Chapter VIII: My Exclusion From Egypt

“_19th May_, 1884.

“I WAS to have gone to Paris to-day, but, besides that I am far from well, Lord Granville’s answer has come, shortly refusing to interfere. This will oblige me to take action, and so I have put off my journey. Perhaps it is as well.

“_20th May._—To London, and saw Stanley, who has given me good letters of introduction to Vefyk and Khair-ed-Din Pashas. In them he says he was not able to approve my ideas of two years ago about Egypt, but that I have returned now from India with saner ones, and that we are agreed as to the residence of Europeans in Africa and Asia; also that I have been prevented by the English authorities from landing in Egypt.

“Tried to find Churchill about bringing my case forward in Parliament, but he was out, and I think now I will first write to Gladstone, giving him warning of what I intend, and so leaving a last loophole for peace. Lady Gregory is all for this. She tells me Layard told Sir William that a high official of the Foreign Office had said quite recently that though it would be a bitter pill they would have to restore Arabi before long. But I doubt it while Gladstone remains in office.

“To Mrs. S.’s, a garden party. Mme. de Novikoff was there. She has been in communication with the ex-Khedive Ismaïl, who has got her to advocate his return to Egypt.

“_21st May._—To Button’s, and arranged our plan of campaign. If my letter to Gladstone comes to nothing, the ‘Times’ will print one from me telling the story of my exclusion from Egypt. He thinks it should be brought forward in the Lords instead of the Commons, and we think Marlborough would be a good man to do it. Then I went to Knowles and fortunately found him at home. I told him I was going to bring the case forward in Parliament, and might be obliged to quote Gladstone’s intention last year of restoring Arabi. He did not like this, and backed out of having told me more than that it had been his impression that Mr. Gladstone had such an idea, or that he might have had it if it had become popular. This is nothing more than I had expected of Knowles; he is evidently in a great fright of being compromised. I promised not to bring his name in if I could help it—but I might be driven into doing it.

“To Crabbet with Admiral Tryon, a lovely day spent among the horses.

“_22nd May._—Crabbet. Knowles must have gone straight to Eddy Hamilton, for by this morning’s post I get a letter from Eddy evidently in a great fright, saying he cannot believe I am going to bring him into the matter, that his conversation with me last year went no farther than wishing me _bon voyage_, and that he is quite innocent of representing Mr. Gladstone in any way. I must expect both him and Knowles to swear hard. But I have got the substance of my conversation with Eddy in this journal, and of that with Knowles in my letters of the time. Moreover, I have Eddy’s letter received at Bombay, speaking of himself as ‘conduit pipe,’ between me and head-quarters. He must have forgotten this last. Eddy won’t be injured by it. They will give him a fat permanent post when they have made a scapegoat of him, but I have written to him to say that if he likes I will refer the whole thing to Mr. Gladstone instead of to Parliament. I hope they will accept this as I don’t want to break with Mr. Gladstone if I can help it, and I should be grieved to have a row with Eddy.

“_25th May._—Crabbet. Eddy accepts a reference to Mr. Gladstone, and I think nothing could be better. Harry Brand came down; we rode in the forest and talked politics all day. Talking about Gordon, he told me that Gladstone had not seen him before he was sent out, nor was there any Cabinet Council; the thing was settled by a committee of the Cabinet, consisting of Hartington, Northbrook, and Dilke. Gladstone was only told that an engineer officer had been sent to Khartoum to report. Harry had expostulated with Hartington about the mission, and had urged that Gordon should be stopped at Korusko, but was told it was too late. Baring was unfriendly to Gordon, having quarrelled with him four years ago when he was Controller; they had called each other names. He says nothing has been decided yet at the War Office about an expedition. They will decide nothing till they hear from Gordon. He thinks the Souakin route impossible for an army. A contractor has offered to run water in pipes, to be condensed at the sea-side.

“_26th May._—Lunched with Lady Gregory. Gladstone has been saying that he can’t understand why people find fault with the Turks, who are very good people. The ‘Pall Mall Gazette’ publishes ‘Mr. Wilfrid Blunt on the crisis in Egypt.’

“_27th May._—Wrote a long letter to Gladstone, giving a full account of the Knowles and Hamilton interviews last year (see Appendix).

“_28th May._—Crabbet. Derby Day. Drove to Epsom. Harry Brand joined us in the evening. He says it is quite untrue that any arrangement has been made with the Turks for their help in the Soudan, also I ought to have come and seen him about Gordon, as he would have brought me to speak with Hartington, who is mainly responsible for Gordon’s having gone out, and so is most concerned in getting him back.

“_29th May._—Frederic Harrison came down. We had a pleasant discussion at dinner and afterwards about the situation, only he takes the English instead of the Egyptian point of view. He said he was not averse to war under _all_ circumstances, and thought England would lose morally if she left Egypt ruined to the French or to Europe. He says, however, annexation is the only logical result of our Egyptian policy. He approves my letter to the ‘Times.’

“_30th May._—The Oaks Day. Drove Harry Brand and Harrison to Epsom, an odd party, in an odd turn out—the phaeton and four Arabs. We did the sixteen and a half miles from the Lodge Gate at Crabbet to the top of Epsom Hill in one hour and thirty-two minutes, our best record yet. And one hour and thirty-three minutes coming home. Bozra had been only in harness three times before, and never in the team.

“_31st May._—To London and saw Button, who says that, whatever Harry Brand may say, the Sultan proposed not long ago to send troops to the Soudan, and that his offer was accepted—but coupled with the condition, that as a proof of his sincerity he should send a thousand men to Suakin in ten days. This he declined. Gladstone has published an article signed G. in the ‘Fortnightly,’ which, if really his, seems dangerously like handing over Egypt to the French, or to a European administrative control, the very worst thing that could happen. Button highly approves of my letter to Gladstone, and I have sent it in. I went, however, first to Palace Green to get my letters to Mrs. Howard for reference. They are quite satisfactory as to my interview with Knowles. I am now in a position, if necessary, to prove my account of what he said, and I think I have them all in a wonderful fix.

“Lunched at the Club with Edward Sartoris, and passed through St. James’s Square, where there was a considerable crowd looking at the effects of the dynamite explosion. [A series of dynamite explosions attributed to the Fenians.] Nothing more than a few broken windows as the material effect, but the moral ones are great. Harry was very indignant this morning when he read the account of it, and with me for saying that it was due to the wickedness of the Government.

“_1st June._—Crabbet. Began a letter to the ‘Times.’ The gist of it is, that if Mr. Gladstone really hands over Egypt unconditionally to Europe, it means handing it over to the bondholders, and handing it over to the bondholders means the driving out of the Egyptians in favour of European colonists. I cannot believe Mr. Gladstone, after all his protestation of giving the Egyptians their liberty, would do this. I imagine, instead, he must be contemplating the securing of terms for them first from Europe, and establishing a Government at Cairo, strong because supported by the people, and then withdrawing his troops. I put forward the rival claims of Ismaïl, Halim, and Arabi. One thing is clear in Egypt. The legend of Tewfik’s loyalty has been spoilt. He is loyal still perhaps—but no longer _to us_.

