Chapter XXV: Appendix: B (2)

On the day of the massacre of Tantah I came in to Tantah by train from my own village, Koreyshiyeh, two hours distant (half-hour by train) partly to see my brother-in-law Emin Bey on his road to Cairo, partly to learn the news; and while at the station we heard a great noise and were told that it was the Christians being killed by the mob in Tantah; and I, wishing to end this, telegraphed to the Khedive at Ramleh and to the Ministry (that is to say Arabi at Kafr Dowar) asking an order to interfere. I also telegraphed to my village for men to come and help me, and I waited four hours (during that time Abu Diab arrived from Damietta) for an answer and no answer came. And while we were there waiting the tumult came near us, and a man, a Syrian Christian, the cashier of Zananiri the interpreter of the Greek Consulate, ran towards me pursued by a soldier of the Mudirieh and called to me for protection; and taking a stick from one of the bystanders I drove the soldier away, and with the help of others put a stop to what was happening at the station. Then I went with these to the door of the Mudirieh to inquire what the Mudir was doing, and to call upon him to interfere and put an end to the bloodshed. And on my way I met Abu Diab at the door of the Mudirieh who had come from Damietta and was also restoring order, and who had under his protection a young Christian girl whom he was leading by the hand, and we went together to the Mudirieh, and when we arrived there we found in the courtyard three corpses of Christians who had just been killed there; and we asked for the Mudir and were told that he was in his room, one of the rooms adjoining the courtyard. And we called to him, but there was no answer. Then Abu Diab kicked the door in, and we found Ibrahim Adhem, the Mudir, with his wakil, Meheriz, sitting there. And Abu Diab in a loud voice asked them what they were doing there allowing these murders to be done in his house by his own men. And when they made no answer he called to Ibrahim Adhem, calling him a dog and a coward. I heard this with my ears. Next I went to the Khan where I heard the Christians had shut themselves up, and I found a mob trying to force the door, and my men having come an hour afterwards from Koreyshiyeh we drove them away and found inside a large number of Christians, Syrians, Jews, and others, huddled together like frightened sheep. And I put guards, and the next day brought them out and took them to my village, and after some days those that wished to leave the country I took by train to Port Said, two trains full; and those (about 120) that chose to remain I took to my own house and fed them there during the whole time of the war.

Some days later I went to Kafr Dowar and gave evidence as I now give it before Arabi Pasha when he made an inquiry into the affair, and Ibrahim Adhem was sent a prisoner to Cairo and another man (Dawish Pasha) appointed by the Government in his place. I also gave my evidence after the war when the first Commission came to Tantah (there was no Englishman on this Commission), and afterwards they gave me a paper to sign, purporting to be my evidence, but it was not what I had said but the contrary, and I refused to sign it. Much pressure was put upon me to make me do this; and one day in the Khedive’s palace at Cairo, on his fête day, Bairam el Kebir, Takla Bey Bishara warned me that if I did not sign I should suffer for it. I also refused Ahmed el Sherif, sent by Sultan Pasha, when he came round the villages to take money for the sword given to Wolseley.

When a new Commission under Ismaïl Yusri and the English came to Tantah they did not ask me for my evidence (Ismaïl Yusri warned me in private not to mention that I had sent a telegram to the Khedive, of which the copy has been found in the telegraph office, to ask for an order to interfere) of what had happened at Tantah but only as to those killed at Santah. They therefore did not take my evidence.

I declare that Abu Diab was entirely innocent, and that of those hanged at Tantah for this matter only 2 were guilty, Abu Salaam of Santah, and a soldier of the Mudirieh. Ibrahim Adhem and Mehariz were the cause of the bloodshed. The killing was done by the vagabonds from Alexandria and the soldiers of the Mudirieh. The same thing happened at three other places—at Tantah 49 killed; at Santah 3 were killed; at Mehallet el Kebir 6 or 7; at Mehallet abu Ali jem el Suk 2 or 3. Also the same thing would have happened at Dumanhour but for the Wakil Abd el Razak whom the Khedive has sent in chains for 15 years to the Soudan. I heard of Osman Raafat being at Tantah on the day of the massacre in the house of one of his brothers-in-law. He has two brothers-in-law at Tantah, Mohammed Hellal and Ibrahim Hellal.

Ibrahim Adhem was restored as Mudir after the war, and he got up the evidence against Abu Diab in revenge for the words spoken by him on the day of the massacre. Abu Diab died an innocent man. He was not discouraged to the last, but told his father not to weep and told the executioner to make haste. At the last moment Ibrahim Adhem asked his pardon. But Abu Diab said, “God will judge between us to-night, to-day for me, to-morrow for you.” I assure you, Sir, by God, that Abu Diab died unjustly.

