machiavelli, p. 240. Firenze, 1900.

[5] _Vita di Cosimo_, Vespasiano, p. 254. Symonds’ translation, _Renaissance in Italy_, ii. 127. London, 1897.

[6] Ibid., ii. 228.

[7] Ginevra Cavalcanti, wife of Lorenzo de’ Medici, Cosimo’s brother, and her son, Pier Francesco.

[8] Lorenzo de’ Medici, Cosimo’s brother.

[9] Crusaders returning to Italy brought with them medals with the effigy of S. Helen. These were called Santelena, and gradually the name was given to other medals.

[10] _Arch. Med. ante Prin._, Filza xi. No. 233.

[11] Letter is addressed on the outside of the sheet:

[spectab]ili viro Averardo de
[Medic]is Oratori florentinorum
[Ferrari] e fratri honorando.

(_Archivio Mediceo innanzi il Principato_, Filza 2, No. 306.)

[12] It is impossible even to guess at who “Ser P., the godfather,” or “the godmother” are. As has been already mentioned, Cosimo often alludes to people by nicknames or initials.

[13] _Arch. Med. ante Prin._, Filza ii. No. 302.

[14] _Arch. Med. ante Prin._, Filza v. Avanzi, No. 9.

[15] Cosimo’s brother.

[16] _Arch. Med. ante Prin._, Filza ii. No. 588-89.

[17] _Arch. Med. ante Prin._, Filza ii. No. 612.

[18] Cosimo de’ Medici’s younger brother.

[19] _Magni Cosmi Medicei Vita_, Angelo Fabronio, ii. 28.

[20] Or Alberghettino, a small cell about eight feet by six, in the tower of the Palazzo Vecchio.

[21] A castle near Cafaggiuolo.

[22] Cosimo’s oration is not in his diary, but is given by Fabroni, _Magni Cosmi Medicei Vita_, Angelo Fabronio. Pisis, 1784, ii. 75.

[23] To frequent the Palace of the Signoria was esteemed in Florence the sign of an intriguing politician. Giovanni had advised his sons “to be chary of frequenting the Palace” (see p. 6).

[24] Eugenius IV. was a fugitive in Florence.

[25] _Le Istorie Fiorentine_, Niccolò Machiavelli, p. 220. Firenze, 1900.

[26] _Sermoni Evangelici_, Sacchetti, p. 94.

[27] A slave, Margherita, ten years of age, is thus described by her owner Lapini: _Pellis ulivigne cum margine magno in testa apud cilium sinistrum, margine in gena sinistra prope nasum, naso rincagnato, aurichulis olim foratis, hodie reclusis, resaldatis_ (register of June 18, 1367). She cost twenty-nine golden florins. Another, Exilana, a Tartar, is described as of: _Pellis ulivigne, cum margine in cornu sinistra, parva, et alia margine in templa dextra, oculis quasi suffornatis et litiginibus per faciem_ (register of April 1, 1389.) Many are described as _bucterata vaiolo per totam faciem_, and only one is _pulcra corpere_. In the bill of sale they are generally guaranteed, _sana et integra omnibus suis membris tam occultis quam manifestis, et specialiter a morba caduca_, which seems to show that the slaves were subject to epilepsy.

[28] _Memoriale del Baldovinetti_, Cod. Cart. Magliabecchiana.

[29] _Lettere di una Gentildonna_, &c., p. 504.

[30] Most of the facts are taken from _Le Schiave Orientali a Firenze nei Secoli XIV. e XV._, Saggio dì Agostino Zanelli. Firenze, 1885.

[31] Perhaps an abbreviation of Cornaro.

[32] _Arch. Med. ante Prin._, Filza xiv. No. 469.

[33] _Le Istorie Fiorentine_, N. Machiavelli, p. 242. Firenze, 1900.

[34] Alluding to the old proverb, _Fiorentini ciechi, Senesi matti, Pisani traditori, Lucchesi signori_. Niccolò Fortebraccio, formerly in the service of the Florentine Republic, was the great rival of Francesco Sforza. These two condottieri had both seized on separate portions of the Marches, and while Sforza’s fortress was Ancona, Assisi was that of Fortebraccio. The two captains fought for the mastery in the Marches, and in the end Fortebraccio was defeated and slain.

