Chapter III (4)

“You may hear what I answer; it is good news, that we have heard. I have not made myself a king. My uncles have made me like a queen, that I always should mind what is good and right, and whatever I agree with, they will assist me, and help me through. Since the warriors came amongst us, I could not follow that which is good and right; which has made me heavy; and since it is my duty to do that which is good, so I will endeavour to do and to speak what is good, and not let myself be disturbed by the warriors.”

Then he spoke to the _Mingoes_, and said,

“My uncles, hear me; It is two days since you told me, that you have made peace and friendship, and shook hands with our brethren, the _English_. I am really very much pleased with what you told me; and I join with you in the same; and, as you said, I should let the _Shawanese_ and _Delamaitanoes_ know of the agreement, you have made with our brethren, the _English_, I took it to heart, and shall let them know it very soon.” He delivered a string.

“Look now, my uncles, and hear what your cousins say: you have spoke the day before yesterday to me. I have heard you. You told me, you would set me at _Kushkushking_ easy down. I took it to heart; and I shall do so, and be still, and lay myself easy down, and keep my match-coat close to my breast. You told me, you will let me know in the next spring, what to do; so I will be still, and wait to hear from you.” Gave him a belt.

Then he turned himself to us, and gave us the following answers. First, to the general;

“Brother, by these strings I would desire, in a most kind and friendly manner, you would be pleased to hear me what I have to say, as you are not far off.

“Brother, now you told me you have heard of that good agreement, that has been agreed to, at the treaty at Easton; and that you have put your hands to it, to strengthen it, so that it may last for ever. Brother, you have told me, that after you have come to hear it, you have taken it to heart, and then you sent it to me, and let me know it. Brother, I would desire you would be pleased to hear me, and I would tell you, in a most soft, loving and friendly manner, to go back over the mountain, and to stay there; for, if you will do that, I will use it for an argument, to argue with other nations of _Indians_. Now, brother, you have told me you have made a road clear, from the sun-set to our first old council fire, at _Philadelphia_, and therefore I should fear nothing, and come into that road. Brother, after these far _Indians_ shall come to hear of that good and wide road, that you have laid out for us, then they will turn and look at the road, and see nothing in the way; and that is the reason that maketh me tell you to go back over the mountain again, and to stay there; for then the road will be clear, and nothing in the way.”

Then he addressed himself to the Governor of _Pennsylvania_, as follows;

“Brother, give good attention to what I am going to say; for I speak from my heart; and think nothing the less of it, though the strings be small.[103]

“Brother, I now tell you what I have heard from you is quite agreeable to my mind; and I love to hear you. I tell you likewise, that all the chief men of _Allegheny_ are well pleased with what you have said to us; and all my young men, women and children, that are able to understand, are well pleased with what you have said to me.

“Brother, you tell me that all the Governors of the several provinces have agreed to a well established and everlasting peace with the _Indians_; and you likewise tell me, that my uncles, the _Six Nations_, and my brethren the _Delawares_, and several other tribes of _Indians_ join with you in it, to establish it, so that it may be everlasting; you likewise tell me, you have all agreed on a treaty of peace to last for ever; and for these reasons I tell you, I am pleased with what you have told me.

“Brother, I am heartily pleased to hear that you never let slip the chain of friendship out of your hands, which our grandfathers had between them, so that they could agree as brethren and friends in any thing.

“Brother, as you have been pleased to let me know of that good and desirable agreement, that you and my uncles and brothers have agreed to, at the treaty of peace, I now tell you I heartily join and agree in it, and to it; and now I desire you to go on steadily in that great and good work, you have taken in hand; and I will do as you desire me to do; that is, to let the other tribes of _Indians_ know it, and more especially my uncles, the _Six Nations_, and the _Shawanese_, my grandchildren, and all other nations, settled to the westward.

“Brother, I desire you not to be out of patience, as I have a great many friends at a great distance; and I shall use my best endeavours to let them know it as soon as possible; and as soon as I obtain their answer, shall let you know it.” Then he gave six strings all white.

In the evening arrived a messenger from _Sackung_, _Netodwehement_, and desired they should make all the haste to dispatch us, and we should come to _Sackung_; for, as they did not know what is become of those three, that went to our camp, they were afraid the _English_ would keep them, till they heard what was become of us, their messengers.

29th.—Before day break _Beaver_ and _Shingas_ came, and called us into their council. They had been all the night together. They said; “Brethren, now is the day coming, you will set off from here. It is a good many days since we heard you; and what we have heard is very pleasing and agreeable to us. It rejoices all our hearts; and all our young men, women and children, that are capable to understand, are really very well pleased with what they have heard; it is so agreeable to us, that we never received such good news before; we think God has made it so; he pities us, and has mercy on us. And now, brethren, you desire that I should let it be known to all other nations; and I shall let them know very soon. Therefore _Shingas_ cannot go with you. He must go with me, to help me in this great work; and I shall send nobody, but go myself, to make it known to all nations.”

Then we thanked them for their care; and wished him good success on his journey and undertaking: and, as this message had such a good effect on them, we hoped it would have the same on all other nations, when they came to hear it. I hoped that all the clouds would pass away, and the chearful light would shine over all nations; so I wished them good assistance and help on their journey. Farther, he said to us;

“Now we desire you to be strong;[104] because I shall make it my strong argument with other nations; but as we have given credit to what you have said, hoping it is true, and we agree to it; if it should prove the contrary, it would make me so ashamed, that I never could lift up my head, and never undertake to speak any word more for the interest of the _English_.”

I told them, “Brethren, you will remember that it was wrote to you by the general, that you might give credit to what we say; so I am glad to hear of you, that you give credit; and we assure you, that what we have told you is the truth; and you will find it so.”

