Chapter II (2)
I then asked them if they really thought that was the intention of the French coming at that time: They answered, yes, they believed the French not only wanted to drive the English traders off, that they might have the trade to themselves; but that they had also a further intention by their burrying iron plates with inscriptions on them in the mouth of every remarkable Creek, which we know is to steal our country from us. But we will go to the Onondago Council and consult them how we may prevent them from defrauding us of our land.
At my return I acquainted the Governor what passed between the Indians and me.
This year the Governor purchased a tract of land on the East of Susquehannah for the Proprietaries, at which time the Indians complained that the White People was encroaching on their lands on the West side of Susquehannah, and desired that the Governor might turn them off, as those lands were the hunting-grounds of the Susquehannah Indians.
At that time the Six Nations delivered a string of Wampum from the Connays, desiring their Brother Onas to make the Connays some satisfaction for their settlement at the Connay Town in Donegal,[49] which they had lately left and settled amongst the Susquehannah Indians which town had been reserved for their use at that time their Brother Onas had made a purchase of the land adjoining to that town.
In November [1750] I went to the country of the Twightwees by order of the Governor with a small present to renew the chain of friendship, in company with Mʳ Montour Interpreter; on our journey we met Mʳ Gist, a messenger from the Governor of Virginia, who was sent to invite the Ohio Indians to meet the Commissioners of Virginia at the Logs town in the Spring following to receive a present of goods which their father the King of Great Britain had sent them.[50] Whilst I was at the Twightwee town delivering the present and message, there came several of the Chiefs of the Wawioughtanes and Pianguisha Nations, living on Wabash, and requested to be admitted into the chain of friendship between the English and the Six Nations and their allies; which request I granted & exchang’d deeds of friendship with them, with a view of extending His Majesty’s Indian interest, and made them a small present. On my return I sent a coppy of my proceedings to the Governor. On his laying it before the House of Assembly, it was rejected and myself condemned for bad conduct in drawing an additionall expence on the Government, and the Indians were neglected.[51]
At the time that the Secretary, the provincial Interpreter, with the Justice of Cumberland County and the Sheriff were ordered to dispossess the people settled on the unpurchased lands on the West side of Susquehannah, and on their return to my house, they met a deputation of the Ohio Indians, who told the Secretary that they had heard of a purchase that the Governor had made on the East side of Susquehannah, and said they were intitled to part of the goods paid for that purchase, but had received none, that they were come now to desire the Governor to purchase no more lands without first acquainting them, for that the lands belonged to them as well as to the Onondago Council; on which they delivered a Belt of Wampum, and desired that the Governor might send that Belt to Onondago to let them know that the Ohio Indians had made such a complaint.
In April 1751 the Governor sent me to Ohio with a present of goods; the speeches were all wrote by the Provincial Interpreter Mʳ Wiser. In one of the speeches was warmly expressed that the Govʳ of Pennsylvania would build a fort on the Ohio, to protect the Indians, as well as the English Traders, from the insults of the French. On the Governor perusing the speech he thought it too strongly expressed, on which he ordered me not to make it, but ordered me to sound the Chief of the Indians on that head, to know whether it would be agreeable to them or not. Which orders I obeyed, and did in the presence of Mʳ Montour sound the Half King Scarioaday and the Belt of Wampum, who all told me that the building of a Trading House had been agreed on between them and the Onondago Council, since the time of the detachment of French, under the command of Monsʳ Celaroon, had gone down the river Ohio, and said they would send a message by me to their Brother Onas, on that head.
After I had delivered the present and done the chief of the business, the Indians in publick Council, by a Belt of Wampum, requested that the Governor of Pennsylvania would immediately build a strong house (or Fort) at the Forks of Monongehela, where the Fort Du Quesne now stands, for the protection of themselves and the English Traders.
But on my return this Government rejected the proposal I had made, and condemned me for making such a report to the government, alledging it was not the intention of the Indians. The Provincial Interpreter, who being examined by the House of Assembly, denyed that he knew of any instructions I had to treat with the Indians for building a Trading House, though he wrote the speech himself, and further said he was sure the Six Nations would never agree to have a Trading House built there, and Governor Hamilton, though he by his letter of instructions ordered me to sound the Indians on that head, let the House know he had given me no such instructions: all which instructions will appear on the Records of Indian Affairs.[52] The 12ᵗʰ June 1752, the Virginia Commissioners met the Indians at the Logs Town and delivered the King’s present to them. The Indians then renewed their request of having a fort built as the government of Pennsylvania had taken no notice of their former request to them, and they insisted strongly on the government of Virginia’s building one in the same place that they had requested the Pennsylvanians to build one; but to no effect.[53]
In the year 1753 a French army came to the heads of Ohio and built fort Preskle on the Lake, and another fort at the head of Venango Creek, called by the French Le Buff Rivere.[54] Early in the fall the same year about one hundred Indians from the Ohio came from Winchester in Virginia, expecting to meet the Governor there who did not come, but ordered Coll. Fairfax to meet them. Here again they renewed their request of having a Fort built, and said altho’ the French had placed themselves on the head of Ohio, that if their Brethren the English would exert themselves and sent out a number of men, that they would join them, & drive the French army away or die in the attempt.
