Chapter V: M. filius Petru de Medicis.242 (2)

The confession of these two ruffians who wanted to assassinate the Magnificent Lorenzo and who were hung this morning at eleven o’clock in the palace of the Bargello, is that Baptista Frescobaldi, the man who arrested Bernardo Bandini at Constantinople,[290] told the Magnificent Lorenzo that he had spent so much for the said arrest and that he did not consider the Magnificent Lorenzo had paid him _secundum eius rationem_ and claimed more money, which was refused. Seeing that he could not revenge himself in any other way six months ago he determined to murder the said Magnificent Lorenzo. Being at Rome he spoke about it to Neri Acciaiuoli who encouraged him to do the evil deed. Moroto being at the same time at Rome the two began to talk about the government of Florence. Knowing Moroto to be a man of great courage, Neri persuaded him _ad idem scelsus_. Aware that such an undertaking could not succeed without accomplices he brought Moroto and Battista together and thus it was settled. They suggested telling Count Girolamo,[291] but Neri said it would be better to say nothing as the Count, having been blamed enough already, would certainly refuse to join. But he would undertake to provide _quod ille nunquam deficeret, et etiam_ would get Obietto (del Fiesco) to lend them men-at-arms, and when everything was ready, would come to Castellina and double the pay for every eventuality in Romagna. He hinted at help from other people and said he had influential and well-known citizens at his back. Now though all this was told to them by Neri, in their confession they declared they did not much believe in him, but thought he did it to encourage them. Through him they obtained a few arms and some money, for it appears that Moroto on being asked whether he had arms said he had a cuirass in pawn. They were given certain chain mail, and stuff for poisoning daggers which he brought to them in a small phial with soap on the top. When they arrived here they tried, following their instructions, to persuade a few hot-headed opponents of the government, &c., to join, but without entering into particulars, save with Francesco Balducci. To him they unbosomed themselves and he promised every help. Balducci having fled, his brother, to whom he had told the project, was arrested. It seems that _post multas cogitationes tandem_ they settled to do the deed on one of the three days of the coming feast of the Holy Spirit in the church of S. Liberata, and afterwards to take refuge in some safe house until part of the people had risen. Then, with a banner taken from a church with the arms of the Commune, to parade the streets crying “_Viva il Popolo_,” &c., _et præsertim_ in the lower parts of the city to breach casks of wine for the poor. Battista was deputed to give the blow, the other two were to defend him. It appears Moroto only joined, persuaded by the words of Neri, for the honour and glory of the thing. They are considered _hominis insani_. The shirts of mail belonging to them were found. This is all that is known of their confession and they say no one else is implicated either here or abroad. Three have been hung, Francesco Baldovinetto, Moroto, and the brother of Francesco Balducci.--Florence, June 6, 1481.[292]

The ambassador hastened back to Florence and wrote to the Duke.

I arrived here on the 6th, at one of the night, and found that the three who had conspired to assassinate Lorenzo had been hung that morning.... It is stated that they had no sympathisers in the city but acted like reckless and desperate men ... though they sounded many they found none willing to listen. I believe people were afraid: but if the deed had succeeded everything would have been topsy-turvy--of this I have no doubt. They showed great hopes and determination. When told they were to die next morning several citizens visited them and exhorted them to take courage. They answered laughing that they feared not death, but that they were grieved not to have been able to free them from such servitude and had only done what any other citizen ought to do, and that if they were only given two hours of freedom they would show what they could do. It is supposed, although not admitted, that others in the city are implicated. They say it does not appear that they had friends abroad, but from what D. Bernardo said to Girolamo it is thought that Neri Acciaiuoli was agreed with Count Girolamo, but did not confide in others. Here, however, they pretend not to believe this; but suspect it the more because so many of their enemies have left for Rome.... Your Excellency must know that these men ought _de jure_ not to have been hung, for as they committed no overt act they did not deserve death. So the Signoria, together with the Seventy, determined that it was _crimen lesæ maiestatis_, alleging that they had tried to curtail liberty and change the government which depended upon Lorenzo; so it was declared that whoever attacked Lorenzo commits _crimen lesæ maiestatis_, thus giving to him great honour. Some say this will rather injure than benefit him, because the more he is elevated above others the more enemies he will have.... June 9, 1481.[293]

Lorenzo de’ Medici _to the_ Duchess Eleonora d’Aragona d’Este _at Ferrara_

_Illma. Domina mea_,--The duty I owe Your Excellency compels me to communicate to you the terrible and disastrous blow that has to-day befallen me through the death of my most beloved mother Madonna Lucrezia. This leaves me utterly desolate as Your Excellency can think, for I have lost, not only a mother, but the only person I could turn to in many vexations and who aided me in many troubles. It is true that we ought to submit patiently to the will of God, but in this case my heart refuses to be comforted. I pray He may perhaps send me patience and comfort, and grant her peace and happiness. Your Excellency to whom I thus pour out my grief for such a loss, and to whom I turn for comfort in such sorrow, will understand the state in which your attached servant, who commends himself to you with all his heart, finds himself.--Florence, March 25, 1482. Your Excellency’s Servant,

Laurentius de Medicis.[294]