Before the Commission had left Tantah Ibrahim Adhem came one day to my village with 4 English officers, and summoned all the notables of the neighbourhood and declared to them that I was in disgrace with the Khedive and the English, and warned them to have no dealings with me, and that if any had a quarrel against me the Khedive would support him against me, and four months passed and no one came. Until the day of the massacre I was respected by all men. I had no quarrel with Ibrahim Adhem nor any one; but my action that day has been the cause of my ruin. When Ibrahim Adhem was removed from Tantah, Husseyn Pasha Wasif was appointed in his place. He received me into favour, but the Khedive wrote to him by his own secretary not to see me. Husseyn Pasha shewed me this letter—I saw it with my eyes—and begged me to excuse him if he asked me to come no more to his house. This drove me from my country. It is clear that by saving the lives of the Christians that day I have gained only anger from the Khedive and trouble.

PRINCE HALIM TO MR. BLUNT

Balta-Liman, 15 _Décembre_, 1884.

MON CHER MONSIEUR BLUNT,

Je vous remercie d’avoir pensé à m’écrire; j’aurais voulu en vous répondant vous donner des nouvelles de chez vous; malheureusement heureusement dans notre paresseux Orient les choses ne changent pas aussi souvent que dans votre actif Occident. Ici les jours se suivent et se ressemblent, il n’y a donc rien qui vaille la peine de vous être rapporté. Depuis quelques jours j’aperçois des signes non équivoques d’une tendance de rapprochement avec l’Angleterre; des communications ont eu lieu entre Monsieur Wyndham et la Porte en vu de trouver un terrain propice qui permettrait aux deux partis de traiter les affaires égyptiennes. Je crains que cette fois encore la Turquie et l’Angleterre n’aient, par leur lenteur, manqué le moment favourable de pouvoir en finir entre elles. Les puissances signataires du traité de 1841-42 paraissent vouloir se mêler de la question; elles trouveraient peut-être mauvais que la Porte traitât directement avec l’Angleterre; dans ce cas le nouvel ambassadeur d’Angleterre, quel qu’il fût, il est très douteux qu’il puisse réussir dans le sens du désir de son Gouvernement. Tout dépend de la pression plus ou moins grande qu’exercera l’Europe.

Je porterai à la connaissance du Sultan ce que je croirai lui être utile, sans cependant m’illusioner sur le résultat, car il est inutile de chercher de la vigueur, de la précision, dans les actes du Gouvernement Impérial. La peur, plus que l’intérêt même, présidera à toutes ses actions, quoiqu’on fasse. La bienveillance de Musurus Pacha pour Tewfik est sans doute le resultât du mariage de son fils avec la fille d’un certain Antoniadis, partisan d’Ismaïl, comme tous les voleurs.

A propos d’Ismaïl, je vous dirai qu’il dépense beaucoup d’argent ici, et j’en sens les effets. Le brave homme donne son or contre de la parole qu’emporte aussitôt le vent. Avant que cette lettre vous parvienne Monsieur Whittaker sera à Londres, il vous communiquera une proposition qui je crois aura votre pleine approbation.

Recevez etc.,
HALIM.

PRINCE HALIM TO MR. BLUNT

Balta-Liman, 6 _Janvier_, 1885.

CHER MONSIEUR BLUNT,

C’est le 4 janvier seulement que j’ai reçu votre lettre du 19 Décembre.

Je suis avec intérêt dans les journaux les péripéties de vos démarches, tant près de l’association international d’arbitrage et de paix, que près du Premier Ministre. Je suis tout à fait de votre opinion et je dirai qu’une terminaison à l’amiable et sans violence de la question égyptienne ne peut se faire sans le concours du Sultan parce qu’il est la légalité, le droit; mais, si on veut passer outre, alors c’est l’inconnu et on ne peut savoir comment et où on aboutira. Je trouve que l’Angleterre a perdu comme la Turquie un temps précieux; ces deux puissances pouvaient l’arranger à l’amiable entre elles sans laisser de place à l’ingérance des autres puissances peut-être même de la France; l’Angleterre aurait beaucoup gagné et la Turquie aurait eu aussi sa part de bénéfice. Maintenant que les Puissances font mine de vouloir prendre en main la question égyptienne sous prétexte qu’elle est internationale, je crois que l’Angleterre et la Turquie ont perdu, toujours dans la prévision que les Puissances s’occuperont sérieusement de la question.

Recevez, etc.,
HALIM.