From Winchester those Indians came to Cumberland County where they were met by Commissioners from Governor Hamilton, and promised the same which they had done in Virginia;[55] but notwithstanding the earnest solicitations of those Indians, the governments neglected building them a fort, or assisting them with men; believing or seeming to believe that there was no French there; till the Governor of Virginia sent Col. Washington to the heads of Venango Creek, where he met the French General at a fort he had lately built there.
In February 1754, Captain Trent was at the mouth of Red Stone Creek, building a Store house for the Ohio Company, in order to lodge stores to be carried from there to the mouth of Monongehela, by water, where he had received orders in conjunction with Cresap[56] and Gist to build a fort for that Company. This Creek is about 37 miles from where fort Du Quesne now stands.
About the 10ᵗʰ of this month he received a Commission from the Governor of Virginia with orders to raise a Company of Militia, and that he would soon be joined by Col. Washington. At this time the Indians appointed to meet him at the mouth of Monongehela in order to receive a present which he had brought them from Virginia. Between this time and that appointed to meet the Indians he raised upwards of twenty men & found them with arms ammunition & provisions at his own expence. At this meeting the Indians insisted that he should set his men at work, which he did, and finished a Store House, and a large quantity of timber hew’d, boards saw’d, and shingles made. After finishing his business with the Indians he stayed some time in expectation of Col. Washington joining him, as several accounts came of his being there in a few days. As there was no more men to be had here at this time, there being no inhabitants in this country but Indian traders who were scattered over the country for several hundred miles, & no provisions but a little Indian corn to be had, he applied to the Indians, who had given him reason to believe they would join him and cut off the French on the Ohio, but when he proposed it to the Half-King, he told him that had the Virginians been in earnest they wou’d have had their men there before that time, and desired him to get the rest of his men and hurry out the provisions. Agreeable to his instructions he went and recruited his company, but before he could get back, it being 110 miles from here to the nighest inhabitants, the French came and drove his people off.
In June following when the Indians heard that Coll. Washington with a Detachment of the Virginia troops had reached the great Meadows, the Half-King and Scaruady with about 50 men joined him—notwithstanding the French were in possession of this country with six or seven hundred men; so great was their regard for the English at that time.
After the defeat of Col. Washington, the Indians came to Virginia, where they stayed some time, & then came to my house in Pennsylvania and put themselves under the protection of this Government.
As soon as possible they sent messengers to call down the heads of the Delawares and Shawnese to a meeting at my house, and at the same time they desired the Governor of this Province, or some Deputy from him, to meet them there to consult what was best to be done.
The Governor sent Mʳ Wiser the Provincial Interpreter; the Chiefs of those Indians came down and met him and offered their service, but it was not accepted by Mʳ Wiser. He in answer told them to sit still, till Governor Morris arrived, and then he himself wou’d come and let them know what was to be done. They waited there till very late in the fall, but received no answer, so set off for their own country.[57]
This Government continued to maintain the Indians that lived at my house, till the Spring, when General Bradock[58] arrived; they then desired Governor Morris to let me know they would not maintain them any longer; at which time Governor Morris desired me to take them to Fort Cumberland to meet General Bradock; which I did;—On my arrival at Fort Cumberland General Braddock asked me where the rest of the Indians were. I told him I did not know, I had brought but fifty men which was all that was at that time under my care, and which I had brought there by the directions of Governor Morris. He replied that Governor Dinwiddie told me [him] at Alexandria that he had sent for 400 which would be here before me. I answered I knew nothing of that but that Captain Montour the Virginia Interpreter was in camp & could inform His Excellency. On which Montour was sent for who informed the General that Mʳ Gist’s son was sent off some time agoe for some Cherokee Indians, but whether they would come he could not tell. On which the General asked me whether I could not send for some of the Delawares and Shawnese to Ohio. I told him I could; on which I sent a messenger to Ohio, who returned in eight days and brought with him the Chiefs of the Delawares. The General held a conference the Chiefs in company with those fifty I had brought with me, and made them a handsome present, & behav’d to them as kindly as he possibly could, during their stay, ordering me to let them want for nothing.
The Delawares promised, in Council, to meet the General on the road, as he marched out with a number of their warriors. But whether the former breaches of faith on the side of the English prevented them, or that they choose to see the event of the action between General Braddock and the French, I cannot tell; but they disappointed the General and did not meet him.
Two days after the Delaware Chiefs had left the camp at Fort Cumberland, Mʳ Gist’s son returned from the Southward, where he had been sent by Govʳ Dinwiddie, but brought no Indians with him.
Soon after, the General was preparing for the march, with no more Indians than I had with me; when Coll. Innis[59] told the General that the women and children of the Indians that were to remain at Fort Cumberland, would be very troublesome, and that the General need not take above eight or nine men out with him, for if he took more he would find them very troublesome on the march and of no service; on which the General ordered me to send back all the men, women and children, to my house in Pennsylvania, except eight or ten, which I should keep as scouts and to hunt; which I accordingly did.
(Indorsed: “Recᵈ with Sʳ Wᵐ Johnson’s letter of the 25 June, 1757.”)
CROGHAN’S JOURNAL, 1760-61[60]
October 21ˢᵗ 1760.—In pursuance to my Instructions I set of[f] from Fort Pitt to join Major Rogers[61] at Presqu’ Isle[62] in order to proceed with the Detachmᵗ of his Majestys Troops under his Command to take possession of Fort D’Troit.