“_2nd June._—Began a series of articles for the ‘Fortnightly,’ called ‘Ideas about India.’

“_3rd June._—Button has given me the whole history of the G. article in the ‘Fortnightly.’ It appears that Escott, the ‘Fortnightly’ Editor, sent it to Buckle directing his attention to it, and saying it was from the pen of one of our most prominent statesmen, and that it represented Mr. Gladstone’s views. Buckle gave it to his article writer, who, before committing himself, wrote to Escott saying he concluded the author of the article to be Mr. Gladstone, and that if so, he should be happy to give it all prominence, but wished to know whether he was correct. To this Escott replied that the author was out of town, and that the article might be accepted as representing Mr. Gladstone’s views. Button thinks it is Godley, but I am nearly certain it is Herbert Gladstone, who is often used to air his father’s most advanced ideas. Button tells me that an expedition is to start shortly for Khartoum, as the military authorities are of opinion that it will be less dangerous now than later, when the Nile rises. They are to go from Suakin to Berber, and will lose about half their force.

“Dined with Admiral Tryon, and had a talk with Owen Burne about India. He is the head of the Secret Department at the India Office, and I fancy had his eye on me during my late journey. We talked about everything, however, very pleasantly. He expressed his opinion that the native armies ought to be made more use of than they have hitherto been. He knew Scindia and Holkar well, and they had repeatedly proposed to lend their troops on condition of being given rank in the Imperial Army. We also talked about Hyderabad. He takes Cordery’s view about things there, of course. Like every one here, he is astonished to learn that Lord Ripon is a success or popular with anybody.

“_4th June._—Down to Crabbet. The Frederic Harrisons and John Morley came and we had a long political discussion till midnight. Morley says it is a necessity of the English commercial system that the field of their enterprise should be constantly enlarged. For this reason he thinks we shall not leave Egypt, and he thinks something new must be devised there. He is for a strong Government no matter what—Riaz, if you can get no better—and he would allow the cutting off of heads or anything. Marat, he says, is his idea of a man for revolutionary times. He does not see his way to Arabi, does not understand his merits as a statesman. But I think he wishes me well. He said: ‘Why don’t you persuade Gladstone to send you to Egypt?’ I said: ‘I would do so if I could get to see him.’ He and Harrison had an interesting talk about the various statesmen of the day. Chamberlain, Morley thinks, is the man of the future—a true Radical and one who would never change; he would ‘put Burt[65] in office, if he had the chance,’ he had a strong will and ideas. Dilke was only a sham Radical; Dilke was too much a man of the world, wanted to please everybody; he had seen his best political day, and would be merged in Chamberlain’s individuality. The danger was that, when a Radical Cabinet came to office, the two would divide Home and Foreign policy between them, when Dilke would play every kind of Jingo prank. Morley has a great opinion of Parnell, who, he says, is a powerful man and a patriot. Gladstone thinks highly of him too. When the Phoenix Park murders took place, Parnell wrote to Gladstone to say that if he, Gladstone, thought it would do any good or relieve the situation, he would retire from public life; he was disgusted at the murders. This Mr. Gladstone told Morley himself. Dillon too was a patriot. Healy had only a blind hatred of England. The rest were second rate men. Dillon had written to Morley lately from California as follows: ‘Dear Morley. You said a year ago that English troops would be out of Egypt. Yours truly.’ Salisbury would be a great force if he was in the House of Commons; he would like to abolish the House of Lords so as to get into the other House. Hicks Beach was much the best man the Opposition had in the front bench; he always reasoned out his arguments. Plunket was their best speaker. Gibson was tiresome, Northcote a noodle. Gladstone had a supreme contempt for Northcote. Morley has a high opinion of Churchill; thinks he may come over yet to the Radicals; he had the talent of interesting, was industrious, kind-hearted, and wonderfully quick. Hartington was weak, had no fixed opinion or power of will or decision; he was an excellent critic, but with no initiative. He thinks Lawson and Labouchere have ruined the Egyptian cause by their jokes—people were afraid of seeming to agree with them. Trevelyan was a success, and deservedly so. Lefevre would always be unpopular. For Granville Morley has a ‘supreme contempt’—he can find no other word.

“_5th June._—I drove Morley to the station in the morning. He seems much in agreement with me about Egypt, and I hope he may make his agreement known to others. I gave him Lyall’s letter[66] to read and my two letters from Egypt to Eddy Hamilton, and explained to him something of my idea how to govern Egypt. He said he was all for strong measures now, hanging if necessary. If we could only get Morley to declare himself it would be most important, but he says the weak part of our programme is Arabi. Perhaps it is.

“Lady Gregory came down in the afternoon, and the Harrisons stayed on. Harrison interests me, being a thoroughly honest good fellow. Morley told us this morning a great deal about Stead, his successor in the ‘Pall Mall Gazette.’ Stead was only a clerk at so many shillings a week to start with, and came straight to the ‘Pall Mall’ from a small northern paper. He was a man of entire belief in himself, a good deal of imagination, and not a little superstition; a believer in dreams and inspirations. On one occasion in the autumn of 1882 he sent Morley a message, saying he wanted to see him on important business. This was to tell him that, having gone for a cruise round the Isle of Wight, he had had a sudden inspiration just off the Needles to the effect that Morley would be in Parliament and have left the ‘Pall Mall’ by the following March. When it happened, Stead had taken it entirely as a matter of course; he has boundless ambition, and has it as a maxim that a newspaper Editor is stronger than any Minister. Morley looks upon him as a political quack. He, Morley, eschews the ‘Pall Mall’ now and all its works.

“_6th June._—My letter is in the ‘Times’ and reads well, and I have written to Arabi to warn him that perhaps he will be proposed to shortly to return, and to ask him whether he would be prepared to serve as Regent for a term of years with Tewfik’s son in minority. Harrison went away and has promised to write in support of me to the ‘Times.’

“_7th June._—The ‘Times’ has some polite words about my letter in its leading article. Button writes that the letter has been a great success—the best I have ever written. It will have made one or two people at the Foreign Office angry. But Mrs. Gladstone asks us to her party next week, the first time since the war.

“_9th June._—Harrison’s letter is in the ‘Times,’ and one from Edwin Arnold in something the same sense. On the other hand, Morley publishes a letter to his constituents, which may read any way about Egypt. It does not leave a good impression.

“Button tells me that an agreement was come to on Friday between Granville and Waddington about Egypt to the following effect: (1) That an International Control Audit should be established; (2) That English troops should remain in Egypt for three years; and (3) That England should advance eight million sterling. Hartington, Dilke, and Chamberlain are violently opposed to the arrangement; and it is from Hartington that the ‘Times’ has lately been receiving its information as to the negotiations.