Lorenzo de’ Medici _to the_ Duke Ercole d’Este

_Illme. Domine mi_,--Although in tears and in great grief I cannot but inform Your Excellency of the terrible loss I have sustained by the death of my most dear mother Madonna Lucrezia; who to-day quitted this life. I am more full of sorrow than I can say, as besides losing a mother, at the mere thought of whom my heart breaks, I have lost the counsellor who took many a burden from off me. It has pleased God that this should be and we neither can nor ought to contest His will. Much I grieve that I have not the necessary constancy nor strength of mind, but I pray our Lord God to grant me patience and to her soul peace, as I firmly hope He will on account of her upright life. I write in order that Your Excellency may know the condition in which is one of his good servants who commends himself to you with all his heart.--Florence, March 25, 1482. Your Excellency’s Servant,

Laurentius de Medicis.[295]

The peace of November 1480 did not last long. Sixtus IV., entirely under the influence of his nephew Girolamo Riario, had deposed Antonello Ordelaffi in order to give Forli to Riario, who was known also to covet Faenza. This was a direct menace to Florence whose road to the Adriatic would have been cut off. Ferrara likewise attracted him; he visited Venice, where he was received like a king and made a patrician of the Republic, to plan an attack on Duke Ercole. Venice was to take the Duchy of Modena, which belonged to the Duke, while Riario added Ferrara to his other possessions. A pretext was easily found. The Venetians claimed the sole right of supplying salt to North Italy from Cervia and summoned the Duke to cease collecting it at Comacchio. He refused and war was declared in May 1482. Preparations for resisting Riario and Venice, and defending Ferrara, were pushed forward in feverish haste, as is shown by the letter from the Duke of Urbino to Lorenzo, while those from Ugolino Baccio relate to that simple-minded, scatter-brained Slav, Andrea Zuccalmaglio, a Dominican Archbishop of Krain. Sent to Rome in 1479 as ambassador by the Emperor Frederick III. he was intensely shocked by what he saw and did not hide his feelings. The Pope showed his displeasure and the Archbishop was recalled. Before he could leave Rome he was imprisoned in Castel S. Angelo, and on his release went to Basel determined to proclaim a Council. He assumed the titles of Cardinal and Papal Legate, and made a clever notary of Trier, Peter Numagen, his secretary, who in his _Gesta Archiepiscopi Crayneris_ describes his master as touched in the brain. On March 25th he denounced Sixtus IV. during service in the cathedral and solemnly proclaimed a Council. On July 20th he cited the Pope thus: “Francesco of Savona, son of the devil, you entered your Office not through the door, but through the window of simony. You are of your father the devil and labour to do your father’s will.” Sixtus excommunicated him and laid Basel under an interdict, of which no notice was taken. He was both angry and alarmed as he suspected the Emperor of secretly abetting the Archbishop, while Milan and Florence sent envoys to see how matters stood. The Florentine evidently at first sided hotly with the Archbishop, and believed in the possibility of a reforming Council. But Lorenzo was cautious. He left Baccio’s letters unanswered, to the poor man’s discomfiture. The Archbishop was disavowed by the Emperor, and the magistrates refusing to give him up to the papal Legate he was imprisoned in Basel, and hanged himself in his cell in November 1484.

Frederick, _Duke of Urbino_, _to_ Lorenzo de’ Medici

_Magnifice frater carissime_,--By the copy of a letter I have written to the Illustrious Duke of Ferrara which I send to the Honourable Eight of the Balìa, Your Magnificence will see that I have had news of the loss of the fortress of Melara. The enemy evidently means to join that force with their navy and to follow the course of the river to attack Ferrara. There is no doubt that if the Illustrious League does not instantly provide reinforcements in that quarter they may succeed in their attempt, because that Illustrious Lord is not strong enough to resist without help as Your Magnificence knows.

In this state of imminent peril it is imperative that the Honourable Signoria of Florence should send me in all haste as many men-at-arms as possible, particularly from Romagna and Valle de Lamone, who are nearer, and being better trained men are more useful than any others. As soon as the Illustrious Duke of Milan sends me the foot and horse I have asked for, I shall advance into the Ferrara territory to keep the enemy in check. If the Illustrious League provide what, for their own honour and advantage, is necessary to enable me to confront the enemy I shall not be found wanting, but there is a great difference between projecting a thing and carrying it through. I do not enlarge on this as I know Your Magnificence will understand how important it is, and _cum omne diligentia_ will give the requisite orders.

I remind Your Magnificence about hastening to despatch the troops we arranged were to come into the State of the Signor Constanzio [Sforza] and into Urbino. This is pressing as I have summoned my men to join me here, but until those troops arrive they cannot move as our lands cannot be left defenceless.

My opinion is that the said Signor Constanzio should advance into Tuscany and take up a position between Arezzo and Anghiara, which will not only protect the State of the Honourable Signoria of Florence, but my own and that of Signor Constanzio and perhaps, if fortune favours us, be a means of offending the enemy. It would be a good move and I beg Your Magnificence to send orders from there without losing a moment. I have already given this same advice to His Excellency.--Rovere, May 4, 1482.[296]

Ugolino Baccio, _from Basel, to_ Lorenzo de’ Medici

_Magnifice vir_, &c.,--I arrived here on the 14th, and by the aid of a citizen here, called Giovanni Hermin, very friendly to your house, was introduced to Craina.[297] I offered him your help in his undertaking, praising him and alluring him _ut moris est_. After exchanging many sweet speeches (_chiaverini_) we came at last to essential matters, to which, although he enlarged _et vultu et verbis_ as much as he could, I do not attach more faith than is necessary unless he adduces better evidence. He shows nothing from the Emperor [Frederick III.], which proves there is no great eagerness in that quarter. He talks much about France and other countries, particularly about Savoy, but I believe what I see; there are many ruffians to be found, but I am a cut-throat.