25ᵗʰ.—I joined Capt Campbell at Venango who was on his march to Presqu’ Isle with a Detachment of the Royal Americans to join Major Rogers.[63]
26ᵗʰ.—I halted at Venango as the French Creek was very high, to assist in getting the Pack Horses loaded with Pitch & Blanketts for the Kings service over.[64]
27ᵗʰ.—Left Venango.
30ᵗʰ.—Got to La’Bauf.[65]
31ˢᵗ.—Arrived at Presqu-Isle where I delivered Major Rogers his Orders from General Monckton.[66]
November 3ᵈ.—Capᵗ Brewer of the Rangers with a Party of forty Men set of[f] by Land with the Bullocks with whom I sent fifteen Indians of different Nations, to pilot them, with Orders that if they met with any of the Indians of the Western Nations hunting on the Lake Side to tell them to come and meet me.[67] This Evening we loaded our Boats & lay on the shore that night.
4ᵗʰ.—We set sail at seven o’clock in the morning & at three in the afternoon we got to Siney Sipey or Stoney Creek about ten Leagues from Presqu’ Isle where we went ashore in a fine Harbour and encamped.[68]
5ᵗʰ.—At seven o’Clock in the Morning we set sail, about 12 we were met by about thirty Ottawas who had an English Flag, they saluted us with a discharge of their fire Arms, we then put ashore shook hands and smoked with them out of their Council Pipe, we drank a dram and then embarked, about two o’Clock arrived at Wajea Sipery or Crooked Creek, went ashore in a good Harbour and encamped, this day went about seven Leagues. After we had encamped I called a meeting of all the Indians and acquainted them of the Reduction of Montreal, and agreeable to the Capitulation we were going to take possession of Fort D’Troit, Misselemakinack, Fort St. Joseph’s &c. and carry the French Garrisons away Prisoners of War & Garrison the Forts with English Troops, that the French Inhabitants were to remain in possession of their property on their taking the Oath of Fidelity to his Majesty King George, and assured them by a Belt of Wampum that all Nations of Indians should enjoy a free Trade with their Brethren the English and be protected in peaceable possession of their hunting Country as long as they adhered to his Majestys Interest. The Indians in several Speeches made me, expressed their satisfaction at exchanging their Fathers the French for their Brethren the English who they were assured were much better able to supply them with all necessaries, and then begged that we might forget every thing that happened since the commencement of the War, as they were obliged to serve the French from whom they got all their necessitys supplyed, that it was necessity and not choice that made them take part with the French which they confirmed by several Belts and Strings of Wampum. The principal Man of the Ottawas said on a large Belt that he had not long to live & said pointing to two Men “those Men I have appointed to transact the Business of my Tribe, with them you confirmed the Peace last year when you came up to Pittsburg, I now recommend them to you, and I beg you may take notice of them and pity our women and Children as they are poor and naked, you are able to do it & by pitying their Necessitys you will win their Hearts.” The Speaker then took up the Pipe of Peace belonging to the Nation and said Brother to Confirm what we have said to you I give you this Peace Pipe which is known to all the Nations living in this Country and when they see it they will know it to be the Pipe of Peace belonging to our Nation, then [he] delivered the Pipe.
The principal Man then requested some Powder & Lead for their young Men to stay there and hunt for the support of their familys as the Chiefs had agreed to go with us to D’Troit, and a little Flower which I applyed to Major Rogers for who chearfully ordered it to me as I informed him it was necessary & would be for the good of his Majestys Indian Interest.[69]
6ᵗʰ.—At seven o’Clock we set sail in Company with the Indians arrived at a pretty large Creek called Onchuago or fire Creek[70] about twelve Leagues from Crooked Creek, where we went ashore and incamped, a fine Harbour; here we met seven familys of Ottawa Indians Hunting.
7ᵗʰ.—We loaded our Boats, sent of[f] the Battoes with the Provisions and some Whale Boats to attend them, but before they had got two Miles they were obliged to return the Wind springing up so high that no Boat could live on the Lake. Continued our encampment here the whole day.
8ᵗʰ 9ᵗʰ & 10ᵗʰ.—We continued here the Wind so high could not put out of the Harbour here the Indians gave us great quantitys of Bears & Elks Meat, very fat.
11ᵗʰ.—About One o’Clock P.M. set sail, a great swell in the Lake, at Eight o’Clock got into a little Cove went ashore & encamped on a fine strand, about six Leagues from fire Creek, where Mʳ Braam with his party had been some time encamped.[71]
12ᵗʰ.—At half an hour after Eight A.M. set sail, very Calm, about 10 came on a great squawl, the Waves run Mountains high, about half an hour after twelve we got into Gichawaga Creek where is a fine Harbour, some of the Battoes were forced a shore on the Strand and received considerable damage, some of the flower wet and the Ammunition Boat allmost staved to Pieces, here we found several Indians of the Ottawa Nation hunting, who received us very kindly they being old Acquaintances of mine, here we overtook Capᵗ Brewer of the Rangers with his party who set of by Land with some Cattle, this day came about four Leagues.[72]
13ᵗʰ.—We lay by to mend our Boats.