“Dined with Frank Lascelles, who has been staying at Chatsworth, and he confirms what Button says of Hartington’s dislike of the arrangement. According to Button, Hartington would have left the Government but for his father, who declared that it was the boast and glory of his family that no member of it had ever voted with the Tories. Fidelity to party was his first principle. Lascelles has seen Baring lately, who tells him he is going back to Egypt after the Conference, to go on trying to prove that ‘two and two make something more than four.’ Lascelles was at some pains to prove to me that Arabi might yet act with Tewfik. Eddy was at the club dining at another table, and we agreed, whatever happened in the matter of my exclusion from Egypt, we would not quarrel. I am to have an answer from Mr. Gladstone to-morrow. The ‘Pall Mall’ published late in the evening a special edition giving the terms of the agreement with France pretty much as Button gave them.

“_10th June._—The ‘Daily News’ contradicts in vague language the terms of the agreement. But Button declares they are true all the same, and, what is more, that Bismarck has refused to allow any diminution on the interest of the unified debt. This he had from Natty Rothschild. He says the Government will certainly be turned out. The Opposition are doing all they can to hasten the Franchise Bill, which they will pass through the Lords, and then bring on the Egyptian Question in the form of an Appeal to the Crown. Then there will be a dissolution, and the Tories, if in office, will be able to have a redistribution of seats exactly as they like to supplement the Bill; it would be a mistake in tactics to throw out the Bill. Once passed, the Liberals would have no cry at all to go to the country on. But I fancy their cry would be the fear of an European war.

“Called on Lawson and persuaded him to oppose the Government arrangement, about which he was in doubt, I hope, successfully. There is nothing now but to turn out the Government. Lord Salisbury will not dare annex. Harry Brand writes ‘Annexation and war are in the possible future.’

“Went to see Mrs. Howard. She tells me George is furious against the Government. And he has told the Government whip that, if any terms have been agreed to with France at all like those just published, he and many of his friends will vote against the Government, adding that for himself he would not present himself for re-election in case of a dissolution. She is entirely in agreement with my last letter to the ‘Times,’ and so it seems is George. We discussed Morley and Harrison. Morley I expect found the arrangement with France concluded when he got back to London, and has probably been told that a defeat of the Government would mean war. Hence his letter, but he is evidently a trimmer. The letter reads both ways, and they will probably give him office if they ride out the storm.

“Gladstone’s answer has come. He says that ‘in his opinion it is impossible that any friend of his could without the grossest error of judgement have given me any ground for the supposition that he was favourable to any restoration of the exiles to Egypt.’ This is not a denial. He goes on to say that ‘without questioning in any way my intentions or my honour, he has deplored my proceedings in Egypt, as alike injurious to Egyptian and British interests.’ I am writing to thank him for the courteous tone of his answer, and do not propose to bring the matter before Parliament until after the present crisis. Harrison is much disgusted with Morley for backing out of his agreement with us.

“_11th June._—To Mrs. Gladstone’s party. The Grand Old Man came forward in a hearty manner, and shook me warmly by the hand, saying with emphasis, ‘How do you do, Mr. Blunt. I am very glad indeed to see you.’ He has a hand which reminds me of Cardinal Newman’s, when seven years ago the Cardinal cured my toothache with its touch, soft, warm, and nervous. He is looking uncommonly well, and as alert and cheerful as if he was going to heaven instead of head over heels into perdition before the end of next week. I had some words with Mr. Forster,[67] who said he had read and agreed with my letter in the ‘Times.’ He talked over the chances, too, of turning out the Ministry, evidently hoping to do so. He is an ugly roughish-looking man, but I can imagine may have power. I am glad to have had these few words with him, but the crowd was too great for much talk. Lady Gregory overheard Dilke saying, ‘The Arabi Party is strong here to-night. I have seen both Blunt and Gregory.’ Baring was there.

“_12th June._—Saw Lascelles at the Club. He does not expect to get sent to Egypt, and thinks Baring will go back there. But it all depends on the Ministerial crisis. Dined at Lord De la Warr’s. I had rather expected to meet Ismaïl, the ex-Khedive, but found only his representative, Broadley, who tells me that Ismaïl is hurt at my description of him in my ‘Times’ letter, but wants to see me. I have no objection, though it cannot lead to anything. Arabi will have nothing to do with him, and Ismaïl has hardly any chance at all of getting back to Egypt.

“_13th June._—Called on Button. He tells me the Government mean to stand to their guns about the arrangement with France, and will be beaten. With him was a man Gordon’s friends are sending to Khartoum to carry letters and newspapers. He is to have £500 and go in disguise as a Morocco merchant by way of Korosko. I cross-questioned him a good deal about his plans, which are all based on the notion that the Mahdi’s movement is a ‘trumpery insurrection’; so he will come to grief, unless indeed he is wise enough to put the £500 in his pocket and go off and amuse himself with it at Monaco, a result far from unlikely, to judge by his looks.

“_16th June._—Lytton writes answering my proposal to go for a night to Knebworth. He says my political ideas about Egypt and India disgust him, but hopes to see me all the same. So I am going, under promise to say nothing about politics. This is quite fair. Lytton’s position is a perfectly logical one, and I cannot expect him either to sympathize or tolerate.

“To Knebworth. Nobody staying in the house but Miss Lyall and Sinnett, the Apostle of Theosophy. Politics being barred, our talk has been almost all on occult sciences. Sinnett seems a worthy, if not a very wise, man, with considerable humility and naïvety. He was formerly Editor of the ‘Pioneer’ in India, and there became acquainted with certain Oriental mystics. Practically, however, his system is undistinguishable from ordinary spiritualism, and the real manager is Madame Blavatsky. In this lady he has a profound belief, and told us of various trifling miracles she is in the habit of working. She can make bells ring in the air—and, by holding her hand to a pane of glass, can produce tapping noises. She discovered once a cup and saucer in the ground at a picnic, and can make electric sparks pass through his head. He is distinctly of opinion that she has lived in other forms, before her present life, and that she knows her own past history. But she has not told him of it, and, such is the secrecy of these sublime adepts, that if he were to ask her about it, she would be obliged to tell him an untruth. He gave us a recipe, which he called a very simple one, for obtaining the services of a _genius_. You must make acquaintance with a sick man near his end, and persuade him that you are his best friend, and get him to entrust to you his last wishes, as also some article of property—such as a ring to which he is attached, and you must promise him to perform his wish. He must then die, with anxiety regarding it and regarding you upon his mind, and you must be careful to deceive him and leave his wish unperformed. Then he will return to you through the instrumentality of the ring in hope of urging you to fulfil your promise, and will do all your bidding. This is a black and immoral art, but he assured us exceedingly simple of execution. The high adepts scorn to practise it.

“_19th June._—A capital speech of Churchill’s to-day reported from Aylesbury. I have written to congratulate him, and exhort him to take up the mantle of honesty let drop by Mr. Gladstone.

“_20th June._—Lunched with the Howards. George is quite converted now from his belief in Gladstone, and looks upon him as completely dishonest. He dined at Downing Street two days ago with other M.P.s, and says the party, notwithstanding all, will vote solid for the Ministry, all but a few members, himself among them. But even he is not, as I understand, going to vote against them. The fact is there is no opposition which can undertake the Government, and the Government can do as it likes.