[35] _Cosmi Vita_, &c., _op. cit._ ii. 110 (Ex Filza 18).

[36] _Cosmi Vita_, &c., _op. cit._ ii. 133.

[37] _Cosmi Vita_, &c., _op. cit._ ii. 131.

[38] Ibid., ii. 126.

[39] _Cosmi Vita_, &c., _op. cit._ ii. 124.

[40] Ginevra Cavalcanti, wife of Lorenzo de’ Medici, Cosimo’s younger brother.

[41] _Arch. Med. ante Prin._, Filza xvi. No. 8.

[42] _Cosmi Vita._, op. cit. ii. 135.

[43] _Cosmi Vita_, op. cit. ii. 161.

[44] _Arch. Med. ante Prin._, Filza viii. No. 336.

[45] Addressed on the outside of the letter: Giovanni di Chosimo de Medici in Sienna o al Bagnio a Petriulo. (_Archivio Mediceo innanzi il Principato_, Filza 8, No. 336.)

[46] _Arch. Med. ante Prin._, Filza. v. Avanzi, No. 274.

[47] _VII Lettere di Contessina Bardi nei Medici_, per nozze Zanichelli-Mariotti. Edizione di lxxv. esemplari. September 6, 1886.

[48] A long, loose robe, generally tied round the waist, worn by Florentine citizens in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. _Mettersi il lucco_ became a common saying for putting on fine clothes.

[49] _Arch. Med. ante Prin._, Filza ix. No. 262.

[50] _Arch. Med. ante Prin._, Filza xvi. No. 30.

[51] The letter is addressed in a different handwriting: Spettabili Viro Piero di Chosimo de’ Medici, Magnifico onorando in Firenze. (_Arch._, &c., Filza 13, No. 20.)

[52] Her younger son.

[53] VII. _Lettere_, &c., _op. cit._

[54] Ibid.

[55] Cosimo’s illegitimate son by a slave-girl.

[56] “Pieve,” chief church of a parish, and the only one where baptisms took place.

[57] _Cosmi Vita_, op. cit. ii. 194.

[58] _VII. Lettere_, &c., _op. cit._

[59] _VII. Lettere_, &c., _op. cit._

[60] Only son of Lorenzo de’ Medici, Cosimo’s brother, who was dead.

[61] _VII. Lettere_, &c., _op. cit._

[62] _Istorie di Giovanni Cambi_, Delizie degli Eruditi Toscani, xx. 273.

[63] Ibid., _op. cit._, xx. 281.

[64] A piece torn out of letter.

[65] _Arch. Med. ante Prin._, Filza ix. No. 147.

[66] Ibid., No. 171.

[67] _Donne Medicei avanti il principato_, Berta Felice, Rassegna Nazionale, 1907.

[68] _Ricordi di Firenze dell anno 1459_, di Autore Anonimo, a cure di Guglielmo Volpi. Città di Castello, S. Lapi, MDCCCCVII.

[69] _Istorie di Giovanni Cambi._

[70] A piece of the letter is torn out.

[71] _Arch. Med. ante Prin._, Filza xvii. No. 124.

[72] Husband of Bianca de’ Medici, Piero’s daughter.

[73] _Arch. Med. ante Prin._, Filza ix. No. 509.

[74] _VII. Lettere_, op. cit.

[75] _Cosmi Vita_, op. cit. ii. 234.

[76] _Cosmi Vita_, op. cit. ii. 235.

[77] _Cosmi Vita_, op. cit. ii. 243.

[78] _Lucrezia Tornabuoni, Donna di Piero di Cosimo de’ Medici_, G. Levantini-Pieroni, p. 37. Firenze, 1888.

[79] A piece torn out of the letter.

[80] For an account of the Consuls of the Sea, see _Pisa_, “Mediæval Towns.” Dent, London, 1909.

[81] A piece torn out of the letter.

[82] _Arch. Med. ante Prin._, Filza ii. No. 546.

[83] _Cosmi Vita_, op. cit. ii. 246.

[84] A monastery built by Cosimo not far from Cafaggiuolo, in the forest.

[85] _Cosmi Vita_, &c., _op. cit._ ii. 251.