14ᵗʰ.—The Wind blew so hard we could not set of[f]. This day we were allarmed by one of the Rangers who reported he saw about Twenty French within a Mile of our encampment on which I sent out a party of Indians and Major Rogers a party of Rangers, both partys returned without discovering any thing, but the Tracts of two Indians who went out a hunting that Morning.
15ᵗʰ.—Fine Weather we set sail and at twelve o’Clock came to Sinquene Thipe or Stony Creek[73] where we met a Wayondott Indian named Togasoady, and his family a hunting. He informed me he was fifteen days from D’Troit, that before he left that the French had Accounts of the reduction of Montreal & that they expected an English Army from Niagara to D’Troit every day; that M. Balletré,[74] would not believe that the Governor of Montreal had Capitulated for D’Troit; that he had no more than fifty soldiers in the Fort; that the Inhabitants and Indians who were at home were very much afraid of being plundered by our Soldiers, and he requested that no outrage might be committed by our soldiers on the Indian settlements, as the chief of the Indians were out a hunting. I assured them that there should be no plundering. This afternoon we came to Nechey Thepy or two Creeks,[75] about Nine Leagues from Gichawga, high banks all the way & most part of it a perpendicular Rock about 60 feet high.
16ᵗʰ.—a storm so that we could [not] stir.
17ᵗʰ.—The Wind continued very high, stayed here this day, set of[f] the Cattle with an escort of Souldiers and Indians.
18ᵗʰ.—Set Sail came to Oulame Thepy or Vermillion Creek a narrow Channel about Eight foot Water a large Harbour when in, about four o’Clock came to Notowacy Thepy a fine Creek running through a Meadow about Eighteen foot Water, this day came about seven Leagues;[76] here I met three Indians who informed me that the Deputys I sent from Fort Pitt had passed by their hunting Cabin Eight days agoe on their way to D’Troit in order to deliver the Messages I sent by them to the several Indian Nations.
19ᵗʰ.—Several Indians came down the Creek to our encampment and made us a present of dryed Meat, set of[f], came to the little Lake just as the Cattle set over from thence, set of[f] from here came to a Creek which runs through a marchy Meadow, here we encamped, came this day about six Leagues.[77]
20ᵗʰ.—Mr. Braam set of[f] to D’Troit with a Flag of Truce and took with him Mr Gamblin a French Gentleman an Inhabitant of D’Troit.[78] This day about One o’Clock we met a Canoe of Wayandott Indians who informed us that the Deputys I sent to yᵉ several Nations living about Fort D’Troit, from Fort Pitt had got there and collected the principal Men of the several Nations together and delivered their Messages which were well received by the Indians, and that a Deputation of the Indians were appointed to come with my Deputys to meet us at that place which was the Carrying place from Sandusky into the Lake, we put into the Creek called Crambary Creek, went a shore & encamped to wait the arrival of those Deputys; we sent over the Carrying place to two Indian Villages which are within two Miles of each other to invite the Indians to come & meet the Deputys at our Camp.[79] This day came four Leagues.
21ˢᵗ.—Towards Evening some of the Indians from the two Villages came to our Camp; just after dark a Canoe came in sight who immediately saluted us with three discharges of their fire Arms, which was returned from our Camp, on their arrival we found them to be the Deputys sent from the Nations living about D’Troit with the Deputys I had sent from Fort Pitt, as soon as they landed the Deputys I had sent introduced them to Majʳ Rogers, Capᵗ Campbell and myself & said they had delivered their Messages [to] the several Nations and that the Indians which came with them were come to return Answers which we should hear in the Morning & they hoped their answers would be to our expectations. After drinking a dram round we dismissed them & gave them Provisions.
22ᵈ.—About 9 o’Clock the Indians met in Council, though several of their People were in Liquor, & made several speeches on strings and one Belt of Wampum all to the following purport.
BRETHREN: We your Brethren of the several Nations living in this Country received your Messages well and return you thanks for sending us word of what has happened and your coming to remove the French Garrison out of our Country and putting one there of our Brethren the English; your Conduct in sending us timely notice of it is a Confirmation of your sincerity & upright intentions towards us and we are sent here to meet you & bid you welcome to our Country.
Brethren all our principal Men are met on this side the French Garrison to shake hands with you in Friendship & have determined in Council to abandon the French Interest and receive our Brethren the English as our true Friends & establish a lasting Peace with you & we expect you will support us and supply us with a fire & open Trade for the Cloathing of our Women and Children. Then they delivered two strings of Wampum to the Six Nations and Delawares returning them thanks for sending Messages to them with the Deputys I had sent & desired those strings might be delivered to them in Council. Then the Speaker spoke on a Belt & said Brethren the Chief of our young People are gone out a hunting and our Women have put up their Effects & Corn for the maintainance of their Children in the Houses about the French Fort and we know that all Warriors plunder when they go on those Occasions, we desire by this Belt that you will give orders that none of our Houses may be plundered as we are a poor People and cannot supply our Losses of that kind. Then I acquainted them of the Reduction of all Canada and the terms of the Capitulation & when I met their Chiefs I would tell them on what terms the Peace was confirmed between all Nations of Indians and us. Then Major Rogers gave them a string by which he took all the Indians present by the hand & lead them to D’Troit where he would have a Conference with them and deliver them some speeches sent by him to them from General Amherst.[80] At 10 o’Clock we embarked sailed about five Leagues and encampᵈ on a Beach.