“_22nd June._—Our annual Lawn Tennis Tournament at Crabbet. There were there Godfrey Webb, Eddy Hamilton, Button, Sandys, Nigel Kingscote, Harry Brand and his brother Artie, Frank Lascelles, Mallock, Elcho, and others. We had a merry evening with songs. Eddy, who sat next me, talked pretty freely about Egypt, and I gather they would give a good deal to find some excuse there for getting rid of the Khedive. ‘He has been cunning enough,’ Eddy said, ‘to stick to us, and we are bound to him.’

“_23rd June._—To London, and lunched with Lawson, and went down with him afterwards to the House. Churchill, whom I met in the lobby, says that Arabi’s only chance lies in the agreement with France being upset. He is pleased with the letter I wrote him. Morley still professes not to have made up his mind. Ponsonby got me into the Gallery. Gladstone was in good form, as I believe he always is when he has a statement to make, and he did it with dignity if not with any great eloquence. He talked a good deal about France’s interests in Egypt, and our own interests, and Europe’s interests, but never a word for good or evil of the Egyptians’ interests, never a word but one, and that sounded like an afterthought, and passed without remark. But there was a great deal about the principle which would be decided at the Conference, by which I suppose he meant the principle of the European concert—for every other has been thrown to the winds. My programme has been followed on every point, except that of doing justice to the Egyptians. Egypt is to be neutralized, the Suez Canal neutralized, the Soudan separated from Egypt—all as I recommended, but no lowering of the interest on the debt, no re-establishment of popular government. Morley tells me all that it is proposed to do is to lower the interest one half per cent., and even that is not certain.

“Button declares that Bismarck will not allow any reduction. His position is this. He had a quarrel some time ago with the Frankfort Rothschilds, and he is glad now to be able to prove to them that he is real arbiter on the Nile, and they have come to him on their hands and knees, and he will support their demand for the whole pound of flesh because they demand it, caring of course nothing about the results to them, and glad to break down the Anglo-French agreement. Therefore there is good chance of the Conference collapsing as soon as it meets. The Opposition was feebler in the Debate than anything I could have imagined. Northcote was like an old woman afraid of responsibility, and Randolph played into Gladstone’s hands by making a violent and foolish speech against France. When I say foolish, I mean foolish under the circumstances, for it had some good hits, as when he compared Gladstone to Charles II kept on the throne by Louis XIV as his servant. But it was not in harmony with the feeling of the House; and Lascelles, who dined to-night with Forster, tells me they consider Churchill’s speech to have gained votes for the Government. But they look to no vote being taken till after the Conference as their best chance of upsetting the agreement. Goschen made this point good.

“_24th June._—Went down home to Crabbet. There is nothing more I can do now in Egyptian matters, and for the moment I had better pay attention to my horses. If we win the Arab race at Newmarket it will do more for my ideas than half a dozen victories of the Mahdi. Lord Bradford comes down this week with Ebrington to see the stud. He wants mares to put to his horse Chippendale.

“_25th June._—To a party at Devonshire House where I talked principally to Mrs. Howard. She has been converted back to Gladstone by hearing the debate the other night. George, however, holds out and is likely to be alone in the cave with Forster when it comes to a division.

“_26th June._—I hear from Button that the Opposition has decided on a new Vote of Censure before the Conference, or rather while the Conference is sitting, being moved thereto by Randolph, who had threatened to move one himself. Labouchere tells me the Government, or at least certain members of the Cabinet, are riding for a fall, and that Randolph wants to make it impossible for the Conservatives to come in. He wants me to get Abdu over from Paris as a sort of representative of the National Party during the Conference. Bismarck, Button tells me, will agree to a reduction of the Unified if Ferry agrees, but only ½ per cent., and it is doubtful whether they can get even this. The Unified Stock is held in France, Germany, and Italy, the Preference in England. It is a hopeless state of things whichever way one looks.

“_28th June._—Lunched at the Carlton with Churchill and Wolff. Churchill is very angry about something or another, and says he is going away, and shall have nothing more to do with Parliament this Session. He talked of Northcote as ‘an old blackguard.’

“_30th June._—To Newmarket for Lord Falmouth’s sale. His brood mares were magnificent, the finest according to my ideas being Palmflower, Spinaway, Chevisaunce, and Jeannette. Wheel-of-Fortune is less taking. Of the stallions the one I should have chosen to breed from is Kingcraft. We dined with the Clay Seymers, Lord Wolverton and young Leigh there.[68]

“_1st July._—First day of the July meeting. The racing did not interest me. After it we went to Lord Calthorpe’s paddocks, and saw Petrarch, the handsomest horse in the world. We are staying with Button in St. Mary’s Square. He tells me the Vote of Censure has been shelved.

“_2nd July._—The long looked for day of the Arab race, but somehow I felt less excited about it than when years ago we ran Yellow Boy at Gibraltar. The weather was perfect, and all the world and his wife were there. They say the July course was never so crowded, and there was quite a mob to see the Arabs stripped, so that Geheimniss, who was walking over for the July Cup, passed absolutely unnoticed through the crowd. I was satisfied with the look of all the horses—and especially of Halfa, my own entry, who was much admired, but I did not see Admiral Tryon’s horse at all, for he was brought in quite at the end, and as soon as they had started on their canter, we rode to the corner to see the race. Jem Lowther was there also on horseback, very genial, and, while we were waiting, we talked about the ‘awful mess’ in Egypt. Then we saw the horses coming in a cluster at a tremendous pace over the hill, beyond the fir trees, and we cantered back towards the paddock. They overtook us at the bottom of the hill, and to my grief and surprise I saw it was all over with Halfa, and what seemed to be the Indian horses going on alone, with Rataplan well up. I felt that I had suffered a disastrous defeat, but was a little consoled by finding that after all a home bred three year old, though not mine, had won. This was Admiral Tryon’s Asil; Dictator second; Rataplan, who had been making the running for Halfa, third.

“I fear, nevertheless, the race will be considered a failure as most of the young ones were left behind, and there are suspicions with regard to Tryon’s horse, whether he is really an Arab. After the race, Jousiffe, Dictator’s trainer, came to me as representing his owner, and wanted me to raise an objection to Asil on this score, but I refused point blank to listen to anything of the sort. I was at Aleppo when Henderson, the Consul there, bought Asil’s dam for Tryon, and though I did not see her, nor can vouch for her pedigree, I think there can be no conceivable doubt she was an Arab; she stood 15.2, but such a height is possible, though I never saw it in the desert. She was in foal, Tryon says, to Henderson’s Abeyan Sherrak horse, whom I know well, and the colt was dropped a few days after landing in England. Besides, Asil is in the Stud Book as an Arab and so is legally an Arab, whatever he may be in fact. It would in any case be fatal to have a dispute on such a question this first race, and I am glad my horse, or rather Abd-el-Rahman’s, was second, so as to prevent other action—but I will see the horse.

“Dined with Button and two of the Paulets, and George Wyndham.[69] A very young man’s party.

