Chapter I: Preface: Hoc libro habes, ne sperne, quod restat mei

With these words, written on the bottom of one of the boxes containing the MSS., Lord Holland bequeaths to posterity this Memoir of his times. Whatever may be the verdict of those who peruse these pages and that portion of the work which has already been published, it is at least desirable that this expression of Lord Holland’s political feelings and actions should be placed in the hands of the public. The Memoirs were written expressly for publication, and it is a pressing duty towards him to rescue the result of his labours from the dusty shelves where they have long lain unheeded and forgotten.

Fifty years have now elapsed since the appearance of the last published volume of the work which these pages will complete. About ten years after his father’s death, Henry Edward, fourth and last Lord Holland, took in hand the publication of the Memoirs. The _Foreign Reminiscences_ appeared in 1851, the first volume of the _Memoirs of the Whig Party_ in 1852, and the second volume in 1854. It is impossible to explain why Lord Holland paused before the completion of his task. Possibly at a future date some document among the wealth of letters stored at Holland House may throw light on what is at present shrouded in mystery. The point, however, is of slight importance; and in all probability the state of Lord Holland’s health during the last few years of his life (for he died in 1859) will amply account for the postponement of the undertaking.

The four books or chapters under consideration deal with the period of English history between 1807 and 1821—years fraught with interest for the student and lover of history. Full details are given of the Prince Regent’s negotiations with the Whigs in 1809 and 1812, and a rapid sketch of the principal events and incidents of the last decade of George III.’s reign. Lord Holland, however, distinctly states that the aim and object of his labours were to record any incidents, anecdotes, or intrigues which were not generally known at the time, and which were unlikely to be found in the recognised histories, periodicals, or journals.

With these political notes we have incorporated a chapter called by the author his “Miscellaneous Reminiscences,” a series of anecdotes and recollections of the various literary celebrities and scientists of note with whom he had chanced to become acquainted.

No one was better qualified than Lord Holland to relate the political occurrences of these fifteen years. He was recognised as one of the prominent leaders of the party after his uncle Charles James Fox’s death; and by his intimate connection with him was brought in contact with many persons of note, who were finishing their destined span of life when he had barely entered the age of manhood.

Henry Richard, third Lord Holland, was born in 1773 at Winterslow, near Salisbury. Before he was two months old, he narrowly escaped death in the burning of the house, and was only snatched from the fire by the heroism of his mother. His father, Stephen Fox, eldest son of Henry Fox, the Paymaster, who was raised to the peerage in 1763 and died in 1774, lived but six months after his accession to the title. His mother, who was a daughter of John, first Earl of Upper Ossory, and Evelyn, daughter of John, Earl Gower, survived her husband by four years. The boy was left to the care of his uncles, Lord Upper Ossory and Charles James Fox, and was educated at Eton and Christ Church, Oxford. On leaving the University in 1792, he went abroad, and was absent from England, with the exception of two or three fleeting visits, until 1796. Part of those years were spent in Spain, and from this period dates his love of the literature and art of that country of romance, and his interest in the political condition of its people. Lord Holland passed the greater portion of the remainder of those years in France and Italy. While travelling in the latter country with his friend Lord Wycombe (afterwards second Lord Lansdowne) in 1795, he met Elizabeth, Lady Webster, wife of Sir Godfrey Webster, of Battle Abbey, in Sussex. The chance meeting was destined to alter the whole course of their lives. They became deeply attached to one another, and after many months spent in various parts of the Continent, returned to England together in 1796. Sir Godfrey obtained a divorce in July, 1797, and Lord Holland married her two days later. One son was born before the marriage, afterwards known as General Charles Fox and the husband of Lady Mary FitzClarence, daughter of William IV. and Mrs. Jordan.

Lady Holland, who was a daughter of Richard Vassall and Mary, daughter of Thomas Clark, of New York, who afterwards became Lady Affleck, succeeded to large properties in Jamaica after the death of her father in 1795. The greater portion of her income was made over to Sir Godfrey Webster at the time of her divorce. On his death in 1800, Lady Holland regained her own, and she and Lord Holland then took the additional name of Vassall.

Lord Holland’s political career commenced in 1798 with his speech in the House of Lords on the Assessed Taxes Bill, on which occasion he showed himself a worthy representative of his family. It was not long before he was recognised as the authorised exponent of his uncle’s policy in the House of Lords. He could not, however, at once shake off his love of travel, which was shared by his wife. They were abroad for some months in 1800, and passed through France, although the two countries were still at war. After the Peace of Amiens, the Hollands again visited Paris, where they were joined by Mr. Fox. They were then received in audience by the First Consul. Indeed, the only times Lord Holland ever saw the great man, whose prowess and understanding he so revered, were during this stay in Paris. From thence the Hollands went on to Spain, and did not return to England till 1805.