They said further, “Brethren, we let you know, that the _French_ have used our people kindly, in every respect; they have used them like gentlemen, especially those that live near them. So they have treated the chiefs. Now we desire you to be strong; we wish you would take the same method, and use our people well: for the other _Indians_ will look upon us;[105] and we do not otherwise know how to convince them, and to bring them into the _English_ interest, without your using such means as will convince them. For the _French_ will still do more to keep them to their interest.”

I told them, “I would take it to heart, and inform the Governor, and other gentlemen of it; and speak to them in their favour.” Then they said, “It is so far well, and the road is cleared; but they thought we should send them another call, when they may come.” I told them; “We did not know when they would have agreed with the other nations. Brother, it is you, who must give us the first notice when you can come; the sooner the better; and so soon as you send us word, we will prepare for you on the road.” After this we made ready for our journey.

_Ketiushund_, a noted _Indian_, one of the chief counsellors, told us in secret, “That all the nations had jointly agreed to defend their hunting place at _Alleghenny_, and suffer nobody to settle there; and as these _Indians_ are very much inclined to the _English_ interest, so he begged us very much to tell the Governor, General, and all other people not to settle there. And if the _English_ would draw back over the mountain, they would get all the other nations into their interest; but if they staid and settled there, all the nations would be against them; and he was afraid it would be a great war, and never come to a peace again.”

I promised to inform the Governor, General, and all other people of it, and repeated my former request to them, not to suffer any _French_ to settle amongst them. After we had fetched our horses, we went from _Kushkushking_, and came at five o’clock to _Saccung_, in company with twenty _Indians_. When we came about half way, we met a messenger from fort _Duquesne_, with a belt from _Thomas King_,[106] inviting all the chiefs to _Saccung_. We heard at the same time, that Mr. _Croghn_ and _Henry Montour_ would be there to day. The messenger was one of those three, that went to our camp; and it seemed to rejoice all the company; for some of them were much troubled in their minds, fearing that the _English_ had kept them, as prisoners, or killed them. In the evening we arrived at _Saccung_, on the _Beaver_ creek. We were well received. The king provided for us. After a little while we visited Mr. _Croghn_ and his company.

30th.—In the morning the _Indians_ of the town visited us. About eleven o’clock about forty came together; when we read the message to them; Mr. _Croghn_, _Henry Montour_ and _Thomas King_ being present. They were all well pleased with the message. In the evening we came together with the chiefs, and explained the signification of the belts; which lasted till eleven o’clock at night.

_December 1st._—After hunting a great while for our horses, without finding them, we were obliged to give an _Indian_ three hundred wampum for looking for them. We bought corn for four hundred and fifty wampum for our horses. The Indians met together to hear what Mr. Croghn had to say. _Thomas King_ spoke by a belt, and invited them to come to the general; upon which they all resolved to go.

In the evening the captains and counsellors came together, I and _Isaac Still_ being present; they told us, that they had formerly agreed not to give any credit to any message, sent from the English by _Indians_; thinking, if the _English_ would have peace with them, they would come themselves; “So soon, therefore, as you came, it was as if the weather changed; and a great cloud passed away, and we could think again on our ancient friendship with our brethren, the _English_. We have thought since that time, more on the _English_ than ever before, although the _French_ have done all, in their power, to prejudice our young men against the _English_. Since you now come the second time, we think it is God’s work; he pities us, that we should not all die; and if we should not accept of the peace offered to us, we think God would forsake us.”

In discourse, they spoke about preaching, and said, “They wished many times to hear the word of God; but they were always afraid the _English_ would take that opportunity to bring them into bondage.” They invited me to come and live amongst them; since I had taken so much pains in bringing a peace about between them and the _English_. I told them, “It might be, that when the peace was firmly established, I would come to proclaim the peace and love of God to them.”

In the evening arrived a message, with a string of wampum, to a noted _Indian_, _Ketiuscund_, to come to _Wenango_, to meet the _Unami_ chief, _Quitahicung_ there; he said that a _French Mohock_ had killed a _Delaware_ Indian; and when he was asked why he did it? He said the _French_ bid him do it.

2d.—Early before we set out, I gave 300 wampums to the _Cayugas_, to buy some corn for their horses; they agreed that I should go before to the general, to acquaint him of their coming. The _Beaver_ creek being very high, it was almost two o’clock in the afternoon, before we came over the creek; this land seems to be very rich. I, with my companion, _Kekiuscund’s_ son, came to Log’s-town, situated on a hill. On the east end is a great piece of low land, where the old _Logs-town_ used to stand. In the new _Logs-town_ the _French_ have built about thirty houses for the _Indians_. They have a large corn field on the south side, where the corn stands ungathered. Then we went further through a large tract of fine land, along the river side. We came within eight miles of _Pittsburg_,[107] where we lodged on a hill, in the open air. It was a cold night; and I had forgot my blanket, being packed upon Mr. Hays’s horse. Between _Saccung_ and _Pittsburg_, all the _Shawanos_ towns are empty of people.

3d.—We started early, and came to the river by _Pittsburg_; we called that they should come over and fetch us; but their boats having gone adrift, they made a raft of black oak pallisadoes, which sunk as soon as it came into the water. We were very hungry, and staid on that island, where I had kept council with the _Indians_, in the month of August last; for all I had nothing to live on, I thought myself a great deal better off now, than at that time, having now liberty to walk upon the island according to pleasure; and it seemed as if the dark clouds were dispersed.