[86] _Epistole Marsilii Ficini Florentini._ XV Decembris MCCCCXXXXIIII. Florentiæ.

PIERO DI COSIMO DE’ MEDICI

(1416-1469)

Pietro, or, as he was commonly called, Piero de’ Medici, was forty-eight when his father died in 1464, and had neither the moral nor the physical strength necessary for his position. He was a martyr to gout, from whence his surname _il Gottoso_. Kindly and indolent by nature, he could be stern, terse, and eloquent when roused, and his political insight was keen. The commencement of his reign, if one may use the word, was unfortunate. Cosimo on his deathbed had recommended his son to consult Diotisalvi Neroni, and to follow his advice. The shrewd old man had been singularly deceived in his estimate of the character of the man he bade Piero take as his right hand. Machiavelli’s account of the conspiracy which so nearly wrecked the power of the house of Medici is as follows:

“Messer Diotisalvi, moved more by his own ambition than by affection for Piero or gratitude for the benefits he had received from Cosimo, thought it would be easy to ruin Piero’s credit, and to deprive him of the authority inherited from his father. He therefore gave him advice which appeared most honest and reasonable, but in reality was meant to lead to his ruin. Showing him the disorder in his affairs, and how much money was absolutely necessary to save his own credit and that of the State, he declared that the most honourable way to remedy his difficulties would be to call in the debts due to his father by both foreigners and citizens. For Cosimo, in order to gain partisans in Florence and friends abroad, had been most generous in the use of his riches, and the moneys owing to him amounted to a very considerable sum. Such counsel seemed good and honest to Piero, who wished to remedy his affairs with his own means. But as soon as he demanded repayment of these loans the citizens, as though he wanted to take what was theirs and not what was his own, complained loudly, and showed small respect in speaking ill of him, and accusing him of ingratitude and avarice. When Messer Diotisalvi saw the universal disfavour his advice had brought on Piero he joined Messer Luca Pitti, Messer Agnolo Acciaiuoli, and Niccolò Soderini, and they conspired to deprive Piero of his credit and his authority. They were influenced by various motives. Messer Luca aspired to fill the position held by Cosimo, having become so great a man that he disdained to obey Piero. Messer Diotisalvi, knowing that Messer Luca was unfit to be the head of the government, thought that once Piero was out of the way the management must of necessity fall to him. Niccolò Soderini desired that the city should enjoy more freedom, and be governed according to the wishes of the magistrates, while Messer Agnolo had private reasons for hating the Medici. Some time before his son Raffaello had married Alessandra de’ Bardi, whose dower was very large. Owing either to her own misconduct, or to the faults of others, she was maltreated by her father-in-law and her husband; so one night Lorenzo d’Ilarione, her kinsman, moved to pity for the girl, with many men-at-arms, took her away from the house of Messer Agnolo. The Acciaiuoli complained of the insult done to them by the Bardi, and the matter being laid before Cosimo he decreed that the dower was to be repaid to Alessandra, and that she was to decide whether she would or would not return to her husband. Messer Agnolo did not think that in delivering this judgment Cosimo had behaved as a friend, and not being able to do anything against him he determined to take revenge on his son. The conspirators, though animated by such diverse motives, agreed to give the same reason publicly, declaring that they desired the city to be ruled by magistrates and not by the uncontrolled will of a few men. The hatred felt against Piero and the reasons for attacking him, were increased by the bankruptcy of many merchants for which he was blamed; his unexpected demand to be repaid having caused these men to fail, and thus brought great discredit and loss upon the city.”[87]

_Anderson_

PIERO DI COSIMO DE’ MEDICI.

_Detail from the fresco by Benozzo Gozzoli in the Chapel of Palazzo Riccardi, Florence._]