PRINCE HALIM TO MR. BLUNT

Balta-Liman, 19 _Janvier_, 1885.

CHER MONSIEUR BLUNT,

Votre lettre du 8 janvier m’est parvenue, je veux remercier pour les nouvelles que vous voulez bien me donner.

Il est probable que Hassan Fehmi Pacha sera à Londres avant que vous receviez cette lettre. Je considère la mission de l’envoyé Ottoman comme une preuve patente de la bonne volonté de sa Majesté le Sultan de relier les bonnes vieilles rélations des deux gouvernements que les évènements d’Egypte ont un peu terni. En tout cas, c’est un pas fait vers un arrangement, mais je doute que Hassan Pacha puisse arriver à une solution définitive.

Les dernières nouvelles reçues du Soudan se montrent par l’état critique de l’expédition anglaise, si les troupes qui traversent le désert entre Korti et Mutamma arrivent sans encombre à cette dernière ville la ⅘ de la besogne serait faite sans doute. Alors seulement le Gouvernement Anglais pensera peut-être sérieusement à donner une solution à la question égyptienne. Je ne serais pas étonné si Souakin et Masaoua ou tout au moins un de ces deux ports resta définitivement entre les mains de l’Angleterre.

Recevez, etc.,
HALIM.

PRINCE HALIM TO MR. BLUNT

Balta-Liman, 13 _Février_, 1885.

CHER MONSIEUR BLUNT,

Selon votre désir j’ai remis la lettre en arabe adressée par vous à Sa Majesté Impériale le Sultan; je l’ai fait accompagner par votre lettre adressée à moi; aussitôt que j’aurai une réponse je ne manquerai pas de vous le faire connaître immédiatement. Je n’ai pas jugé nécessaire de présenter au Sultan votre rapport à Hassan Pacha Fehmi—Sa Majesté aimant les primeurs en tout. Je n’ai pas reçu la pièce que vous m’annonciez m’être envoyé par votre secretaire.

Rien de nouveau ici si ce n’est l’entrée en scène de l’Italie d’une manière extravagante, il en sera de même tant que la Turquie se bornera à protester chaque fois qu’on lui marchera sur le pied.

A vous, etc.
HALIM.

P.S. Personne ne peut répondre de la fermeté du Gouvernement Ottoman.

LETTER TO H.M. THE SULTAN OF TURKEY (ABDUL HAMID)

(_Sent also in Arabic._)

Crabbet Park, Three Bridges, Sussex, _January_ 3, 1885.

SIR,

The grave perils which on every side menace the Mohammedan nation and which cannot but distress Your Majesty in the discharge of your high duties towards your people must be my excuse if I venture to address you on certain points which appear to me of vital moment in the present conjuncture of affairs for Islam.

It will not be unknown to Your Majesty that for some years past I have travelled widely in Mohammedan lands and that circumstances have placed me in a position to learn the thoughts, the fears, and the aspirations of those who under various governments acknowledge Your Majesty as their chief, the supreme Head and Prince of their religion; and Your Majesty also doubtless knows the active part I took three years ago in endeavouring to prevent the great misfortune of the invasion of Egypt by my countrymen, and afterwards to set in a true light the injustice of their action and the supreme miseries which they have caused. I trust therefore that Your Majesty will accept as the ideas of one devoted in all his heart to Mohammedan interests and Your Majesty’s, the view of policy which I now presume to lay before you.

1. With regard to those Mohammedans who live under other rule than Your Majesty’s,—I can assert without fear of mistake that at no other period of modern history has the Caliphal authority exercised so powerful an influence on their imagination as now. In all parts of the world Mohammedans are conscious of the danger to them as a nation; and the sacred office held by Your Majesty is regarded by them as the only safeguard remaining of their political existence. Especially within the last four years have they learned the necessity of closer union under Your Majesty’s command, if they would not become altogether lost and scattered; and they are willing as they never were before to put aside the differences of opinion which have so long divided them and to accept Your Majesty as the fountain for them of authority. On this subject I have conversed with many learned men in many countries, and I find that what they practically desire is this. The evils of which they complain are a decay of sound education, a decay of morals and a decay of wealth; and they attribute these misfortunes not indeed to a defect of the sacred law, which they all hold to be sufficient, but to a defect of the power to interpret it in accordance with modern necessities, and of the authority which should enforce that interpretation and make it binding on men’s practice. They desire therefore that Your Majesty should be pleased to consider in what way it would be possible to encourage the meeting of some general assembly of Ulemas of various lands under Your Majesty’s supreme appointment to discuss all these matters, and devise remedies for their very urgent needs. They think that by a common agreement alone of the faithful of all lands under Your Majesty a true result could be obtained.