Who does please me is the chief personage. In capacity, talent, and doctrine, he seems to be fit for any great enterprise, _et quod magis me movet_ has great knowledge and experience of the world, for many, many years he has been employed in grave affairs and honourable legations.

_Accedit_ he is a friar, which is the summit, or the adornment, of all his other qualities, and he has so confident and fearless an air that he would make a man dance a gagliarda[298] against his will, whoever he might be.

Secondly the town chosen pleases me. It is convenient, handsome, healthy, and there is ample accommodation for congresses, vehicles, and ships.

Thirdly the citizens are most well-disposed, which pleases me most of all. I have proof of this because they will not permit their priests to observe the interdict and support the Archbishop _quantum possunt_. Yesterday they despatched their Chancellor to the Emperor to complain of the Pope _propter interdictum_, and to remind him not to allow the Council to depart, as if it is not held in Basel it will be transferred elsewhere to his loss and shame, &c.

Another of their ambassadors went to the Emperor a month ago and a courier later with letters. There is as yet no news of either, but they expect an answer from day to day. The Milanese envoy and I are idly waiting and do not know what to do with ourselves. We came here as private persons without any show and have not kept our attendants with us, in order not to spend much money in case nothing comes of this business, and so we shall remain for the present.

If a favourable answer comes we shall present ourselves officially to the Commune. Perhaps I shall do so before, without the Milanese, as a guarantee to our persons _in omnem eventum_; particularly as they know through Craina that I am here for this affair, and it might rather cause suspicion and give them a bad opinion of me if I do not announce myself openly and show that I am informed of what is going on. But I have not yet made up my mind and shall follow God’s inspiration.

If, owing to the Emperor, the Council is not held here, we have talked of transferring it to Pisa or elsewhere in Italy. His Paternity does not think the idea a bad one. Consider about this and let me know. Pisa would be convenient to the Spaniards and to many other kingdoms, who perhaps would serve our purpose better than Germany. His Paternity is ready to do anything to upset the Pope and the Count [Girolamo Riario]. I have said enough.

I do not write at any length so that you may not be bored. If you desire to know more, ask the Eight to show you what I have written to them with far more details. I commend myself to Your Magnificence.--Basel, September 20, 1482.[299]

Ugolino Baccio _to_ Lorenzo de’ Medici

Magnificent Lorenzo,--By the Milanese courier who left this on the 20th I wrote very fully to the Eight and also to Your Magnificence, of what had occurred.

Since then nothing of any importance has happened; things seem more favourable than otherwise. The adverse Legates have made no sign, they are still in a Swiss town called Torego, _alias_ Suringg, a long day’s journey from here. We suppose they do not like to risk coming here on account of the anger excited by the interdict, and that they are feeling their way how to approach without danger. This is the opinion of the Council. Perhaps they have other designs and are waiting in order to give us a heavier blow. Who knows their secrets? We have no fear of them, if they have of us; but this is uncertain. The fact is they have not come, and as things are they would only arrive here in pieces.

The citizens are strongly in favour of the Council, and unless forced by the Emperor I do not think they will let it drop, particularly as it brings them great gain and honour.

The ambassador sent to Duke Sigismondo has returned bringing, they say, a most favourable reply. I know no particulars as yet, for these people are much more taciturn than we are, and very strict observers of public honour. Unfortunately that friend of the house of Medici has been sent on an embassy, so it is hard fishing for secrets. _Tamen si quid erit, haud diu nos latere potest._

No reply has yet come from the Emperor. But as the road is long and there is war in the countries the messenger must traverse this is not to be wondered at. An answer is expected every day, so it seems to me that _pendeant leges et Prophetæ_. Other help appears to me vain. We will see what God sends, and I shall inform you of all _cum diligentia_. I have suggested Pisa to Monsignore several times in case Basel fails us, but at present he hopes in Cæsar. Think well about this so that (_quod Dii prohibeant_) we are not left with our feet out of both stirrups.

Monsignore has told the people here that we have come in favour of their cause, and as on account of the delay of these envoys I feared they might draw back seeing Monsignore unsupported, I informed the town council that I was sent officially by our Signoria, presented the letters, &c., and made a long oration _in favorem Consilii_, praising the holy enterprise and Craina, and condemning the Sixtine government, and showing the necessity for a Council; all which they heard with great pleasure, particularly as I offered not only help and favour, and embassies and prelates from the Florentines, but promised to confirm this in their name and in that of the League.

I am sure that in their _perplexione propter venturos Legato Pontificiis_ this has comforted their minds, _juxta Terentianum illud, dum in dubis est animus_, &c.

They promised to reply _post consultationem_. _Sic res se habent nunc._ To-day I await them in my house and shall hear their answer.