While I waited here, I saw the general march off from _Pittsburg_; which made me sorry, that I could not have the pleasure of speaking with him. Towards evening our whole party arrived: upon which they fired from the fort with twelve great guns; and our _Indians_ saluted again three times round with their small arms. By accident some of the _Indians_ found a raft hid in the bushes, and Mr. Hays, coming last, went over first with two Indians. They sent us but a small allowance; so that it would not serve each round. I tied my belt a little closer, being very hungry, and nothing to eat.[108] It snowed, and we were obliged to sleep without any shelter. In the evening they threw light balls from the fort; at which the _Indians_ started, thinking they would fire at them; but seeing it was not aimed at them, they rejoiced to see them fly so high.

4th.—We got up early, and cleared a place from the snow, cut some fire wood, and hallooed till we were tired. Towards noon Mr. _Hays_ came with a raft, and the _Indian_ chiefs went over: he informed me of Colonel _Bouquet’s_[109] displeasure with the _Indians’_ answer to the general, and his desire that they should alter their mind, in insisting upon the general’s going back; but the _Indians_ had no inclination to alter their mind. In the afternoon some provision was sent over, but a small allowance. When I came over to the fort, the council with the _Indians_ was almost at an end. I had a discourse with Colonel _Bouquet_ about the affairs, disposition and resolution of the _Indians_.

I drew provision for our journey to fort _Ligonier_, and baked bread for our whole company: towards noon the _Indians_ met together in a conference. First king _Beaver_ addressed himself to the _Mohocks_, desiring them to give their brethren an answer about settling at _Pittsburg_. The _Mohocks_ said, “They lived at such a distance, that they could not defend the _English_ there, if any accident should befal them; but you, cousins, who live close here, must think what to do.” Then _Beaver_ said by a string:

“What this messenger has brought is very agreeable to us; and as our uncles have made peace with you, the _English_, and many other nations, so we likewise join, and accept of the peace offered to us; and we have already answered by your messenger, what we have to say to the general, that he should go back over the mountains; we have nothing to say to the contrary.”

Neither Mr. _Croghn_ nor _Andrew Montour_ would tell Colonel _Bouquet_ the _Indians’_ answer. Then Mr. _Croghn_, Colonel _Armstrong_ and Colonel _Bouquet_ went into the tent by themselves, and I went upon my business. What they have further agreed I do not know; but when they had done, I called king _Beaver_, _Shingas_, and _Kekeuscund_, and said,

“Brethren, if you have any alteration to make, in the answer to the general, concerning leaving this place, you will be pleased to let me know.” They said, they would alter nothing, “We have told them three times to leave the place and go back; but they insist upon staying here; if, therefore, they will be destroyed by the _French_ and the _Indians_, we cannot help them.”

Colonel _Bouquet_ set out for _Loyalhannon_: The _Indians_ got some liquor between ten and eleven o’clock. One _Mohock_ died; the others fired guns three times over him; at the last firing one had accidentally loaded his gun with a double charge: this gun burst to pieces, and broke his hand clean off; he also got a hard knock on his breast; and in the morning at nine o’clock he died, and they buried them in that place, both in one hole.

6th.—It was a cold morning; we swam our horses over the river, the ice running violently. Mr. _Croghn_ told me that the _Indians_ had spoke, upon the same string that I had, to Colonel _Bouquet_, and altered their mind; and had agreed and desired that 200 men should stay at the fort. I refused to make any alteration in the answer to the general, till I myself did hear it of the _Indians_; at which Mr. _Croghn_ grew very angry. I told him I had already spoke with the _Indians_; he said, it was a d—d lie; and desired Mr. _Hays_ to enquire of the _Indians_, and take down in writing what they said. Accordingly he called them, and asked them, if they had altered their speech, or spoke to Colonel _Bouquet_ on that string they gave me. _Shingas_ and the other counsellor said, they had spoken nothing to Colonel _Bouquet_ on the string they gave me, but what was agreed between the Indians at _Kushkushking_. They said, Mr. _Croghn_ and _Henry Montour_ had not spoke and acted honestly and uprightly; they bid us not alter the least, and said, “We have told them three times to go back; but they will not go, insisting upon staying here. Now you will let the governor, general, and all people know, that our desire is, that they should go back, till the other nations have joined in the peace, and then they may come and build a trading house.”

They then repeated what they had said the 5th instant. Then we took leave of them, and promised to inform the general, governor, and all other gentle people of their disposition; and so we set out from _Pittsburg_, and came within fifteen miles of the breast-work; where we encamped. It snowed, and we made a little cabbin of hides.

7th.—Our horses were fainting, having little or no food. We came that day about twenty miles, to another breast-work; where the whole army had encamped on a hill; the water being far to fetch.

8th.—Between _Pittsburg_ and fort _Ligonier_ the country is hilly, with rich bottoms, well timbered, but scantily watered. We arrived at fort _Ligonier_ in the afternoon, about four o’clock; where we found the general very sick; and therefore could have no opportunity to speak with him.

9th.—We waited to see the general; they told us he would march the next day, and we should go with him. Captain _Sinclair_ wrote us a return for provisions for four days.

10th.—The general was still sick; so that he could not go on the journey.

11th.—We longed very much to go farther; and therefore spoke to Major _Halket_,[110] and desired him to enquire of the general, if he intended to speak with us, or, if we might go; as we were in a poor condition, for want of linen, and other necessaries. He desired us to bring the _Indians’_ answer, and our journal to the general. Mr. _Hays_ read his journal to Major _Halket_ and Governor _Glen_.[111] They took memorandums, and went to the general.

12th.—They told us we should stay till the general went.