23ᵈ.—We embarked sailed about three Leagues and an half to Ceeder point where is a large Bay, here was a large encampment of Indians Wayondotts and Ottawas who insisted on our staying there that day as it was raining and a large Bay to cross which Major Rogers agreed to.[81]
24ᵗʰ.—We set of[f] at Eight o’Clock across the Bay in which is an Island the day was so foggy that the Drum was obliged to beat all day to keep the Boats together, this day we went about Eight Leagues. Where we encamped there came to us five Indian familys.
25ᵗʰ.—The Indians desired Major Rogers would order the Boats into a Cove as it was likely to be bad Weather & lay by that day & they would send some men to where their Chiefs were collected to hear News which was agreed to.[82]
26ᵗʰ.—The Wind blew so hard that we could not put out of the Cove, the Messengers the Indians sent returned and informed us that the French were very angry with the Indian Nations for meeting us and threatned to burn their Towns; that the Commanding Officer would not let us come to D’Troit till he received his Orders from the Governor of Canada and the Capitulation to which we answered the Indians that they might depend on it, that if any damage was done them by the French that we would see the damage repaired.
27ᵗʰ.—In the Morning a Cannoe with two Interpreters and four French came to our Camp with Letters from Monsieur Balletré. We decamped and came into the mouth of the River where we met the Chief of the Wayondotts, Ottawas & Putawatimes who bid us welcome to their Country and joined us, we went up the River about 6 miles where we met a French Officer who hoisted a Flag of Truce and beat a parley here we encamped on an Island and sent for the French Officer who delivered his Messages.
28ᵗʰ.—Capt. Campbell was sent of[f] with a Flag of Truce to give M. Balletré his orders to give up the Place soon after we set of[f] up the River and encamped at an Indian Village, at Night Capt. Campbell joined us and informed us that Monsieur Balletré behaved very politely on seeing M. Vaudreuils[83] Orders & desired we would proceed the next day and take possession of the Fort & Country.
29ᵗʰ.—We set of[f] and arrived about twelve o’Clock at the place where we landed and sent and relieved the Garrison.
30ᵗʰ.—Part of the Militia lay down their Arms and took the Oath of Fidelity.
December 1ˢᵗ.—The rest of the Militia layed down their Arms and took the Oath of Fidelity.
2ᵈ.—Lieuᵗ Holms was sent of[f] with M. Balletré and the French Garrison with whom I sent 15 English Prisoners which I got from the Indians.
3ᵈ.—In the Morning the principal Indians of 3 different Nations came to my Lodgings & made the following Speech on a Belt of Wampum.
BRETHREN:—You have now taken possession of this Country. While the French lived here they kept a smith to mend our Guns and Hatchets and a Doctor to attend our People when sick, we expect you will do the same and as no doubt you have something to say to us from the English General and Sir William Johnson we would be glad [to know] how soon you would go on business as this is our hunting season.
Fort D’Troit December 4ᵗʰ 1760. We met the Wayondotts, Putawatimes and Ottawas[84] in the Council House, with several of the principal Men of the Ohio Indians who accompanied his Majestys Forces there when the following speeches were made to them.
BRETHREN CHIEFS & WARRIORS OF THE SEVERAL NATIONS NOW PRESENT: You have been made acquainted with the success of his Majestys Arms under the Command of his Excellency General Amherst and the Reduction of all Canada & now you are Eye Witnesses to the surrender of this place agreeable to the Capitulation as I sent you word before the arrival of his Majestys Troops; you see now your Fathers are become British Subjects, you are therefore desired to look on them as such & not to think them a separate People; and as long as you adhere to his Majestys Interest and behave yoursel[ves] well to all his subjects as faithfull allies, you may depend on having a free open Trade with your Brethren the English & be protected by his Majesty King George now your Father & my Master.—A Belt.
BRETHREN: At a Conference held with several Chiefs & Deputys of your several Nations at Pittsburg this Summer, you told me that all our Prisoners which have been taken since the War, yet remaining in your possession were then set at Liberty to return home if they pleased, now I have received by Major Rogers the Commanding Officer here, General Amherst and Sir William Johnson’s Orders to demand due performance of your promise & desire that you may forthwith deliver them up as that is the only way you can convince us of your sincerity and future intentions of living in Friendship with all his Majestys Subjects in the several British Colonies in America.—A belt.
BRETHREN: On Condition of your performance of what has been said to you I by this Belt renew and brighten the Ancient Chain of Friendship between his Majestys Subjects, the Six United Nations and our Brethren of the several Western Nations to the Sun setting and wish it may continue as long as the Sun and Moon give light.—A belt.
BRETHREN: As my orders are to return to Pittsburg I now recommend Capt. Campbel to you as he is appointed by his Majestys Commander in Chief to be Governour of this place, with him you must transact the publick business and you may depend he will do you all the service in his power and see that justice is done you in Trade.—A belt.
BRETHREN CHIEFS AND WARRIORS: As the Ancient Friendship that long subsisted between our Ancestors is now renewed I was[h] the Blood of[f] the Earth, that has been shed since the present War, that you may smell the sweet scent of the Springing Herbs & bury the War Hatchet in the Bottomless Pitt.—A belt.