This they desire and also that Your Majesty should take a more open part in the exercise of your high office by issuing from time to time and publishing authoritative statements of your views regarding the many public events which arise, gravely interesting to Mohammedans at large, in order that these may be kept in closer sympathy with Your Majesty on matters concerning all. Thus it seems to me that it would be of supreme advantage at the present moment that Your Majesty should take the whole Mohammedan world into your confidence with regard to the English occupation of Egypt. The strength of Your Majesty’s position lies in the moral influence you possess over the vast populations outside Your Majesty’s own Empire, and this can only be exercised to its full extent by making your wishes public. Advantage has too long been taken by European Governments of Your Majesty’s silence to spread false reports regarding Your Majesty’s ideas; and in these modern days no Power can afford to dispense with publicity as a spiritual weapon.

2. With regard to Your Majesty’s own dominions I am encouraged by the high character Your Majesty bears as a sincere Reformer, to urge upon you to take cognizance of the many abuses and breaches of the law which afflict the remoter provinces of your Empire. These to my sorrow I have noted on my many journeys; and I know that they are a scandal to the world and a cause of National weakness. I could, if Your Majesty would permit, explain in what way I think they could be remedied; and Your Majesty may trust me not to recommend those European remedies which Your Majesty rightly judges to be unsuited to the genius of Eastern lands and subversive of the principles of their religion. I should ask Your Majesty neither to grant concessions to Europeans, nor to employ Europeans in your Government, nor to adopt European forms of Administration. The reforms I would advocate are different from these, and are on the contrary designed to establish Mohammedan Government on its true national basis and in stricter accordance with its religious law. In this way I am confident that, God aiding Your Majesty, a sound political and financial basis could be secured for Your Empire.

Lastly—I would urge upon Your Majesty a certain course of policy towards the Great European Powers, who one and all covet your dominions. It is essential for any plan of reform and recuperation that an interval of peace should be secured you. The two Governments which most threaten the Mohammedan nation at this moment are the Russian and I grieve to say my own, and they must be dealt with vigorously each in its own manner. The present is an opportunity of the most favourable for making terms with England, but these can only be secured advantageously for Islam by courage and determination. Your Majesty must declare yourself in clear language according to certain terms as to which I could advise Your Majesty; and I think that I can assure you of success. But I venture to warn Your Majesty against any concession of principle which might separate you from the full approval of Mohammedans in various lands. The part which is yours to play in your dealings with our Government is that of the fearless exponent of the Mohammedan will. As Sultan of Turkey Your Majesty has undoubted rights in Egypt, but in this age of lawless aggression it is necessary that sovereign rights should be backed by the popular will and in Your Majesty’s instance by that full exercise of your Caliphal authority which is yours as Prince of the Faithful.

If Your Majesty on the perusal of this letter will deign to hear me further I will make it my duty to lay my plan in detail before Your Majesty.

I am, with profound respect, Your Majesty, Your most faithful servant.

WILFRID SCAWEN BLUNT.

PRINCE HALIM TO MR. BLUNT

Constantinople, 17 _Juillet_ 1885.

CHER MONSIEUR BLUNT,

J’ai reçu votre lettre du 3 courant qui m’annonce l’achat des chevaux. Je vous remercie pour la peine que vous vous êtes donnée pour cela.

Mr. Whitaker n’est pas encore de retour. En attendant, ce que je vois dans le journaux ne me parait pas être très différent du passé. Lord Salisbury dans l’exposé de la politique du nouveau cabinet, fait à la chambre des Lords le 6 courant, déclare que l’Angleterre est liée d’honneur au Khedive. Un premier Ministre ne s’engage au fond comme cela, s’il avait l’intention de suivre une autre voie que ses prédécesseurs. Le lien d’honneur n’est pas facile à briser, comme par exemple le lien d’intérêt, où on a la faculté de se montrer désintéressé même magnanime en le brisant. Lord Salisbury donne pour raison du lien d’honneur, l’honêteté du Khédive, vis-à-vis du gouvernement Anglais et il n’y a que quelques jours que Tewfik Pacha protestait de son dévoument et de son inaltérable attachement à Sa Majesté Impériale le Sultan, en jettant sur la pression irrésistible des Anglais tout le passé. Ces protestations du Khédive sont prises ici pour ce qu’elles valent et pour la forme on se montre content. Le grand cordon du Schafcate à été envoyé à sa femme comme preuve de la satisfaction Impériale,

Je vous renouvelle, cher Monsieur Blunt, l’expression, etc.
HALIM.