Florence was divided into two camps, the Party of the Hill, so-called because Luca Pitti’s palace was being erected on the highest part of the city, and the Party of the Plain, because the palace of the Medici was on the flat. “While things were in this disorder,” continues Machiavelli, “the time arrived for renewing the chief magistrate, and Niccolò Soderini was elected Gonfalonier of Justice.” But Niccolò wasted his two months’ tenure of office in futile attempts to “reform” the government, accomplished nothing, and quitted office a discredited man. The conspirators then determined to murder Piero as he returned to Florence from his villa of Careggi. He was only saved by the presence of mind of his young son Lorenzo, who preceded him on horseback, and noticed armed men loitering on the road. Lorenzo rode quietly on announcing that Piero was close behind him, but sent back in hot haste a messenger to order his father’s litter to take an unfrequented lane. Luca Pitti, perceiving that if the Medici were swept away Neroni and not himself would be the head of the Republic, betrayed his fellow-conspirators, and made peace with Piero. His defection was a death-blow to the conspiracy and to his own fortunes. Neroni and Niccolò Soderini fled to Venice, Acciaiuoli to Siena first and then to Naples, and the power of the Medici was once more firmly established.

Piero inherited his father’s love of letters and of art. He was the first to employ Luca della Robbia, who decorated the ceiling of his study in the Medici palace and made tiles for the floor, which, as Vasari says, “was a new thing and most excellent for summer.” Luca also made the vaulted roof of the marble chapel of the Crucifix inside the ancient church of S. Miniato a Monte, erected by Piero’s orders by his father’s faithful friend, Michelozzo Michelozzi.

Whatever currents of opinion disturbed the city of Florence at the death of Cosimo de’ Medici, foreign powers universally recognised his son Piero as his successor in the rule of the Republic. The Pope sent him a letter of condolence on his father’s death, while the King of France, Louis XI., testified his regard for the Medici by creating him a Privy Councillor, and giving him the right to add the Lily of France to the arms of his family.

Pope Pius II. _to_ Piero de’ Medici

Beloved Son,--Greeting and apostolic blessing. We have just heard that Cosimo, your father, has departed this life. This is indeed bitter and mournful news, and most grievous to us. For we loved him with sincere affection as a man whom we always found devoted to ourselves and to the Apostolic See, whom we knew to be gifted with unusual insight and kindness. Yet, my son, though many besides yourself will mourn his death, you must bear with a brave heart this fate which divine law has ordained for mortals. Accept this expression of God’s will patiently, and do not give way to grief. If you consider the course of human existence, Cosimo has had a long life; he has paid his debt to nature, and in his old age he has gone the way of all flesh. His life was full of honour; his glory extended beyond his own city to all Italy, nay, to the whole world; he has lived in the highest esteem and, what we must value more, in piety, and abiding in the fear of God. It is not right to mourn the death of a man who has lived righteously and justly, since we must believe that he has gone from this troubled human existence to one that is full of peace and tranquillity. As for us, beloved son, we intend to preserve towards you the feelings we had for your father, and for him we had a singular paternal affection. We promise that we shall always do what in our judgment will be conducive to your honour and your interest, and to that of the house of Medici. This we wish you to understand.--Given at Ancona under the seal of the Fisherman, the 8th day of August 1464, in the sixth year of our pontificate.[88]

Louis XI., _King of France_, _to_ Piero de’ Medici

_Dilecto Filio Nobili Viro Petro de’ Medicis._ Louis, by the grace of God King of France.

Most dear and great Friend,--We have received by our beloved and faithful courier Francesco Nori your letters which you sent to us by him. From him and from your letters we have learned how kindly you have acted in our favour towards our dear and beloved uncle the Duke of Milan about the affair of the Marches of which we wrote, and we are much pleased and very grateful to you. We also heard of the death of the late Cosimo de’ Medici, our great friend and your father, which has given and does give us much sorrow, both for the singular love we bore him and for the great and laudable services he rendered to us and to the French crown during his whole life. For the enduring memory thereof and of the friendship he showed to us and to the crown, and in order to honour him and you and all his relatives and family, and for the salvation of his soul, we beg you to dedicate to the service of your said dead father banners with our arms, of such number as seems best to you and is customary in such cases. We have also, in order to show the confidence we place in you, in your wisdom, loyalty, goodness, and diligence, and for the preservation of the friendship and goodwill which always existed between your late father and ourselves, appointed you one of our privy councillors, and have ordered the letters patent to be made out, which we send by the bearer; and when you desire anything for yourself, for your family or for your Commune, we shall grant it in your favour if you signify it and let us know by the said Franceschino, for whom we have always felt and feel singular affection and esteem.[89]

_Privilege granted by Louis XI. to the Medici to quarter the Lily of France in their arms_