BRETHREN: I know your Warriors have all a martial spirit & must be employed at War & if they want diversion after the fatigue of hunting there is your natural Enemies the Cherookees with whom you have been long at War, there your Warriors will find diversion & there they may go, they have no other place to go, as all Nations else are become the subjects of Great Britain.—A belt.
BRETHREN: As I command this Garrison for his Majesty King George I must acquaint you that all the Settlers living in this Country are my Master’s subjects therefore I take this opportunity to desire you our Brethren of the several Nations not to take any of their Effects from them by force, nor kill or steal any of their Cattle, as I shall look on any insult of that kind as if done to me, as they are under my protection. I desire you will encourage your young Men to hunt and bring their Meat to me for which they shall be paid in Powder and Lead.—A belt.
Major Rogers acquainted the Indians that he was going to Misselemaknach to relieve that Garrison and desired some of their young Men to go with him, whom he would pay for their Services and that he was sending an Officer to Sᵗ. Josephs and the Waweoughtannes[85] to relieve their Post & bring of[f] the French Garrisons & desired they would send some of their young Men with him who should likewise be paid for their services.—A belt.
Then we acquainted them by a string that as they had requested a Smith to mend their Guns as usual & the Doctor to attend their sick that it was granted till the Generals pleasure was known.—A string.
December the 4ᵗʰ.—A Principal Man of the Wayondotts spoke and said Brethren we have heard and considered what you said to us yesterday and are met this day to return you an answer agreeable to our promise.
The Wayondott Speaker addressed his speech to Major Rogers, Capt Campbel and myself.
BRETHREN: We have heard what you said to us yesterday, we are like a lost People, as we have lost many of our principal Men, & we hope you will excuse us if we should make any Mistakes, but we assure you our Hearts are good towards our Brethren the English when your General and Sir William Johnson took all Canada they ordered you to send us Word, we received your Messages & we see, by your removing the French in the manner you have from here, that what you said to us by your Messengers is true. Brethren be it so, and continue as you have begun for the good of us all. All the Indians in this Country are Allies to each other and as one People, what you have said to us is very agreeable & we hope you will continue to strengthen the Ancient Chain of Friendship.—A belt.
You desired us yesterday to perform our promise & deliver up your Prisoners, it is very true we did promise to deliver them up, and have since delivered up many, what would you have us do there is very few here at present they are all yours & you shall have them as soon as possible tho’ we do not choose to force them that have a mind to live with us.—A belt.
BRETHREN: Yesterday you renewed and brightened the Ancient Chain of Friendship between our Ancestors the Six Nations & you. Brethren I am glad to hear that you our Brethren the English and the Six Nations have renewed and strengthened the Ancient Chain of Friendship subsisting between us, & we assure you that if ever it be broke it will be on your side, and it is in your power as you are an able People to preserve it, for while this Friendship is preserved we shall be a strong Body of People, and do not let a small matter make a difference between us.—A belt.
BRETHREN: Yesterday you desired us to be strong and preserve the Chain of Friendship free from rust, Brethren look on this Friendship Belt where we have the Six Nations and you by the hand; this Belt was delivered us by our Brethren the English & Six Nations when first you came over the great Water, that we might go & pass to Trade where we pleased & you likewise with us, this Belt we preserve that our Children unborn may know.
BRETHREN: We heard what you said yesterday it was all good but we expected two things more, first that you would have put it out of the power of the Evil Spirit to hurt the Chain of Friendship, and secondly that you would have settled the prices of goods that we might have them cheaper from you than we had from the French as you have often told us. Brethren you have renewed the Old Friendship yesterday, the Ancient Chain is now become bright, it is new to our young Men, and Brethren we now take a faster hold of it than ever we had & hope it may be preserved free from rust to our posterity.—A belt [of] 9 rows.
BRETHREN: This Belt is from our Warriors in behalf of our Women & Children and they desire of us to request of you to be strong & see that they have goods cheap from your Traders & not be oppressed as they have been by the French.[86]—A belt [of] 7 rows.
BRETHREN:—Shewing two Medals those we had from you as a token that we might remember our Friendship whenever we should meet in the Woods and smoke under the Tree of Peace, we preserved your token and hope you remember your promise, it was then said that this Country was given by God to the Indians & that you would preserve it for our joint use where we first met under a shade as there were no Houses in those times.
The same speaker addressing himself to the six Nations.
BRETHREN: I am very glad to hear what our Brethren the English have said to us, and I now send this string by you, and take the Chiefs of the six Nations by the hand to come here to Council next spring.
Brother addressing himself to me
You have been employed by the King and Sir William Johnson amongst many Nations of Indians in settling this Peace, now you are sent here where our Council fire is, the Smoke of which ascends to the Skies you are going away and all Nations to the Sun sitting are to meet here to see their Brethren the English in possession of this place and we desire that you may stay here till that Council, that you may take your Master Word of what is to be transacted here.—A belt.
BRETHREN: By this String we request you will consider it will be difficult for us to understand each other. It would be agreeable to us if you would continue our old Interpreter as he understands our Language well.—A string.
December the 5ᵗʰ the Principal Man of the Putawatimes spoke
BRETHREN: Yesterday our Uncles of the Six Nations spoke to you for us all; do not be surprised at it, they have more understanding in Council affairs than us, we have employed them to speak for us all, and Confirm what they have said by this Belt.—A belt.