14th.—The general intended to go; but his horses could not be found. They thought the _Indians_ had carried them off. They hunted all day for the horses, but could not find them. I spoke to Colonel _Bouquet_ about our allowance being so small, that we could hardly subsist; and that we were without money; and desired him to let us have some money, that we might buy necessaries. Provisions, and every thing is exceeding dear. One pound of bread cost a shilling; one pound of sugar four shillings, a quart of rum seven shillings and six pence, and so in proportion. Colonel Bouquet laid our matters before the general; who let me call, and excused himself, that his distemper had hindered him from speaking with me; and promised to help me in every thing I should want, and ordered him to give me some money. He said farther, that I often should call; and when he was alone he would speak with me.

16th.—Mr. _Hays_, being a hunting, was so lucky as to find the general’s horses, and brought them home; for which the general was very thankful to him.

17th.—Mr. _Hays_, being desired by Major _Halket_ to go and look for the other horses, went, but found none.

18th.—The general told me to hold myself ready, to go with him down the country.

20th.—After we had been out two days, to hunt for our horses, in the rain, we went again to day, and were informed, they had been seen in a lost condition; one laying on the hill, and the other standing; they had been hoppled together; but a person told us, he had cut the hopples. When we came home we found the horses; they having made home to the fort.

22d.—It was cold and stormy weather.

23d.—I hunted for our horses, and having found them, we gave them both to the king’s commissary; they not being able to carry us farther.

The sergeant _Henry Osten_, being one of the company that guided us, as above mentioned, and was that same prisoner, whom the _Shawanos_ intended to burn alive, came to day to the fort. He was much rejoiced to see us, and said, “I thank you a thousand times for my deliverance from the fire; and think it not too much to be at your service my whole life time.” He gave us intelligence that the _Indians_ were, as yet, mightily for the _English_. His master had offered to set him at liberty, and bring him to _Pittsburg_ if he would promise him ten gallons of rum; which he did; and he was brought safe to _Pittsburg_. _Delaware George_ is still faithful to the _English_; and was very helpful to procure his liberty. _Isaac Still_, _Shingas_ and _Beaver_ are gone with the message to the nations living further off. When the _French_ had heard that the garrison, at _Pittsburg_, consisted only of 200 men, they resolved to go down from _Venango_, and destroy the _English_ fort. So soon as the _Indians_ at _Kushkushking_, heard of their intention, they sent a message to the _French_, desiring them to draw back; for they would have no war in their country. The friendly _Indians_ have sent out parties with that intention, that if the _French_ went on, in their march towards the fort, they would catch them, and bring them to the _English_. They shewed to _Osten_ the place, where eight _French Indian_ spies had lain near the fort. By their marks upon the place they learned that these eight were gone back, and five more were to come to the same place again. He told us further, that the _Indians_ had spoke among themselves, that if the _English_ would join them, they would go to _Venango_, and destroy the _French_ there. We hear that the friendly _Indians_ intend to hunt round the fort, at _Pittsburg_, and bring the garrison fresh meat. And upon this intelligence the general sent Captain _Wedderholz_[112] with fifty men, to reinforce the garrison at _Pittsburg_.

25th.—The people in the camp prepared for a _Christmas_ frolick; but I kept _Christmas_ in the woods by myself.

26th.—To day an express came from _Pittsburg_ to inform the general, that the French had called all the _Indians_ in their interest together, and intended to come and destroy them there.

27th.—Towards noon the general set out; which caused a great joy among the garrison, which had hitherto lain in tents, but now being a smaller company, could be more comfortably lodged. It snowed the whole day. We encamped by a _beaver dam_, under _Laurel Hill_.

28th.—We came to _Stony Creek_, where Mr. _Quickfell_ is stationed. The general sent Mr. _Hays_, express, to fort _Bedford_ (_Rays Town_) and commanded him to see, if the place for encampment, under the _Allegheny_ mountain, was prepared; as also to take care that refreshments should be at hand, at his coming. It was stormy and snowed all the day.

29th.—On the road I came up with some waggons; and found my horses with the company; who had taken my horse up, and intended to carry the same away. We encamped on this side, under the _Allegheny_ hill.

30th.—Very early I hunted for my horses, but in vain, and therefore was obliged to carry my saddle bags, and other baggage on my back. The burden was heavy, the roads bad; which made me very tired, and came late to _Bedford_; where I took my old lodging with Mr. _Frazier_. They received me kindly, and refreshed me according to their ability.

31st.—This day we rested, and, contrary to expectation, preparation was made for moving further to-morrow. Mr. _Hays_, who has his lodging with the commander of that place, visited me.

January 1st. 1759.—We set out early. I got my saddle bags upon a waggon; but my bed and covering I carried upon my back; and came that day to the crossing of _Juniata_: where I had poor lodgings, being obliged to sleep in the open air, the night being very cold.

2d.—We set out early. I wondered very much that the horses, in these slippery roads, came so well with the waggons over these steep hills. We came to fort _Littleton_; where I drew provisions; but could not find any who had bread, to exchange for flour. I took lodging in a common house. Mr. _Hays_ arrived late.

3d.—We rose early. I thought to travel the nearest road to _Shippen’s Town_, and therefore desired leave of the general to prosecute my journey to _Lancaster_, and wait for his excellency there; but he desired me to follow in his company. It snowed, freezed, rained, and was stormy the whole day. All were exceeding glad that the general arrived safe at fort _Loudon_. There was no room in the fort for such a great company; I, therefore, and some others went two miles further, and got lodgings at a plantation.

4th.—I and my company took the upper road; which is three miles nearer to _Shippen’s town_, where we arrived this evening. The slippery roads made me, as a traveller, very tired.