“_3rd July._—The sporting papers are down on the race as childish, because the Arabs did not beat English horses, and I fear the Jockey Club will not have the courage to repeat it; but Hawfa Williams, the manager of Sandown, has promised a race there for the 22nd. We called this morning at Hopper’s stables and saw Asil. Anything less like an Arab horse I never saw. He is long, low, strong, rather coarse, and very slack over the loins—like an English horse—his head plain but well set on, great hocks and arms. I don’t wonder at Jousiffe wanting me to object to him.”

This failure at Newmarket was a great disappointment to me at the time. I had counted on proving, by a practical demonstration, that Arab horses bred in England, and properly trained, would greatly improve in speed as compared with those bred in the desert. The race, however, seemed to show the contrary, as, with the exception of Tryon’s colt, the two Arab horses brought from India had it all their own way. Moreover, a little later, Tryon matched his colt against an inferior English thoroughbred, and was handsomely beaten. The ultimate result, however, was not I think, as far as Arab breeding in England was affected by it, wholly a misfortune. It convinced me that I was on wrong lines in breeding Arabs for speed, and not for those more valuable qualities in which their true excellence lies. Had I continued with my original purpose, I should have lost time and money, and probably have also spoiled my breed, producing stock, taller perhaps and speedier, but with the same defects found in the English thoroughbred. Politically, however, I no doubt lost something through the publicity of my Newmarket experience. For success on the turf seems always to have been held in England as in some measure connected with political capacity, and if I had been able to prove my point with the sporting world, my opinion on Eastern affairs generally would have gained in credit.

“There seems every prospect of the Conference breaking down.

“_4th July._—Lunched with Lady Gregory and on to the Howards. Mrs. Howard asked me why I thought that England would be obliged to see decent Government given to Egypt if we acknowledged a Protectorate, and I said, ‘If you invite a young lady to dine with you at Greenwich you don’t look too closely how she behaves—but when you have married her you take care she dresses respectably.’

“_7th July._—Another letter from me in the ‘Times,’ and also one from Benson Maxwell (both about Egypt), and there is a leading article sufficiently polite to me. Called on Bruce,[70] who is expected to move the Vote of Censure—a fairly sensible man, but without go or plan of action, like all the rest of the Tories; yet he is the best man they can find for it. No wonder Randolph has his way with them. He is occupied over head and ears with his National Association and is tired of Egypt.

“_8th July._—Dined at Wentworth House. Percy and Madeline were there, and Henry Cowper, and Millais grown very prosy and as dull as a breeder of cattle. I sat between Lady Wharncliffe and Sir Wilfrid Lawson, the latter very amusing, with a fire of good stories, kept up all dinner- time. He is going to hold an open air meeting in Hyde Park against the Lords—and asked me to join in it. But the Lords to my mind are a very respectable institution, and I care nothing at all for the Franchise Bill which they are throwing out.

“_9th July._—The Lords threw the Bill out last night, and there is likely to be a row, but no dissolution. Marlborough’s first speech the other night was a failure. People were interested to hear him, but found his speech dull, and after the first ten minutes began to talk.

“_11th July._—The Mudir of Dongola, it seems certain now, has joined the Mahdi, and Berber is as certainly taken, while there are rumours, too, of the fall of Khartoum. I have written to Hyndman, in answer to a letter of his asking me to join the Democratic Socialists. This of course I cannot do.

“_12th July._—Luncheon with the Gregorys, where I met Rowsell, the Domains Commissioner just from Cairo. His view of the situation there is that the Mahdi will be at Cairo in the autumn. I asked him about Tewfik, and he said: ‘Tewfik has intelligence enough to know that he has no friends, and is fatalistic enough to let things take their course. He will sit twiddling his thumbs from right to left, till he is told to begin twiddling them from left to right.’ I asked him what he would himself do when the Mahdi came to Cairo. He said: ‘Turn Mussulman of course.’

“To Mrs. Buxton’s, near Weybridge, to meet George Trevelyan. The place is prettily situated on the edge of Wisley Heath, now grown over with fir trees. I remember it thirty years ago, absolutely bare, when we used as boys to go to the Hut Pond from Horsley to fish. At Waterloo Station was George Howard. He has seen Goschen, who would like to talk to me in the morning about Egypt, or rather to hear me talk. Goschen says I am an imprudent person who, if you tell anything to him, and he has reason to be dissatisfied with you afterwards, repeats what you tell him. I will go to him, but I trust him as little as he trusts me.

“George Trevelyan[71] is a capital fellow—very lively and amusing. I had a long talk with him after dinner. He made me explain to him the whole history of the Revolution in Egypt, and especially of the Joint Note of January, 1882, as he wanted, he said, to arrive at a knowledge of the exact moment where our policy made a mistake. He was of course quite ignorant even of the general outline of the story, but seized the points with great intelligence. He is a man of energy, wit, and sympathy. I asked him if he could tell me whose idea it was sending Clifford Lloyd to Egypt, and he said: ‘It was ours, in Ireland. We would have sent him anywhere to get rid of him.’ His description of Lloyd was amusing. He was an energetic man of great self sufficiency. To talk to him you would think him a Clive or a Warren Hastings. But his whole thought was to advertise himself by his vigour. On one occasion he had telegraphed to Vernon Harcourt, begging him to send him a couple of bloodhounds to aid his police operations in Ireland. At first they had thought the telegram a hoax, but it was nevertheless true. Besides, he was very greedy of pay and allowances, and was always bothering Lord Spencer to increase these. In the smoking room we had a general discussion about Ireland, and the possibility of its independence. Trevelyan has a mean idea of the Irish, and thinks they could not govern themselves respectably or solvably, but would relapse into barbarism. I cited the instance of Greece as at least as hopeless at starting as that of Ireland, and yet it had settled down and become prosperous. We all agreed anyhow that Ireland in its present condition was ruining England, and especially the English Parliament—but Trevelyan does not believe in any true middle term between coercion and separation.

“_13th July, Sunday._—Had some interesting conversation with Trevelyan and Sir James Carmichael.[72] The latter is Childers’ private secretary at the Conference, and he says that he has had to go over the public accounts of Arabi’s time, and finds them in a great mess. He complains that, whatever Arabi’s honesty may have been, great peculation took place under him. He is, however, wholly opposed to the Turks and Circassians, and also to English administration in Egypt. He would like to keep on Tewfik, and give him an Egyptian administration. He described Nubar well for what he is, and said: ‘His days of office are numbered.’ Trevelyan described Lord Spencer as the ablest administrator he had come across, an administrator born, for he had had no training, a man of sense and very high integrity.

“_14th July._—Dined at the Travellers. Next table to me sat with others Staal, the new Russian Ambassador. It is twenty-three years since we met, but I knew him again directly. We were great friends in those days at Athens, and I think he was really glad to see me when I explained after dinner who I was. ‘Are you any relation,’ he enquired, ‘to the Blunt who is a friend of the Mahdi?’ He asked me to come and see him, which I shall do. Staal is an old man now, but has something of the kind honest manner of former days. This has given me great pleasure.

“_15th July._—Button tells me that the Lords are determined to fight on the Franchise Bill. They dare not let the Bill pass, as it would mean the absolute defeat of the Conservative Party at the next elections, and Mr. Gladstone’s stay in office for the rest of his natural life. They mean to hold on then till a Dissolution of Parliament, trusting to Egypt to get them a majority at the elections.