BRETHREN: Be strong and bring large quantitys of goods to supply us & we will bring all our Furs to this place. We are glad you acquainted us that the Inhabitants of French here are become English subjects, we shall look on them as such for the future and treat them as our Brethren.—A belt.
BRETHREN: Our Uncles gave us this String of Wampum and desired us to be strong and hunt for you, we should be glad [if] you would fix the price to be given for a Deer of Meat, then insisted strongly that the six Nation Deputys should press their Chiefs to attend the General meeting to be held here in the spring by a Belt.
The principal Man of the Ottawas got up and made two speeches to the same purport as above.
Then I made them the following speech.
BRETHREN: I return you thanks for the several affectionate speeches you made us yesterday. To day it is agreed that he [the interpreter] be continued till General Amherst and Sir William Johnson’s pleasure be known; you likewise desired I might stay here till your General Meeting in the Spring, I am not my own Master so you must excuse me till I receive further Orders.—A belt.
Then the Present of Goods was delivered to each Nation in his Majestys Name, for which they returned their hearty thanks.
Then Major Rogers spoke to them.
BRETHREN: I return you thanks for your readiness in joining his Majestys Troops under my Command, on my way here, as I soon set out to execute my orders and relieve the Garrison of Misselemakinach I take this opportunity of taking my leave of you, and you may be assured I will acquaint General Amherst and Sir William Johnson of the kind reception I have met with amongst your Nations and recommend your services.—A belt.
Then the Council fire was covered up & the Conference ended.
7ᵗʰ.—Mr Butler of the Rangers set of[f] with an officer & party to relieve the Garrison at the Milineys[87] [Miamis] with whom I sent an Interpreter and gave him Wampum and such other things as was necessary for his Journey and Instructions in what manner to speak to the Indians in those parts.
The 8ᵗʰ.—Major Rogers set of[f] for Misselemachinack with whom I sent Capᵗ Montour and four Indians who were well acquainted with the Country and the Indian Nations that Inhabit it.[88]
The 9ᵗʰ & 10ᵗʰ.—Capt Campble assembled all the Inhabitants and read the Act of Parliament to them & setled matters with them to his satisfaction, they agreeing to yᵉ billiting of Troops and furnishing fire Wood & Provisions for the Garrison, and indeed every thing in their power for his Majestys service.
The 11ᵗʰ.—In the Evening Capt. Campble finished his Letters when I set off leaving him what Wampum, Silver Truck & Goods I had for the Indian service.
The 16ᵗʰ.—We came to the little Lake called Sandusky which we found froze over so as not to be passable for some days.
The 22ᵈ.—We crossed the little Lake on the Ice which is about 6 Miles over to an Indian Village where we found our Horses which we sent from D’Troit, there were but five Indians at home all the rest being gone a hunting.
23ᵈ.—We came to Chenunda an Indian Village 6 miles from Sandusky.[89]
24ᵗʰ.—We stayed to hunt up some Horses.
25ᵗʰ.—We came to the Principal Mans hunting Cabin about 16 miles from Chenunda level Road and clear Woods, several Savannahs.
26ᵗʰ.—We came to Mohicken Village, this day, we crossed several small Creeks all branches of Muskingum, level Road, pretty clear Woods about 30 Miles, the Indians were all out a hunting except one family.
27ᵗʰ.—We halted, it rained all day.
28ᵗʰ.—We set of[f], it snowed all day & come to another branch of Muskingum about 9 Miles good Road where we stayed the 29ᵗʰ for a Cannoe to put us over, the Creek being very high.
30ᵗʰ.—We set of[f] and came to another branch of Muskingum about 11 Miles and the 31ˢᵗ we fell a Tree over the Creek and carryed over our Baggage and encamped about one Mile up a Run.
January the 1ˢᵗ.—We travelled about 16 Miles clear woods & level Road to a place called the Sugar Cabins.
2ᵈ.—We came about 12 Miles to the Beavers Town clear Woods and good Road.
3ᵈ.—Crossed Muskingum Creek and encamped in a fine bottom on this side the Creek.
4ᵗʰ.—Set of[f] and travelled about 20 Miles up a branch of Muskingum good Road.
5ᵗʰ.—Travelled about 18 Miles and crossed a branch of little Beaver Creek clear Woods & good Road.
6ᵗʰ.—Travelled about Eighteen Miles and crossed two Branches of little Beaver Creek good Road & Clear Woods.