_Post scripta._--Four of the members have just been here and in the name of the Senate praised my speech, and thank the Florentines for their offers which they reciprocate.

As to the Council they declare that they are well-disposed towards the Apostolic See if the Church is reformed _pro Religione et fide Christi, quam vident in magno periculo vel potius ruina_. They also affirm that they initiated nothing, but only acted according to the wishes of the Emperor, from whom an explicit answer is expected in a few days. When it arrives they will tell me at once so that I can write to my Signoria who can then send prelates and ambassadors as I have promised. For this I thanked them with opportune words. I see that I am everything in their eyes, besides which Craina depends entirely on me and has not been happy since he entered into this business until I spoke officially. He will not let me out of his sight, either to go to the Emperor or elsewhere. A thousand times a day he raises his hands to heaven thanking God for sending me to him. You have no idea how intently these Doctors of the University read the documents I have published. What can I say more? The Pope is more hated here than he is with us, and if the Emperor does not spoil our game _non sum sine spe_ to arrive at something.

This is all I write to-day as I send this by a man who is passing through in haste. Will Your Magnificence be good enough to make my excuses to the Eight? Your letter was begun and there is no time to write another. This must serve also for their Excellencies. I commend myself to Your Magnificence.--Basel, September 30, 1482.[300]

Ugolino Baccio _to_ Lorenzo de’ Medici

_Magnifice vir_, &c.,--By my last of the 24th to the Honourable Eight Your Magnificence will have seen my hopes and designs, and nothing has occurred since to alter my opinion about the Council, although there are doubts as to where it is to be held and as to Craina himself, on account of the great opposition made by our enemies against God and justice. I am in great tribulation at not receiving any reply from Florence to my many letters, sent by trustworthy messengers so long ago that there has been ample time to send an answer to the first three.

Had I only received a hint from Your Magnificence as to the choice of Pisa about which Craina made me write, I should know which way the wind blows and how to steer this unsteady bark. But without any reply, although I know the intentions of Your Magnificence up to a certain point, I do not know them absolutely, as happens to those who, like me, have several affairs in hand.

Although Craina hopes for success here he is feeling his way elsewhere; if he fails here and can extricate himself he will throw himself into the arms of him who promises most. Till now I have only been able to give assurances of my personal aid, promising him support and favour from the League in order to pacify him. But how do I know what will be my fate? Perchance the League will have nought to do with the Council save at Basel, or has some other plan of which I know nothing. So that although I have a general mandate to do all I can to help forward the Council, which I, although you do not write, am doing, yet I do wish for your own particular views, otherwise I grope in darkness.

However now we are here making every effort that things should go forward, and though we found the foundations rather weak we have so propped the house that we do not fear it will fall at every small stroke. But if, through the Emperor or the Swiss, Basel was shut to us, I do not see why the League after such a beginning should abandon the enterprise. I gave the reasons in other letters, but the decision lies with others who perhaps are of a contrary opinion.

I have written a detailed account of what happens to the Eight. My own impressions, such as they are, I write to Your Magnificence, to whom I can explain things with more freedom than to such eminent magistrates. You can therefore guess at the truth; to me it appears that although there is danger there is also hope.

_Exitus in Diis est: tamen_ if a month after our arrival here a bishop had declared for us things would not be so backward or so ill looked on as they are; even if one was now on the way here so as not to delay giving medicine to the corpse! _At inquies._ Either the Emperor has not manifested his approval, what then? or he has not openly turned against the enterprise. For my designs it would be sufficient to stay here long enough for things to make a little progress, and then I would gladly pay ready money for a valid impediment in order to transfer all to a more convenient spot. I pray Your Magnificence to take the follies I have written for what they are worth and to judge and command according to your own wishes. _Ego jussa exequar_ and to that I commend myself.--Basel, October 25, 1482.[301]

Sixtus IV. had been thoroughly frightened by the threatened Council at Basel and had also fallen under the influence of his nephew Cardinal Giuliano della Rovere, who feared the growing power of Venice and was friendly to the Medici. In December 1482 he hurriedly made peace with Naples and Ferrara, and received the Duke of Calabria in the Vatican. Alfonso then started for Ferrara, passing through Florence early in January, where he stayed three days in the house of Giovanni Tornabuoni. Venice refused to obey the Pope’s commands to make peace with Ferrara, and the city was in dire straits. It was only the encouragement and advice of Bongianni Gianfigliazzi, the Florentine ambassador, that prevented Duke Ercole from quitting Ferrara and taking refuge at Modena. A Congress of the Allies was summoned at Cremona, to which Lorenzo went early in February 1483, in spite of strong opposition from his fellow-citizens, who feared he might be assassinated by his arch-enemy Girolamo Riario. Louis XI. shared these fears as is seen in his letter. The Congress at Cremona consisted of the Cardinal Legate Gonzaga, Alfonso Duke Of Calabria, Lodovico and Ascanio Sforza, Ercole d’Este Duke of Ferrara, Federigo Gonzaga Marquis of Mantua, Giovanni Bentovoglio of Bologna, Girolamo Riario,[302] Lorenzo de’ Medici, and various envoys.[303]

Louis XI., _King of France, to_ Lorenzo de’ Medici

My Cousin,--By your letter of January 30th I learn your wishes regarding your son Giovanni, if I had only known this before the death of the Cardinal de Rohan I should have done all in my power to please you. I will gladly do whatever I can when a benefice falls vacant. As to Ferrara, where you have promised to go, I should have advised you to abstain, and to be very careful about your personal safety, for I do not know the people or the place you will be in. I would gladly have sent an ambassador from here to excuse you. However as you have promised I leave it to you, to good fortune, and to God.--Written at Plessis du Parc, February 17, 1482 (1483).