5th.—To day I staid here for the general. Mr. _Hays_ went ten miles further, to see some of his relations. In the afternoon _Israel Pemberton_ came from _Philadelphia_ to wait upon the general.[113]

6th.—I came to-day ten miles to Mr. _Miller’s_, where I lodged, having no comfortable place in _Shippen’s town_; all the houses being crowded with people.

7th.—They made preparation, at Mr. _Millers_, for the reception of the general; but he, being so well to-day, resolved to go as far as _Carlisle_. I could scarce find any lodging there. _Henry Montour_ was so kind as to take me in his room.

8th.—I begged the general for leave to go to _Lancaster_, having some business, which he at last granted. I went to captain Sinclair for a horse, who ordered me to go to the chief justice of the town; who ought to procure one for me, in the province service. According to this order I went; but the justice told me, that he did not know how to get any horse; if I would go and look for one, he should be glad if I found any. But having no mind to run from one to another, I resolved to walk, as I had done before: and so travelled along, and came about ten miles that day to a tavern keeper’s, named _Chesnut_.

9th.—To-day I crossed the _Susquahanna_ over the ice, and came within thirteen miles of _Lancaster_. It was slippery and heavy travelling.

10th.—It rained all the day. I arrived at three o’clock in the afternoon, in _Lancaster_; and was quite refreshed, to have the favour to see my brethren.

FOOTNOTES

[1] _Pennsylvania Colonial Records_, viii, p. 132; _Pennsylvania Archives_, iii, pp. 412-422.

[2] Journal of this journey in _Pennsylvania Colonial Records_, viii, pp. 142-145.

[3] _Pennsylvania Colonial Records_, viii, p. 147.

[4] _Pennsylvania Archives_, iii, pp. 556, 557.

[5] _Pennsylvania Colonial Records_, viii, pp. 341, 419, 463, 466, 469, 491; _Pennsylvania Archives_, iii, pp. 581, 582, 689, 702, 703.

[6] All Indians are excessive fond of rum, and will be drunk whenever they can get it.—[CHARLES THOMSON?]

[7] Willamegicken (Wellemeghikink), known to the whites as James, was a prominent brave of the Allegheny Delawares, who had been employed as a messenger between them and the Susquehanna tribes of the same race. He had agreed to accompany Post on this journey, for which the Pennsylvania Council had voted to supply him with a horse. _Pennsylvania Archives_, iii, p. 415; _Pennsylvania Colonial Records_, viii, p. 148.—ED.

[8] Bethlehem is a Moravian town built in 1741-42, after the retreat of these people from Georgia. Count Zinzendorf organized the congregation at this place, and named the settlement (1742). For the first twenty years a community system prevailed among the inhabitants, called the “Economy.” Portions of the buildings erected under that régime are still standing. See “Moravians and their Festival,” in _Outlook_, August 1, 1903. In 1752, the brethren built a large stone house for the accommodation of Indian visitors, and those who escaped the massacre of 1755 were domiciled there when Post passed through.—ED.

[9] These two treaties were made with Teedyuscung: the first at Easton in July and August, 1757, whereby the neutrality of the Susquehanna Indians and the Six Nations was secured (_Pennsylvania Colonial Records_, vii, pp. 649-714); the second at Philadelphia in April, 1758 (see _Id._, viii, pp. 29-56, 87-97).—ED.

[10] After Braddock’s defeat, the ravaging of the frontiers both west and north of the settled portions of Pennsylvania became so serious that the colonial government appointed a commission, headed by Franklin, to take means to protect the settlers, and defend the territory. Franklin proceeded into Northumberland County, and made arrangements to fortify the point on the Lehigh where Weisport, Carbon County, now stands. But before the stockade was completed a body of Indians fell upon and seriously defeated a party of militia from the neighboring Irish settlements, led by Captain Hayes (January, 1756). The works were pushed rapidly after this setback, and the fort was named in honor of William Allen, chief-justice of the province. This post was garrisoned until after Pontiac’s War, and probably throughout the Revolution. See Franklin’s _Writings_ (New York, 1887), ii, pp. 449-454.—ED.

[11] Teedyuscung, one of the most famous of Delaware chiefs, was born in Trenton about 1705. When nearly fifty years old, he was chosen chief of the Susquehanna Delawares, and being shrewd and cunning played a game of diplomacy between the Iroquois, the Ohio Indians, and the authorities of Pennsylvania, by which he managed largely to enhance his own importance, and to free the Delawares from their submission to the Six Nations. His headquarters were in the Wyoming Valley, whence he descended to the Moravian settlements, and even to Easton and Philadelphia, to secure supplies from the Pennsylvania authorities. In 1756 a truce was patched up with this chief at Easton, after he had bitterly complained of the “Walking Purchase” of 1737, and the white settlements on the Juniata. His loyalty to the English was doubtful and wavering, and his opposition to Post’s journey was probably due to fears that his own importance as a medium between the Ohio Indians and the English would be diminished by the former’s success. His cabin at Wyoming having treacherously been set on fire, during one of his drunken sleeps, Teedyuscung was burned to death in 1763. The Iroquois, who were the guilty party, threw the obloquy upon the Connecticut settlement, whereupon Teedyuscung’s followers murdered all the band.—ED.

[12] Wyoming Valley was the bone of contention between the Connecticut and Pennsylvania colonies, each claiming that it was within their charter limits. The Connecticut agents succeeded in securing an Indian title at the Albany conference (1754); but their first settlement being effaced by an Indian massacre (see preceding note), their next body of emigrants did not proceed thither until 1769. Meanwhile, on the strength of the Indian purchase at Fort Stanwix (1768) the Pennsylvanians had occupied the valley; and a border warfare began, which lasted until the Revolution. The massacre of 1778, by the Tories and British Indians, is a matter of general history.