7ᵗʰ.—Crossed the mouth of big Beaver Creek at an Indian Village and came to Pittsburg about 25 Miles good Road & Clear Woods.[90]
CROGHAN’S JOURNAL, 1765[91]
May 15th, 1765.—I set off from fort Pitt with two batteaux, and encamped at Chartier’s Island, in the Ohio, three miles below Fort Pitt.[92]
16th.—Being joined by the deputies of the Senecas, Shawnesse, and Delawares, that were to accompany me, we set off at seven o’clock in the morning, and at ten o’clock arrived at the Logs Town, an old settlement of the Shawnesse, about seventeen miles from Fort Pitt, where we put ashore, and viewed the remains of that village, which was situated on a high bank, on the south side of the Ohio river, a fine fertile country round it. At 11 o’clock we re-embarked and proceeded down the Ohio to the mouth of Big Beaver Creek, about ten miles below the Logs Town: this creek empties itself between two fine rich bottoms, a mile wide on each side from the banks of the river to the highlands. About a mile below the mouth of Beaver Creek we passed an old settlement of the Delawares, where the French, in 1756, built a town for that nation. On the north side of the river some of the stone chimneys are yet remaining; here the highlands come close to the banks and continue so for about five miles. After which we passed several spacious bottoms on each side of the river, and came to Little Beaver Creek, about fifteen miles below Big Beaver Creek. A number of small rivulets fall into the river on each side. From thence we sailed to Yellow Creek,[93] being about fifteen miles from the last mentioned creek; here and there the hills come close to the banks of the river on each side, but where there are bottoms, they are very large, and well watered; numbers of small rivulets running through them, falling into the Ohio on both sides. We encamped on the river bank, and found a great part of the trees in the bottom are covered with grape vines. This day we passed by eleven islands, one of which being about seven miles long. For the most part of the way we made this day, the banks of the river are high and steep. The course of the Ohio from Fort Pitt to the mouth of Beaver Creek inclines to the north-west; from thence to the two creeks partly due west.
17th.—At 6 o’clock in the morning we embarked: and were delighted with the prospect of a fine open country on each side of the river as we passed down. We came to a place called the Two Creeks, about fifteen miles from Yellow Creek, where we put to shore; here the Senecas have a village on a high bank, on the north side of the river; the chief of this village offered me his service to go with me to the Illinois, which I could not refuse for fear of giving him offence, although I had a sufficient number of deputies with me already.[94] From thence we proceeded down the river, passed many large, rich, and fine bottoms; the highlands being at a considerable distance from the river banks, till we came to the Buffalo Creek, being about ten miles below the Seneca village; and from Buffalo Creek, we proceeded down the river to Fat Meat Creek, about thirty miles.[95] The face of the country appears much like what we met with before; large, rich, and well watered bottoms, then succeeded by the hills pinching close on the river; these bottoms, on the north side, appear rather low, and consequently subject to inundations, in the spring of the year, when there never fail to be high freshes in the Ohio, owing to the melting of the snows. This day we passed by ten fine islands, though the greatest part of them are small. They lay much higher out of the water than the main land, and of course less subject to be flooded by the freshes. At night we encamped near an Indian village. The general course of the river from the Two Creeks to Fat Meat Creek inclines to the southwest.
18th.—At 6 o’clock, A.M. we set off in our batteaux; the country on both sides of the river appears delightful; the hills are several miles from the river banks, and consequently the bottoms large; the soil, timber, and banks of the river, much like those we have before described; about fifty miles below Fat Meat Creek, we enter the long reach, where the river runs a straight course for twenty miles, and makes a delightful prospect; the banks continue high; the country on both sides, level, rich, and well watered. At the lower end of the reach we encamped.[96] This day we passed nine islands, some of which are large, and lie high out of the water.
19th.—We decamped at six in the morning, and sailed to a place called the Three Islands, being about fifteen miles from our last encampment; here the highlands come close to the river banks, and the bottoms for the most part—till we come to the Muskingum (or Elk)[97] river—are but narrow: this river empties itself into the Ohio about fifteen miles below the Three Islands; the banks of the river continue steep, and the country is level, for several miles back from the river. The course of the river from Fat Meat Creek to Elk River, is about southwest and by south. We proceeded down the river about fifteen miles, to the mouth of Little Conhawa River, with little or no alteration in the face of the country; here we encamped in a fine rich bottom, after having passed fourteen islands, some of them large, and mostly lying high out of the water.[98] Here buffaloes, bears, turkeys, with all other kinds of wild game are extremely plenty. A good hunter, without much fatigue to himself, could here supply daily one hundred men with meat. The course of the Ohio, from Elk River to Little Conhawa, is about south.
20th.—At six in the morning we embarked in our boats, and proceeded down to the mouth of Hochocken or Bottle River,[99] where we were obliged to encamp, having a strong head wind against us. We made but twenty miles this day, and passed by five very fine islands, the country the whole way being rich and level, with high and steep banks to the rivers. From here I despatched an Indian to the Plains of Scioto, with a letter to the French traders from the Illinois residing there, amongst the Shawnesse, requiring them to come and join me at the mouth of Scioto, in order to proceed with me to their own country, and take the oaths of allegiance to his Britannic Majesty, as they were now become his subjects, and had no right to trade there without license. At the same time I sent messages to the Shawnesse Indians to oblige the French to come to me in case of refusal.
21st.—We embarked at half past 8 o’clock in the morning, and sailed to a place called the Big Bend, about thirty-five miles below Bottle River. The course of the Ohio, from Little Conhawa River to Big Bend, is about south-west by south. The country hereabouts abounds with buffalo, bears, deer, and all sorts of wild game, in such plenty, that we killed out of our boats as much as we wanted. We proceeded down the river to the Buffalo Bottom, about ten miles from the beginning of the Big Bend, where we encamped. The country on both sides of the river, much the same as we passed the day before. This day we passed nine islands, all lying high out of the water.
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Journals of Conrad Weiser (1748), George Croghan (1750-1765), Christian Frederick Post (1758), and Thomas Morris (1764)Chapter II (2)
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