Luy.[304]

The following tale and poem in Latin (which I have done into prose) were sent to Lorenzo by Bartolommeo Scala,[305] who prided himself on his literary conceits and on his pure Latinity. I insert them as they are typical of the conceits of the fifteenth century.

Bartolommeo Scala _to_ Lorenzo de’ Medici _at Bagno a Morba_

My Patron, greeting,--Last September when I was at Morba, where you now are, for my gout, I composed a conceit on the nymph Amorba, childish enough perhaps. If you have time to read this it may not displease you. Trifles of this kind sometimes give pleasure. Indeed those who have been with you inform me that you have sought anew the society of the Muses and are their constant boon companion. Of a truth they can heal our diseases much more pleasantly than any baths.

This indeed is attested with perhaps a certain neatness by an apologue of mine. It is as follows.

Once upon a time Immortality and Old Age were quarrelling. The cause was small, the quarrel was and still is a grievous one. Immortality had reared from the nest a tame jackdaw, cunning, thievish, clever, with a power of imitating our language not unmusically. She had kept it in luxury for ninety years. The neighbours actually approved of it in their enjoyment of the constant jesting and laughter which it caused. For it used secretly to steal from the tailor’s workboxes rings and needles and other implements, and then, when the fancy seized it, all of a sudden gave them back. How the onlookers used to laugh and applaud when it brought a modest blush to a maiden’s cheek as she walked along the road by calling with a gentle chuckle Ω χόρη καλη[306] (it had learnt Greek as well as Latin) Ἡλίου ὡς ὁμοιῷ φωτί.[307] But Old Age was envious and sent disease, her frequent minister, and killed the jackdaw. So was war kindled. Then when Old Age had taken many towns, and sacked many cities, she forced Immortality at length to take refuge in her citadel.

Her citadel stands on a high mountain. Its walls and battlements are of brass, but the rooms of its inner chambers of sweetest-smelling cedarwood. The enemy is held at bay (and this no one who did not know would easily believe) by maidens alone, by three maidens with their songs and verses. Now, could you but extract the harmonies of these maidens from the letters in which they are written and manage to apply them to your bare breast and heart, there is nothing so health-giving against all diseases of body and mind. I commend myself to you. Farewell.--Florence, April 15, 1484.

Thy Bartolommeo Scala.[308]

“_In Amorpham Nympham_,” _Latin poem by_ Bartolommeo Scala, _sent to_ Lorenzo De’ Medici _at Bagno a Morba, April 25, 1484_

Thou askest who I am, what is my name, and whence comes this hot and health-giving water that springs perennial? Once I was the loveliest nymph of these woods. Apollo loved me and gave me the power of curing all ills. Fleeter of foot than the stag or the roe, I was the most renowned and the most welcome of the Oread sisters or the Dryads. But we have long known how cruel and potent is fate, and how unstable are all things here below. When wandering one day, bow in hand, my quiver on my shoulder, O unhappy nymph! Cerberus saw me and was inflamed with brutal lust. Of no avail were my bow, my arrows, or my swift feet. Furiously he pursued me and deaf to my prayers and tears he seized me, O unhappy one. In vain I screamed and struggled, and called upon all the Gods of heaven. Almost vanquished I cried out, imploring aid: “O you sylvan nymphs, have mercy, hasten to save me.” The goddesses heard, changed me into a hot stream and thus delivered me from those ferocious hands. As a spring I still preserve the power bestowed by Apollo of curing all ills. Phœbus pitied and wept over my fate, and swore by the Styx to undo thee, O Cerberus. A huge stone, high as a mountain, surrounded by precipices and broken rocks, was torn asunder and a yawning and dark cave opened, whence issued a horrid wind charged with fetid odours. Inside all was putrid, in festering matter lay the entrails and bones of oxen which he bore while yet alive into the cave to satiate his rabid hunger. Whilst intent on devouring the raw flesh and sucking the stream of hot blood, the highborn Archer wounded him. His torn and bleeding entrails gushed forth. But as he could change his form at will, Cerberus became a dog. From three throats came despairing howls and the vapour of burning sulphur when Apollo hurled him down from the rock into deepest hell, where it is rumoured that he still retains the semblance of a dog. There, where the brute sank, remain signs of hell, and they say that sinners are there drawn down to well-deserved punishment. All around are lakes of deep mud; mud and sulphur are belched up, and from afar one still hears the ever-renewed howling of dogs. The rock preserved the name and the mountain whence it fell is called Cerberus. But I remain unknown, no kind Muse remembered me and I waited for one to tell of my woes. Lo he comes, and here he writes a poem for me. Read it, O pilgrim; then thou wilt know that Amorba is the name of the nymph. The waters will drive away all illness, let the sick come here and they will find health.[309]

Lorenzo’s great enemy Sixtus IV. died on August 12, 1484, killed, say contemporaries, by a violent fit of anger at the proclamation of the peace of Bagnolo. The Cardinals entered into Conclave on August 26th, and three days later Giovanni Battista Cibò, born at Genoa in 1432, was elected Pope under the name of Innocent VIII.