“Then to call on Goschen, whom I found much as two years ago, that is to say, very intelligent and receptive, though I do not trust him. We discussed Egypt thoroughly, agreeing on most points, and I gave him a sketch of a plan of operations. First, we must make peace with the Mahdi—we must either make peace or fight, there was no middle term. It would not be necessary for the English Government to acknowledge the Mahdi. Secondly, we must accept Egypt’s debt, or a composition of the debt. If we did not want to fight France, we had better pay. This done, we could establish what Government we liked in Egypt, leave it to manage its own affairs, and withdraw our troops to Alexandria. Goschen thought it very likely would end in our accepting the debt, but I fancy he would like to administer the country according to Indian methods. I cannot boast, however, of having got anything very distinct out of him.

“Dined with Broadley and Marriott, M.P. for Brighton, who is anxious to take up my case of exclusion from Egypt. I do not like Marriott, but he may help in the Debate, if we can get one on it. Broadley declares that Parnell and the Irish brigade will also support me, and that Parnell wants particularly to see me. I shall be glad to make his acquaintance, as I believe him to be a man of very high calibre, and I wholly sympathize with his cause.

“_16th July._—To Blenheim, a lovely day. The Duke very agreeable. I care for few of the pictures, but the Raphael is about the finest I have seen. The ‘Charles the First’ Vandyke is also splendid, and other Vandykes are good—and there are two excellent Mytens, but of all the pictures the one I should care most to have is a Reynolds, ‘The Fortune Tellers.’ The Rembrandts are not Rembrandts, and the Rubens are less than first rate, nor do I care for the large Reynolds. On the whole the Duke does well to sell his pictures. The house is very fine, in the style I like best.

“_21st July._—Mohammed Abdu has just arrived from Paris. His ideas are rather changed since we last saw him. The dominant feeling now is hatred for England; and in this is merged the hatred of the Circassians. It is the old story over again. When Europe presses and threatens, they all join their ranks just as they did at the time of the Joint Note and the Ultimatum. He has not, however, abandoned Arabi, though he seems to think him played out as a political personage in Egypt, and this is probably the case.

“I have arranged with Percy Wyndham and Sir Wilfrid Lawson that they shall bring on my case of exclusion in connection with the Vote of Supply in the Diplomatic Estimates. Lawson was much engaged with his procession to Hyde Park to protest against the Lords, and again asked me to join it, but I refused. As it happened, however, I did join it unintentionally, for I happened to be going their way, and walked with them from Pall Mall to Hyde Park Corner. They were respectable looking men, most of them, not roughs. The procession was orderly, not to say dull. I had been at the Carlton, where I had found Churchill. He promises to take up my case of exclusion when the estimates come on, and so I have written to Buckle to explain all the circumstances, and enclosing a letter about it for the ‘Times.’ Broadley and Marriott came to James Street very anxious to have all the fat in the fire at once, and the stoking to do themselves, but I don’t mean to trust my case to them. At the corner of Hyde Park, when I arrived with the procession, I found Passmore Edwards,[73] and we discussed the situation. He thinks the Lords will give in at once, overwhelmed by the majesty of the people—but I don’t believe this, and I extremely doubt whether the House of Lords is not as popular an institution as there is in the country. It is certainly so with the middle class in the South of England. I have arranged with Labouchere that I should bring Abdu to see the House of Commons to-morrow afternoon. He also will support me in the affair of my exclusion from Egypt.

“_22nd July._—The Arab race at Sandown. More successful than the Newmarket one, though Halfa did not win. She ran creditably, and I am glad to say Hadramaut (a colt of my breeding) beat Asil on the post, and the Indian horses were all left behind.

“With Abdu to the House of Commons. We missed Labouchere but found George Howard, who showed us all over the place. I had made Abdu dress in his blue jibbeh and white turban, and he created quite a sensation in the lobby. Chesson came to us directly, and asked us to a public dinner there was to be given to Indians and other Orientals next week, and the photographer insisted on taking the Sheykh’s portrait.[74] He was introduced to several M.P.s, and we listened to an Irish member, Sexton I think, declaiming on the wrongs of Ireland. From the terrace by the river we showed Abdu the police boat cruising around to prevent dynamite attempts, a sight which edified him, and we pointed out to him Mr. Bright talking on a bench to Nathaniel Rothschild.

“Parnell was walking up and down at the far end in solitary gloom, and I got George Howard to introduce us. He was really charming, having a sympathetic manner, at least to us, as fellow rebels; wanted Abdu to come and see him and give him information, and said: ‘We have one of ourselves now in Egypt, Mr. O’Kelly. But we are afraid he may be kept away a long time.’ I told him that it had been Abdu and Jemal-ed-Din who had given O’Kelly the letters which had enabled him to go to the Mahdi, and he seemed surprised at my knowing this. Parnell’s manner of gloom and reserve seems unnatural to him, and every now and then there is a twinkle in his eye and a smile which seemed to show the real man better. I should say he was a good fellow, and I am sure I could get on well with him. At parting his manner was _empressé_, and he made us a little speech, saying that he had had much honour in making the acquaintance of the Egyptian patriot and with emphasis much _pleasure_ in making my own. He promised to write and propose a day for seeing the Sheykh. In appearance Parnell is tall, good-looking, pale, and with the least little touch of weakness about the mouth, such as one often sees in Irishmen, enough to show that he is more Irish than English, and enough to add a certain charm to his countenance. Altogether I was much taken with him.

“_23rd July._—Mirza Bakir, a Persian Sufi (living in exile in London) came to breakfast, and went with Abdu and me after it to Sir Wilfrid Lawson’s. The visit was not so successful as I had hoped. Lawson put his questions to Abdu rather too abruptly, and I think a little frightened him, at any rate he would not speak quite out, except on the point of its being absolutely necessary the English troops should be withdrawn as a first step towards re-establishing peace in Egypt. Much the same conversation took place afterwards with Labouchere, to whom we next went. Labouchere tried to convince Abdu that Mr. Gladstone wanted to get the troops out of Egypt, and that the best way to do it was for the Egyptians to refuse to pay any taxes as long as they remained there. But Abdu argued with some point that Mr. Gladstone had been talking about withdrawing for a long time, but that instead of taking troops away, he was sending more and filling the country with English officials. He complained that, were the taxes to be refused, it would be taken as an excuse for annexation. It was impossible to convince him that this was not so. Neither Lawson nor Labouchere affected Abdu with any sense of their sincerity. This is because they do not know how to talk to Orientals; their abruptness appears like hostility.

“Dinner at home with Abdu and Bakir, who had a long discussion as to whether it was permitted by the traditions (hawadith) to talk at meals, a point which they solved _ambulando_; also as to whether the Koran was originally a book, or only a compilation of oral sentences. Abdu holds the latter opinion, and I am quite with him, but the old Mirza is stiff as to its being a miraculous _book_. This is curious considering how very latitudinarian he is on most points.