The Indians of the valley were of many tribes—Oneidas, Delawares, Shawnees, Munseys, Nanticokes, etc. The Moravian Christian Indians settled at Wyoming in 1752. After the murder of Teedyuscung they fled, but returned to found the town of Wyalusing (1765), where the missionary Zeisberger lived with them until their removal, three years later to the Ohio.—ED.

[13] An _Indian_ expression meaning free admission.—[C. T.?]

[14] Post, after leaving Fort Allen, passed through the present Carbon County, crossed the headwaters of the Schuylkill, and traversed Northumberland County to Fort Augusta. On the massacres in that region see Rupp, _History of Northumberland_, etc., (Lancaster, 1847), pp. 100-116. Fort Augusta, at the forks of the Susquehanna, was built in 1756, at the request of the Indians settled there under the chieftainship of Shickalamy. It was not a mere stockade and blockhouse, but a regular fortification, provided with cannon, and was commanded at first by Colonel Clapham, succeeded by Colonel James Burd. This stronghold was garrisoned until after the Revolutionary War; but before that time settlement had begun to spring up about the fort, and the town of Sunbury was laid out in 1772.—ED.

[15] An Indian settlement towards the heads of Susquahanna.—[C. T.?]

[16] The reference is to Abercrombie’s defeat and retreat from Fort Ticonderoga in July, 1758.—ED.

[17] The Indian trail followed by Post, passed up the West Branch of the Susquehanna, through a region which had earlier been thickly sprinkled with Indian towns. The Moravian missionaries had been here as early as 1742, and had been hospitably received by Madame Montour, whose town was at the mouth of Loyalsock Creek, opposite the present village of Montoursville. This was probably Post’s “Wekeponall,” as the path to Wyoming led northeast from this place. Queenashawakee (Quenslehague) Creek is in Lycoming County, with the town of Linden at its mouth.—ED.

[18] Little hoops on which the _Indians_ stretch and dress the raw scalps.—[C. T.?]

[19] Big Island is at the mouth of Bald Eagle Creek, in Clinton County. From that point the trail led up the creek to a point above Milesburg, Center County, then turned almost due west across Center and Clearfield counties to Clearfield (Shinglimuhee). This was the “Chinklacamoos path,” north of the Kittanning trail followed by Weiser in 1748. The word “Chinklacamoos” is said to signify “it almost joins,” in allusion to a horseshoe bend at this place. See Meginness, _Otzinachson: A History of the West Branch Valley_ (rev. ed., Williamsport, Pa., 1889), p. 272.—ED.

[20] An _Indian_ Chief, that travelled with him.—[C. T.?]

[21] The money of _Pennsylvania_, being paper, is chiefly carried in pocket books.—[C. T.?]

[22] From Chinklacamoos the Indian trail crossed Clearfield, Jefferson, and Clarion counties, over Little Toby’s Creek (Tobeco), the Clarion River (big river Tobeco), and east Sandy Creek (Weshawaucks). That no Indians were met through all this region is proof of its deserted condition, its former frequenters having withdrawn to the French sphere of influence.—ED.

[23] The officer commanding Venango at this time was Jean Baptiste Boucher Sieur de Niverville, a noted border ranger and Indian raider. Born in Montreal in 1716, he early acquired an ascendency over the Abenaki Indians, which was utilized in leading their parties against the English settlements of New England. In King George’s War, bands under his command ravaged New Hampshire and Vermont, and penetrated as far as Fort Massachusetts in the Berkshire Hills (1748). During the French and Indian War, he was similarly employed, and after Braddock’s defeat, conducted a winter campaign of thirty-three days, in the direction of Fort Cumberland on the Potomac, bringing off numerous English captives. At Lake George in 1757, he led the Abenaki auxiliaries, and was present at the massacre of Fort William Henry. The last that is known of his military exploits is during the siege of Quebec, when he defended dangerous outposts with the aid of savage allies.—ED.

[24] According to the rules of Indian politeness, you must never go into a town without sending a previous message to denote your arrival, or, standing at a distance from the town, and hallooing till some come out, to conduct you in. Otherwise you are thought as _rude as white men_.—[C. T.?]

[25] When the people of a town, or of a nation, are addressed, the _Indians_ always use the singular number.—[C. T.?]

[26] _i. e._ To confer in a friendly manner.—[C. T.?]

[27] _i. e._ Call to mind our ancient friendly intercourse.—[C. T.?]

[28] Every _Indian_ town has a large cabbin for the entertainment of strangers by the public hospitality.—[C. T.?]

[29] That is, the _Quakers_, for whom the _Indians_ have a particular regard.—[C. T.?]

[30] Delaware George was an important chief of that tribe, who had been a disciple of Post’s in his Pennsylvania mission. He maintained friendly relations with the English until after the defeat of Braddock. Although closely associated with King Beaver and Shingas, he seems to have leaned more than they to the English interest.—ED.

[31] That is, we look on your coming as a matter of importance, it engages our attention.—[C. T.?]

[32] At the Easton treaty in the autumn of 1757, Teedyuscung had promised to “halloo” to all the far Indian tribes, and bring them to an understanding with the English. In January, 1758, he reported to the governor that “all the Indian Nations from the Sun Rise to these beyond the Lakes, as far as the Sun setts, have heard what has passed between you and me, and are pleased with it,” and urged him to continue the work of peace. Teedyuscung was evidently enlarging upon his own importance, and to this end giving unwarrantable information.—ED.