Guidantonio Vespucci, _Florentine Ambassador at Rome, to_ Lorenzo de’ Medici _at Florence_

_Magnifice vir_,--If my letter about the election of the Pope [Innocent VIII.] was delayed, the fault lies with Antonio Tornabuoni who sent off the courier without waiting for me. I was at Mass with the other ambassadors and could not leave before them. The Milanese courier was despatched by Francesco da Casale and not by the ambassador. I beg you to excuse me.

Of the new Pope I will tell you all I have heard. As Cardinal he passed for a kindly and benign man, and was most courteous to all, kissing any and all even more than one you know of. His political experience is small and he is not learned, though not ignorant. He was always devoted to S. Pietro in Vincula [Giuliano della Rovere, afterwards Julius II.] and indeed was made a cardinal by his influence. He is tall, full in the face, about fifty-five years of age, and very robust. He has a brother, at least one grown-up bastard son and some daughters, who are married here. As cardinal he did not agree well with the Count [Girolamo Riario, nephew of the late Pope]. S. Pietro in Vincula is now as good as Pope and will have more power than under Sixtus if he knows how to steer. The Pope has a Genoese friar who is said to have a mistress of the house of Cibò, Guelph of course. Here he has a nephew, a priest, related to Filippo di Nerone, whose mistress is a certain Maria Clemenza--she was wife to Stoldo Altoviti. The late Captain of infantry is married to a relation of his. The Pope seems rather a man in need of advice than one capable of giving it to others.

The election took place thus. The Rev. Monsignori of Aragona and Visconti seeing that they could not effect the election of the Vice-Chancellor and that he stood on the defence, tried to persuade him to play their game, and _ante omnia_ reconciled the Camarlingo and Ursino with S. Pietro in Vincula, towards whom they were beginning to be friendly, and I think they promised to arrange the affairs of the Count and of the Camarlingo. Many other promises were made. First, to the Cardinal of Aragona the Pope gives his own house; to Messer di Visconti the house belonging to the Count, which the Pope will pay for, besides 12,000 ducats, the legation of the Patrimony, and I know not what besides at Castello; to Savello the legation of Bologna; to Milan that of Avignon; all of which latter legations were held by S. Pietro in Vincula who consented to everything in order to carry this business through, he has also renounced certain abbeys to satisfy others whose names I know not. Colonna will no doubt also be recompensed, and the Vice-Chancellor has obtained certain things he wanted in Spain. Noara has had I know what castle. Of others I have not heard. No doubt there are many similar cases.

To conclude, this election is attributed entirely to Monsignore di Visconti and I think you ought to write to him that he should help us when I have need of aid in your affairs. Also send a proper letter to S. Pietro in Vincula for he is the only one I have any fear of in the business of Fonte Dolce,[310] he is the Pope, _et plusquam Papa_. Believe me that Monsignori Aragona and Visconti will plunder this court at every election, they are the two biggest scoundrels in the world.

In a few days I shall begin to adjust your affairs and shall succeed, as in the beginning these princes and popes are usually very gracious, and His Holiness is well disposed towards you and has always been very friendly to me. Remember before the new Signori are named to have my leave arranged as I want to be at home during September, and I hope you will grant my desire that my Simone should be made one of the Eight.--Roma, August 29, 1484. Remember also to push on the enterprise of Sarzana, afterwards there might be danger.[311]

According to custom the Republic of Florence sent an embassy to congratulate Innocent VIII. on his nomination. With them went Lorenzo’s eldest son, Piero, then fourteen years of age, to whom his father wrote the following letter containing minute instructions as to his speech and conduct. From Lorenzo’s remark, “Though thou art my son, thou art but a citizen of Florence,” and his impressing upon him to be polite and not to take precedence of his elders, one sees he was already anxious about the boy’s overbearing, turbulent temper.

Lorenzo de’ Medici _to his son_ Piero _in Rome, November 26, 1484_

Thou wilt have only four letters of introduction for Siena, one to Messer Paulo di Gherardo, one to Messer Cristofano di Guido, and one to Messer Andrea Piccolomini, whom thou art to visit at their houses and there deliver the letters to them. Commend me to Their Magnificences, using the same words to all, thus: that passing through Siena on thy way to Rome with these ambassadors I charged thee to visit Their Magnificences whom I love and revere as fathers; that I hope they will regard thee as a son, command thee at any time or in any place, as I do, and that thou wilt obey them; and that as they can dispose of my property, State, and children, of whom thou art one, thou presentest thyself to them as being theirs to dispose of according to their pleasure. Use proper words to this effect without affectation or constraint, and do not try to appear learned with them or with others, but speak graciously, pleasantly, and seriously.

Thou wilt have a list of Sienese citizens to whom, if there is time, thou art to pay visits, using the same words I have already indicated and offering me to them, as well as to the three above-named, for the protection of their State, all the more that our city is of this mind.