“_24th July._—My letter about my exclusion is in the ‘Times,’ with a splendid leading article supporting it, and demanding an inquiry. I have arranged with Lawson that he should bring it forward—and he has put down a notice regarding it. Percy Wyndham will say something if he finds something to say, and Churchill will push it to an issue. We called on Churchill and had a much more satisfactory conversation with him than with the others yesterday. Churchill’s manner was just right, and Abdu came away highly delighted. ‘That young man,’ he said, ‘has more sense than the other two’—meaning Lawson and Labouchere—‘and he has a better heart.’ As I am going to write the whole of this conversation for the ‘Pall Mall,’ I will not repeat it here. Churchill promised to speak to Chamberlain about Abdu and try to get him an audience through him of Gladstone. I am sure that if Abdu were to see Gladstone it would go far towards a settlement. Went down to the House at question time and arranged things definitely with Lawson about bringing my case forward. I do not intend anything to be said about Eddy Hamilton or Knowles, or Gladstone, unless my hand is forced—but if I am attacked I shall know how to defend myself. My letter in the ‘Times’ has evidently been a success, and I am sure the Government, when it decreed my exclusion, thought me too friendless to be a danger; they cannot have been prepared for the ‘Times’ taking it up.

“_26th July._—The day of our Arab horse sale at Crabbet. There were quite three hundred people there.

“_27th July._—Dined at Sambourne’s, a party of jocose literary people connected with ‘Punch’—Burnand, Du Maurier, Boughton, Black, Boehm, and Reed. Burnand is amusing, but Du Maurier told a story three times over during the dinner, and I cannot remember it now, although it was also told once again on rather different lines by Boughton. During the fourth telling I went to sleep, much to Sambourne’s distress, who is one of those excellent hosts whose care and pride it is that their guests should be amused, but I find it difficult now that I drink no wine to keep my spirits up long to the level of a convivial occasion. After dinner Cumberland, the thought reader, and others came, but I went home to bed, drunk for the want of wine. [I had been a tea-totaller since 1883.]

“_28th July._—Talking to Abdu, he told me the names of the three men who, bought by Sultan Pasha, betrayed the army at Tel-el-Kebir. They were Ali Yusuf, a Turk in command of a division, the middle division of the three, who had retired and so let Wolseley in; secondly, Abd-el- Rahman Hasan in command of the cavalry scouts, an Egyptian, who had neglected to give notice of the English approach; and thirdly, Ragheb Nashid, a Circassian Caimakam, who held the position in advance. These were the only traitors. Nadim fled to the Soudan. Ali Fehmy was beaten at Kassasin because Mahmud Sami failed to keep his rendezvous. In reconstructing a Nationalist Government, he says Ali Fehmy should be Minister of War, Yakub Sami Minister of the Interior, and Arabi President of the Chamber, Abd-el-Aal to command the army. I have engaged Mirza Bakir as Secretary at £1 a week.

“Called on Churchill and found him in bed. He will take up my case with Lawson, and I gave him a copy of my private correspondence for use if we are pushed to it, but I explained to him my position towards Downing Street, and that I did not wish to quarrel with Gladstone. He has already bestirred himself about Abdu, and will take him to see Hartington to-morrow. Robert Bourke will also take up my case. Mrs. Howard gives me leave to quote my letters to her as written to a political friend.

“_29th July._—Took Abdu and Bakir to the Carlton where we met Churchill, and I handed them over to him, and he took them to see Hartington. They came back highly delighted. Hartington had shown them great politeness and intelligence, and Abdu thinks he has created a good impression.

“Spent a couple of hours at Hammersmith with Mrs. Morris and her husband, who is a democratic socialist. We discussed the merits of his scheme of the universe, but I cannot make it fit in with my ideas. Still, we agree on many points. He calls Gladstone a confirmed Tory, too old to change. The Morris’s house has a nice old-fashioned garden full of flowers, pinks especially. I like these suburban gardens, they have more character than others, and the space is all made use of. [This was the first time I saw William Morris. I had made Mrs. Morris’s acquaintance the summer before, 1883, at Naworth, for she was a friend of Mrs. Howard’s, but, though I had been once or twice to see her at Hammersmith, I had not before met him.]

“_1st August._—To a party at Mrs. S.’s, where I found the ex-Khedive, Ismaïl Pasha. She asked me whether I should like to be introduced to him, but I would not make any advance in that direction, though I have no special quarrel now with Ismaïl. He is a repulsive-looking man, a worthy son of the butcher Ibrahim. Philip Currie was there, more amiable than the last time we met, also Malkum Khan. I reminded Malkum of our first meeting in Grosvenor Place four years ago, when he suggested to me the ideas I have since worked out. I asked him what he thought of Ismaïl. He said: ‘He has learned much during his exile, and might carry out reforms now.’ I said: ‘He is without belief. He could not help us.’ ‘He is without belief,’ he said, ‘but not an unbeliever. He has not strength of mind enough for that.’ Another old acquaintance there was Madame de Novikof.

“_2nd August._—Interviewed Abdu for the ‘Pall Mall Gazette.’[75]

“_3rd August, Sunday._—Crabbet. De Winton is here, who has been in Egypt for the last fifteen years. Among other things he told me of interest, was that he was present when the twenty thousand pounds were paid over by Gill to Palmer at Suez, and he says that Palmer had unlimited credit over and above this sum. Lionel Moore came in the afternoon. He says he always suspected the Khedive must have had something to do with the Alexandria riots.

“_4th August._—A ‘great day of milling.’ My case came up in the House of Commons this afternoon. I went with Abdu, and Anne went with Lady Wentworth. The F.O. had published a Blue Book in the morning on the case, from which it appears that I am charged by Sherif Pasha with various things, every one of which I am fortunately able to deny. The Government in fact had not a word to say, and as far as the debate went, it was altogether a victory for us, though it leaves things where they were. The most satisfactory point is that the Government were afraid to attack me, although Randolph blurted out the whole story of my conversations with Knowles and Hamilton. Mr. Gladstone had gone out of the House after Lawson had finished his opening speech, thinking no doubt that the thing was over, but when Churchill got up they sent for him back. I was afraid at first the attack would set his back up, but he took the thing very good humouredly, spoke of me handsomely, and told his little story without wincing. Knowles he said had persuaded me ‘in the interests of his review.’ I don’t suppose he feels equivocation at all, and he had got a paper from Eddy, which he read out, declaring our conversation had been wholly exclusive of politics, so I hope no harm has been done for I can’t afford to quarrel with him yet, and I have written to Eddy to explain that I did not intend Churchill to mention him or Knowles, _unless I was attacked_. Robert Bourke came in well at the end on the legal aspect of the case, and Sir Henry James’s defence of the Government was a very lame one. On the whole I think it has strengthened my position, not only with the public, but with the Government. The House was decidedly favourable to me in the debate.

“_5th August._—The collapse of the Conference occupies all minds. It was announced on Sunday in the ‘Observer,’ and of course we are delighted. It puts everything back into its old impossible groove, and I shall continue to hope as long as England remains solely responsible in Egypt. Egyptian Stocks have all gone up, for they take the failure of the Conference to mean some sort of Protectorate and guarantee by England. Button telegraphs that Northbrook goes to Egypt.