[33] These belts and strings are made of shell-beads, called _wampum_. The _wampum_ serves, among the _Indians_, as money; of it they also make their necklaces, bracelets, and other ornaments. Belts and strings of it are used in all public negotiations; to each belt or string there is connected a message, speech, or part of a speech, to be delivered with a belt by the messenger, or speaker. These belts also serve for records, being worked with figures, composed of beads of different colours, to assist the memory.—[C. T.?]

[34] The peace made with _Teedyuscung_, was for the _Delawares_, &c. on _Susquahanna_ only, and did not include the _Indians_ on the _Ohio_; they having no deputies at the treaty. But he had promised to _halloo_ to them, that is, send messengers to them, and endeavour to draw them into the peace, which he accordingly did.—[C. T.?]

[35] A fire, in public affairs, signifies, among the _Indians_ a council.—[C. T.?]

[36] _i. e._ This Englishman.—[C. T.?]

[37] By father, they express the _French_.—[C. T.?]

[38] By I, he here means, I, the Six Nations, of which the _Onondagoes_ are one of the greatest. This was, therefore, a claim of the _Ohio_ lands, as belonging to the Six Nations, exclusive of the _Delawares_, whom they formerly called women.—[C. T.?]

[39] The _Indians_ smoke in their councils.—[C. T.?]

[40] That is, the sentiments you express, are offensive to the company.—[C. T.?]

[41] That is, he had changed his offensive sentiments.—[C. T.?]

[42] That is, that they would act vigorously.—[C. T.?]

[43] The _French_, at the fort.—[C. T.?]

[44] The Six Nations.—[C. T.?]

[45] Kuckquetackton (Koquethagechton) was the Indian name of the famous Delaware chief Captain White Eyes. About 1776, he succeeded Netawatwes, of whom he had been chief counsellor, as head of the nation Heckewelder first met him at this same town, where Post encountered him in 1772, and says that he strove to keep the neutrality during both Lord Dunmore’s War and the Revolution. Finding that impossible, he joined the American cause (1778), and brought an Indian contingent to the aid of General McIntosh at Fort Laurens; dying, however, before the attack was made on the Sandusky towns. He was always a firm friend of the Moravians, and though of small stature was one of the best and bravest of Delaware chiefs.

There were two chiefs known by the name of Killbuck, the younger of whom was the more famous. His Indian name was Gelelemend, and he was a grandson of the great chief Netawatwes. Born near Lehigh Water Gap in the decade 1730-40, he removed to the Allegheny with the Delawares, and later to the Muskingum, where was a village called Killbuck’s Town. Like White Eyes, he was a firm friend of peace and of the whites, and his life was imperilled because of this advocacy. He joined the Moravians, and was baptized as William Henry, about 1788. Later he removed to Pittsburg to secure protection from his enemies, but died at Goshen in 1811. A lineal descendant of Killbuck is at present a Moravian missionary in Alaska.—ED.

[46] That is, go on steadily with this good work of establishing a peace.—[C. T.?]

[47] Meaning the _Cherokees_.—[C. T.?]

[48] Some of the first _English_ speech, that the _Indians_ learn from the traders, is swearing.—[C. T.?]

[49] Heckewelder testifies that Shingas, though a dreaded foe in battle, was never known to treat prisoners cruelly. See his _Indian Nations_, Historical Society of Pennsylvania _Memoirs_ (Philadelphia, 1876), xii, pp. 269, 270.—ED.

[50] The Indians, having plenty of land, are no niggards of it. They sometimes give large tracts to their friends freely; and when they sell it, they make most generous bargains. But some _fraudulent purchases_, in which they were grossly imposed on, and some _violent intrusions_, imprudently and wickedly made without purchase, have rendered them jealous that we intend finally to take all from them by force. We should endeavour to recover our credit with them by fair purchases and honest payments; and then there is no doubt but they will readily sell us, at reasonable rates, as much, from time to time, as we can possibly have occasion for.—[C. T.?]

[51] The agreement made with _Teedyuscung_, that he should enjoy the _Wioming_ lands, and have houses built there for him and his people.—[C. T.?]

[52] The army under _General Forbes_.—[C. T.?]

[53] The _Indian_ traders used to buy the transported _Irish_, and other convicts, as servants, to be employed in carrying up the goods among the _Indians_. The ill behaviour of these people has always hurt the character of the _English_ among the _Indians_.—[C. T.?]

[54] No spy among his enemies.—[C. T.?]

[55] That is, since we had a friendly intercourse with each other. The frequent repetition of the word, _Brethren_, is the effect of their rules of politeness, which enjoin, in all conversations, a constant remembrance of the relation subsisting between the parties, especially where that relation implies any affection, or respect. It is like the perpetual repetitions among us, of _Sir_, or, _Madam_, or, _Your Lordship_. In the same manner the _Indians_ at every sentence repeat, _My Father_, _My Uncle_, _My Cousin_, _My Brother_, _My Friend_, &c.—[C. T.?]

[56] In this speech the _Indians_ carefully guard the honour of their nation, by frequently intimating, that the peace is _sought by the English: you have talked of peace: you are sorry for the war: you have digged up the peace, that was buried_, &c. Then they declare their readiness to grant peace, if the English agree to its being general for all the colonies. The _Indian_ word, that is translated, be strong, so often repeated, is an expression they use to spirit up persons, who have undertaken some difficult task, as to lift, or move, a great weight, or execute a difficult enterprise; nearly equivalent to our word, _courage! courage!_—[C. T.?]

[57] The three tribes of the Delaware nation—the Unamis, Unalachtgo, and Minsi—were designated by the totems turtle, turkey, and wolf. The chief of the first of these was the head chief of the nation, being chosen and installed with great ceremony and rejoicing. See Heckewelder, _Indian Nations_, pp. 51, 53.—ED.