When together with other youths of the ambassadors bear thyself sedately, politely, and kindly, towards thy equals. Be careful not to take precedence of those who are thine elders, for although thou art my son, thou art but a citizen of Florence, as they are. When Giovanni [Tornabuoni] thinks fit to present thee to the Pope privately first inform thyself well of all the needful ceremonies, then when presented to His Sanctity kiss my letter which will be given thee for the Pope, entreating him to deign to read it. When it is thy turn to speak, first place me at the feet of His Beatitude, saying that I am aware it was my duty to prostrate myself in person at the feet of His Holiness, as I did at those of his Predecessor of saintly memory; but that I trust in his goodness to forgive me, because at that time I had my brother who was well able to fill my place, whereas at present I have no man of greater years and authority than thyself, and therefore I do not think it would have been pleasing to His Holiness if I had left Florence. Say that I send thee in my stead as the strongest proof I could give of my desire to go in person. Besides other reasons also I have sent thee in order that thou shouldst learn early to regard His Beatitude as thy Father and Lord, and be encouraged to continue in this devotion, in which I educate my other children, whom I would rather not have if they were not so inclined. Then thou wilt inform His Holiness that I am firmly resolved not to transgress his commands, because, besides my natural devotion to the Holy See, my devotion to His Beatitude himself arises from many causes and from obligations which ever since I was _in minoribus_ our house has received from him. Add that I have experienced how hurtful it has been to be out of favour with the late Pontiff although, as it seems to me, I was unjustly persecuted rather for others’ sins than for any insult or offence to him of holy memory. But I leave this to the judgment of others. Be it as it may I am firmly determined, not only not to offend His Beatitude in any way, but to think day and night on what I can do to please him; thus I trust that the joy and pleasure which the nomination of His Beatitude to the Pontificate caused me will endure for long, and I supplicate His Beatitude to accept me and my children and all that is mine as his humble sons and servants, and to preserve to us his grace, inasmuch as we shall make every effort to deserve his goodwill.

After this thou art to say to His Holiness that having thus recommended me, brotherly love constrains thee to recommend also Messer Giovanni, whom I have brought up as a priest, and endeavour to educate morally and intellectually in such a way that he should not be put to shame among others. All my hope in this matter is in His Beatitude who has already, out of his clemency and humanity, shown him some affection, and as we are in his good graces I entreat him to continue his benevolence, and to add to the other obligations our house has towards the Holy See by favouring this affair of Messer Giovanni; strive with these and other words to recommend thy brother. I have now said enough about the Pope. Thou wilt have my letters to all the cardinals which thou wilt deliver or not according to Giovanni’s directions. Commend me to them and say thou art come to Rome to express my devotion to Their Most Reverend Lords, and also in order that they may make acquaintance with him who will continue the devotion of our house towards them, and that they are to command thee and make use of thee as of all that is mine, offering thyself, &c. This thou wilt say to all in general, but to those on the marked list thou wilt say as follows.

To Cardinal Visconti say that even were he not a Cardinal, our house has old and innate obligations to all his illustrious house, and that as my son and by nature an ally of the Sforzas (Sforzesco), and a devoted servant of His Most Reverend Lordship thou beseechest him to command thee, and to treat thee as one of his house and accept thee as his servant, as are all of our house.

To Cardinal d’Aragona say that as I place all my hopes and trust in H.M. the King his father, it is thy duty as my son to present thyself to His Most Reverend Lordship, and that thou and my other sons, besides the many benefits received from H.M. the King, can never forget the honours paid to me at Naples and the mode of sending me home, and that thou art well aware what would have been thy condition and that of my other children, if things had gone differently. For this reason His Most Reverend Lordship and all the other sons of H.M. the King may sell thee, or pawn thee, and treat thee as a thing belonging to them.

To Cardinal Orsini say that I have sent thee to Rome for him to see how offshoots of their tree prosper in our soil and what fruit they bear, and that, such as they are, I send the first-fruit to His Most Reverend Lordship, and that although an unworthy son of the house of Orsini thou desirest, such as thou art, to be a servant of His Reverence, to whom as head of the house thou art willing and ready, during thy whole life as far thou canst, to repay the obligations thou art under to his noble house, which are indeed great, as thou owest thy being to it. For this reason thou art come to beg him as head, &c., to take thee under his care and to instruct thee, for thy honour and success will reflect upon him as much as upon me, thy father; commend to him Clarice and thy brothers and sisters, &c.