“_6th August._—Broadley writes proposing an accidental interview with Ismaïl Pasha at Escott’s house, and I shall go to it, though I feel sure I shall not like Ismaïl, but it is time I should know him, and Broadley promises _monts et merveilles_ for the National cause if he ever gets back to Egypt. Abdu went to see him last week, but they did not talk politics.

“_7th August._—A political breakfast given by Indians at the Westminster Palace Hotel, Sir Wilfrid Lawson presiding. I had not expected to make a speech, but made one to the satisfaction of the Indians and the wrath of the newspapers, ‘St. James’s’ and ‘Globe.’

“_8th August._—The ‘Times’ correspondent at Cairo, Moberly Bell, telegraphs that I am looked upon there as leader of a powerful party opposed to the Khedive, etc.

“In the afternoon by appointment to tea at Escott’s, to meet the ex- Khedive ‘by accident’ because neither Ismaïl nor I have been willing to make first advance towards acquaintance. He was there when I arrived, with his secretary Lavison. The tone of our interview throughout was polite and even friendly. Disagreeable subjects were avoided, such as the evils of Turkish and Circassian rule, and Ismaïl’s past dealings with the Jews. Ismaïl’s is certainly a repulsive countenance, and I fail to find in him that charm of conversation I have always heard him credited with. Nor did he show any special shrewdness of observation. He uttered the usual platitudes of progress and civilization, the necessity of considering the religious prejudices of the people, and the influence which could be exercised by a good ruler—but in no original way. As to practical matters, the fellahin, he said, if well governed were quite able to pay the interest on the Egyptian debt. The Soudan was a rich country which should be developed by extending the railway from Wady Halfa to Khartoum. He asked about India and the peasantry there, and seemed pleased to learn my opinion that they were worse off than in Egypt. On my side, I explained my views of Mohammedan regeneration, and especially that of the Arabs. I told him of my conversation with Nubar [at Paris in 1878], and how he had tried to persuade me that the English was the only Government which was likely to befriend them. This amused him. We had been speaking in French, but now he talked a little Arabic to see what I knew of the language, and he said: ‘At least you speak it better than Nubar.’ He himself speaks Arabic with a strong Turkish accent, and he complimented me on mine. But we soon went back to French, where I fancy he is more at home. He threw a fly over me twice as if to begin more special matters, saying that he intended spending next summer also in London. I did not however respond by any hope that next summer would see him in Egypt. We spoke a little of Mohammed Abdu, but Arabi was not mentioned. My impression of Ismaïl decidedly is, that he is not the saviour of our society. There is nothing different in him from the common run of Europeanized Turks. I am glad, nevertheless, to have seen the old despot, if only to assure myself once more that he is not our man.

“This has been the hottest and driest summer I ever spent at home. From the 28th of March till now there has not been one really rainy day, though a few attempts at such. The ground has always been like iron and the ponds are half empty. But Sussex is at its best in such weather, and the corn is splendid, most of it already cut.

“_10th August._—Broadley writes that Ismaïl is enchanted with me.

“To Scotland in the evening, and found in the same carriage our friend Eddy, who is going to Taymouth Castle for grouse shooting. We talked about the Debate. He said he had met Randolph Churchill the next day at dinner and seemed quite satisfied with the turn things had taken. It is evident we need not quarrel.”

From the 11th to the 16th of August I stayed at Lude House near Blair Atholl, which had been rented by my country neighbour in Sussex, Mrs. Montefiore. On the 17th, my birthday of 44, I went on to Naworth Castle to stay with the Howards, Frank Lascelles among others being there. I stayed at Naworth till the 23rd, but my journal contains almost nothing political. The only entries worth transcribing are:

“_19th August._—A letter has come from Arabi approving the scheme of Abbas and a protectorate. I shall send this to Gregory to show to Gladstone, with whom he is invited to stay next week at Dalmeny.

“_20th August._—It is announced that Sami-Ullah of Aligarh is to join Lord Northbrook’s staff in Egypt, recommended for the post by Sir Auckland Colvin; also that there is talk of Tewfik’s abdication in favour of Abbas and a protectorate.

“_21st August._—George is away at Newcastle, staying at Sir William Armstrong’s with the Prince of Wales. The Prince, it appears, has been frightened by the agitation against the House of Lords and thinks the Throne, too, is in danger, and he wishes to dissociate himself from Lord Salisbury’s tactics. For this reason he went to see the procession to Hyde Park last month and now is paying a visit to the Radicals of Sheffield and making himself generally agreeable. He asked to have George Howard and his wife invited to the Festival, and Morley and Cowan have both made speeches and joined in the loyalty. It was Lord Shaftesbury who long ago warned the Prince never to separate himself from the people. The Newcastle Festival has been a great success. It is wonderful how these democrats of the north love a king.

“_22nd August._—I have written to Gregory, who is to be at Dalmeny for Gladstone’s campaign in Midlothian, to post him up to the latest phase of the Egyptian situation. I have told him that Arabi will have nothing to do with Ismaïl or Tewfik, but could return to Egypt with Abbas or any one else.

“_24th August, Sunday._—I spent the day at Sir Wilfrid Lawson’s at Brayton, and on the 25th went on to Lord Stanley at Alderley. Alderley is the sort of place I like. It reminds me somewhat of Crabbet, but is altogether larger. The house, though comfortable, is unworthy of the rest, having been built early in the present century, when the original house was burnt down. The best thing is the kitchen garden, which is the quaintest and most beautiful I ever saw, sloping down on three sides to a large square pond or tank, on the fourth side a high wall overgrown by a great copper beech. There is also a very fine beech wood overhanging another pond of, I should say, sixty acres.[76] Many fine trees in the park, but terribly undermined by rabbits. Stanley and I fished in the wood and caught two little trout. He is a thoroughly honest good fellow, and works all he can for the Mohammedans.

“_27th August._—To London, where I saw Button for a few minutes and heard from him of Wolseley’s appointment to command the troops in Egypt. They are really going to Khartoum at last, having persuaded the Grand Old Man that Gordon is in danger.

“_2nd Sept._—We have settled to go to Constantinople on the 12th or 15th. Button has just got a letter from Wolseley, who says that he hopes to get everything done at Khartoum without fighting, perhaps without an expedition—more bloodshed would be unpopular, and so must be avoided. Dined with Bertram Currie at Coombe. He has put up a temple in his garden to the Grand Old Man, containing his bust, in honour of a visit paid to him by the Prime Minister.

“_8th Sept._—Saw Lady C. She told me about the Prince of Wales, that although he is pretending to join the Radicals over the Franchise Bill, he really hates Gladstone worse than poison.

“_9th Sept._—I have engaged young Hope as my private secretary at £80 a year. He is to do all that Button’s private secretary does for him, keep my correspondence, newspaper cuttings, etc., etc., etc. I go to Paris on Saturday.

“_11th Sept._—It is announced that Lord Ripon comes home from India in December, and is succeeded by Lord Dufferin.”