[58] Meaning General Forbes’s army.—[C. T.?]

[59] _i. e._ Just ready to enter our country.—[C. T.?]

[60] Two of the prisoners mention their pleasure at seeing Post, and the fact that the Indians forbade them to communicate with him. See “Narrative of Marie le Roy and Barbara Leininger,” _Pennsylvania Archives_, 2nd series (Harrisburg, 1878), vii, pp. 401-412.—ED.

[61] He was sent to collect the _Indians_ together, to attack General Forbes’s army, once more, on their march.—[C. T.?]

[62] The creek, here called “Antigoc” was probably Venango or the French Creek, which the Delawares designated as Attigé.—ED.

[63] The Indian name of this town, in Jefferson County, on the Mahoning Creek, is usually given as Punxatawny.—ED.

[64] Probably this was the town called “Calamaweshink” or “Chinklemoose,” Clearfield.—ED.

[65] The proprietors of Pennsylvania chose William Denny lieutenant-governor (1756), because they wished a “military man with a ready pen.” He had been captain in the British army, and his experience in Pennsylvania gave opportunity for military talents. But bound by instructions from his principals, and hampered by the hostility of the provincial assembly, he made no headway in his government. Accused of accepting bribes to betray the proprietors’ interests, he was removed in October, 1759. Returning to England, he was given a high position in the army, and died about 1766.—ED.

[66] Captain Bull and Lieutenant Hays were militia officers, the latter of Northampton County, where was an Irish settlement between Bethlehem and Fort Allen, known as “Hays’s.” Captain John Bull commanded at Fort Allen in the summer of 1758. They both volunteered to undertake this hazardous mission of a visit to the Ohio Indians. For the instructions given them, see _Pennsylvania Archives_, iii, p. 556.—ED.

[67] Thomas Hickman was an Indian who had taken an English name, and was much employed by the province of Pennsylvania as an interpreter. A brutal white man murdered Hickman in the Tuscarora Valley in 1761.

Totiniontenna was a Cayuga chieftain who with Shickalamy was deputed by the Six Nations to undertake this embassy to the Ohio Indians.

The chief here called Shickalamy was the youngest son, of the famous Oneida of that name, who dwelt so long at the forks of the Susquehanna, and was friendly to the whites, especially the Moravians. The elder chief died in 1749, his most famous son being Logan.

Isaac Still was a Moravian Christian Indian, frequently employed as a messenger and interpreter.—ED.

[68] Shamokin was an Indian town at the forks of the Susquehanna, the abode of Shickalamy, “vice-king” of the Indians of that region. It was first visited by the whites in 1728. Weiser built a house at this village by request of the chief, in 1744. Frequent visits of the Moravians led to the establishment here of a blacksmith’s shop, and a quasi-mission. Fort Augusta was built there in 1756; but on the proclamation of war against the Delawares in the same year, the Indians abandoned the place and destroyed the settlement.—ED.

[69] The general here referred to was John Forbes, a Scotchman who in 1757 was appointed brigadier-general for the war in America. His first service was at Louisburg. In 1758, he was appointed to organize the expedition against Fort Duquesne. After the French, on the approach of Forbes’s army, had abandoned that stronghold, the general, suffering from a serious disease, was carried by slow stages to Philadelphia, where he died in March, 1760. He was a man of iron purpose, and great strength of character, being popular alike with his soldiers and Indian allies.—ED.

[70] A string of _wampum_ beads. Nothing of importance is said, or proposed without _wampum_.—[C. T.?]

[71] The _Indians_, having learned drunkenness of the white people, do not reckon it among the vices. They all, without exception, and without shame, practice it when they can get strong liquor. It does not, among them, hurt the character of the greatest warrior, the greatest counsellor, or the modestest matron. It is not so much an _offence_, as an _excuse_ for other offences; the injuries they do each other in their drink being charged, not upon the man, but upon the rum.—[C. T.?]

[72] The Ohio.—[C. T.?]

[73] An Indian trader, John Harris, built a log house on the Susquehanna in 1705, and later established an inn and a ferry at the spot called Harris’s Ferry, which was maintained for three-quarters of a century. His son laid out the present town of Harrisburg.—ED.

[74] They were afraid of going where our people were all in arms, lest some of the indiscreet soldiers might kill them.—[C. T.?]

[75] Carlisle, the seat of Cumberland County (erected in 1750), was originally settled by Scotch-Irish immigrants, who in the decade between 1720 and 1730 formed the “back settlements” of Pennsylvania. The Indian title was extinguished by a treaty in 1736; but when Fort Lowther was built at this site in 1753, there were but five houses in the place. Later it became the eastern terminus of the Pennsylvania highroad, and the centre of an extensive overland trade.—ED.

[76] The town of Shippensburg was one of the oldest west of the Susquehanna, having been laid out in 1749, by Edward Shippen—later chief-justice of Pennsylvania—on land of which he was proprietor. It was the site of two frontier forts—Franklin, built before Braddock’s defeat; and Morris, erected after that disaster. Shippensburg became an important station on the Pennsylvania state road; and until the opening of the nineteenth century was the end of the stage-route from Lancaster westward.—ED.

[77] Chambers’s Fort was a private stockade erected (1756) on the Conococheague Creek, by a Scotch-Irishman, Benjamin Chambers, who for some time had had a mill and settlement here. The fort was a large stone building, protected by cannon, and considered one of the strongest defenses in that region. The government attempted to take possession of the guns in 1757, lest they should be captured and turned against the other forts; but the Scotch-Irish settlers stoutly resisted this attempt, and it was abandoned. The present city of Chambersburg occupies the site.—ED.