To the cardinals who are related to the Orsini, as I think are the Savelli, Conti, and Colonna, thou wilt make use of more familiar language than to the others, saying that besides other obligations I have towards them, we are, by the grace of God, related to their noble families, which I consider as one of the chief ornaments of our house. To Monsignore our Archbishop of Florence thou art to show all these instructions before making any visits, which on account of thine age may be very short ones. I hope that His Lordship, being better informed and more prudent, will add anything needful, assuring him that what I say is not merely formal but the truth, and do either more or less than his Lordship directs, as though it was I who told thee. At all events thou art to visit all the Orsini who are in Rome, speaking with due reverence, commending me to Their Lordships and offering thyself as their son and servant, they having deigned to become our relations by which thou art the chief gainer as being of higher birth, and therefore it is but right thou shouldst strive to repay them. I send thee with Giovanni Tornabuoni, whom thou art to obey in all things and not to presume to do aught without him. Be modest and kindly in manner towards him and every one, and strive to bear thyself with sedateness, all the more that sedateness is not a youthful virtue. The honours and flatteries that will be bestowed upon thee will be a great danger if thou art not discreet and rememberest who thou art. If Gugliemo [de’ Pazzi] or his sons or grandsons come to see thee receive them kindly, but quietly, showing sorrow for their condition and encouraging them to act well and to hope for better things by so doing. Should Monsignore our Archbishop think it right for thee to go to any place outside Rome to visit any of the Orsini, thou canst do so; obey His Lordship in this and in everything, as I have already said, as thou wouldst obey me. Tell Gugliemo that Bianca[312] having written in my name, and in that of Bernardo Rucellai, to ask him to give up the Canonry of Pisa to her for a certain exchange she wishes to make, he ought to do it, particularly as Bernardo offers to serve him and to help him in whatever way he thinks best. Impress this upon him.

Niccolò Michelozzi _to_ Lorenzo de’ Medici _at Morba_

I send this horseman, not because the enclosed letters are of any great importance, but because all your people, both those of your house and your friends, wish to have news of you: though in all hope is great, yet the desire will only be appeased by news of you and of good results [from the baths]. Give orders therefore that your secretaries write often.

Antonio Tornabuoni informs me that this morning the Captain of infantry was sent to Romagna, we think he will do well what is necessary, and at Pietrasanta ...[313] to fly from peril.

The Doge of Genoa writes that a safe-conduct for eight days has been given to Francesco Centurione, principally because some persons have an idea that he comes for a purpose and is not merely passing through. You will be the first to know whether he is the bearer of anything.

Sassetto tells me he has, by your orders, replied to the letter from Amaretto in Venice to you, and has told him to come here.

From the letters from Rome you will understand about the Pope, who has been trying to trick us.

Pier Filippo tells me that they intend to send a Commissary to Pisa who can if necessary also act at Leghorn and at Pietrasanta, a man of resolution. They think of sending Piero di Lutozzo and of recalling Piero Capponi and Piero Vettori, who have both asked to be recalled, particularly Pier Capponi because Gino is not well; if you have any one else to suggest send word, for there is still time.

Alberghetto says he is ready to make those four small cannon for you if you will give him the materials; thus he will not lose his time on public things, in which he has been very ill-treated; they don’t pay him, they give him no work, and they drive him to despair. I have helped him and shall do all I can for him.

Tell Madonna Clarice that Piero and all the other children are as well as ever I saw them, and I hope they will continue so. Do your best to recover and return soon quite cured and in good health, then everything else will go well.

On ’Change money is abundant for everywhere, save Lyons, for which place all the merchants are buyers, particularly those who used to be sellers. I think some one must be working to send supplies by some other channel. But I do not understand these things, or know whether it is true, still I think you ought to be informed of everything: if my news bores you, either tell me, or tell Ser Piero to open my letters and not to show them to you.

Do order them to write often to us. I commend myself to you.--In Florence the last day of the year 1484 (24th March 1485).

Ser Francesco sends you an abstract of what little there is of public matters.

Niccolò Michelozzi.[314]

Matteo Franco _to_ Ser Piero Dovizi Da Bibbiena, _Chancellor of Lorenzo de’ Medici, wherever he may be_

_Salve, o alter ego._

Good-bye Ser Piero, good-bye Franco, good-bye Lorenzo, Butti, Franceschi, good-bye, good-bye, &c. We parted at Capitulo near Bagno a Morba. Florence having quitted Pisa,[315] we came gaily singing and joking to the mill on this side of Monte Castelli, where we found twenty-five soldiers with shields and spears whom we had seen from above, when we said to one another, “Who are those fellows down there?” and we all shouted “_Palle, Palle_”; they replied, “_Palle, Palle e Orso, Orso_,” and as we came nearer the shouts of _Palle_ and _Orso_ redoubled. We then saw they were men sent from Monte Castelli to escort us, &c. They wanted us to enter the townlet, but we declined, so they came with us down into the plain where was a crowd of women with faces as wrinkled as chestnut cakes, but all very merry and happy with tables spread out with wine, puff pastry, &c. We drank in haste, and keeping one of the soldiers as a guide discharged the others, and went on our journey singing and chatting gaily. Passing by deserted Monte Guidi, half-way down the hill we met a priest with his frock tucked up and so out of breath he might have come from Assisi, who said he was a friend of Donnino,[316] and implored us to dismount at his church and house, he was so exhausted and ran up and down so incessantly, that if he did not go and be bled I fear that by this time he is no more. God help him. We left, or rather we did not stop, and passed down below Casoli without entering, and about four miles this side of the village Martino Ghezo and Martino Moro caught us up, not having been able to keep up with us as we rode fast. They told us that on the other side of Casoli they met the so-much-longed-for Nannina[317] in a carriage, and that she asked about Lorenzo and Madonna Clarice. Hearing that Madonna Clarice had passed, and that Lorenzo had gone to Pisa, she was, they said, in despair, and showed great sorrow at not having seen Lorenzo, or even having been able to talk to Madonna Clarice. When Madonna heard this she several times lamented the bad luck of their missing each other, &c.