Lord Holland received no office in Lord Grenville’s Administration until after the death of his uncle. He then entered the Cabinet as Lord Privy Seal; but his tenure of the post was of short duration, as the Tory party returned to office early in 1807. For the next twenty-three years he remained in Opposition, and took a leading part in the counsels of the party during that period. In 1830 Lord Grey formed a Ministry, in which Lord Holland accepted the post of Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, with a seat in the Cabinet. This he retained until his death in 1840, with the exception of the short interval in 1834-35, when his party were out of office. He was buried at Millbrook, in Bedfordshire, near Ampthill, which had been bequeathed to him by Lord Upper Ossory on his death in 1818. He left besides General Charles Fox, one son, Henry Edward, who succeeded to the title, and one daughter, Mary, who married Lord Lilford and died in 1891. Lady Holland survived him and died in 1845.

For some years before his death Lord Holland’s health was a source of much anxiety to his friends. Constant attacks of gout had sapped his strength, and he became, at times, little more than a cripple. These afflictions, however, had no power to cloud his natural good-humour, or subdue that buoyancy of spirits which made his society so sought after by his acquaintances. His classical education, his fund of universal knowledge, his retentive memory, and store of anecdotes, all combined to increase the inimitable charm of his conversation. It would be impossible in a few words to do justice to that noble character, beloved by all with whom he came in contact. It would be easy to descant on his good nature and benevolence, the simplicity and happiness of his domestic life, his artistic and literary tastes, and his desire to alleviate the sufferings of his fellow creatures. But it is rather to his political views and surroundings that we must devote our short remaining space.

Lord Holland held an intermediate position between the Ultra-Whig or Radical section of the party, and the more moderate portion—the followers of Lord Grenville—whose sentiments differed but little from the avowed policy of many individual members of the Tory Government. He was unwilling to go the length desired by the extremists, whose ideal was the French Revolution and the changes consequent on it. Possibly had he seen a way to effect a sweeping alteration in the forms of British government by a gradual and orderly process, he would have countenanced the change from regal power to a constitution based on democratic principles. Certainly the word Monarchy was no fetish in his eyes, and his dislike to that recognised form of government was increased by the refusal of George III. and his successor to deal with the Roman Catholic question. But any form of excess was to him a thing unspeakable, and, as every important revolutionary movement in his time was attended by an outbreak of popular frenzy, his sentiments of humanity overcame the desire for fundamental change.

In truth, the aim and object of Lord Holland’s political career was universal toleration, combined with a recognition of the legitimate rights of mankind. His unwavering support was consistently given to every motion which tended to relieve the oppressed and assist the persecuted. The Abolition of the Slave Trade, Improvements of the Penal Code, Religious Toleration, and Catholic Emancipation were each one step further towards the attainment of his ends.

His efforts in the House of Lords were seldom crowned with the success they deserved. The Whig peers were but few in number, and their divergent views on the great questions of the day rendered any combined action difficult. Lord Holland held very strong views on the duties of any public character, and was, in consequence, led to take action on occasions when he knew that no effective result could be obtained. In speeches and protests in the Journals of the House he strove to place on record the principles of the party, and to impress on his friends the necessity of further exertions at some future and more appropriate moment. His speeches were replete with valuable information, and form important evidence of the varied resources of his mind. His arguments were clear and weighty; his reasoning relevant and sound. If his delivery was halting, and his diction at times somewhat confused, it was from wealth, not from poverty, of words and matter that he suffered. Lord Brougham tells us that on occasions his speeches reached nearly to the level of his uncle’s in excellence. Certainly, like Mr. Fox, he shone as a debater; and this is not the less remarkable from the fact that he had never received the assistance and training of the House of Commons to develop his powers.

The Memoir was written to serve as a record of the internal history of the Whig party, and as such Lord Holland stated his case from a Whig point of view. Political feeling at the beginning of the nineteenth century was far more virulent than in the present day. The line between the opposing parties was much more strictly drawn: and it was but a few years before that the relations between the leaders of each side were limited to invectives hurled across the table of the House of Commons. Lord Holland tells us that this state of things was undergoing a gradual alteration in his time, and mentions “the difference which a change in the habits of society has insensibly wrought in political parties.” As a politician he viewed this change with no very favourable eye, for he goes on to say: “The comparative disuse of men dinners, improving no doubt the intercourse of private life, has nevertheless very sensibly impaired the strength and union of party zeal and connection.”

The narrative compares very closely with other memoirs and histories of the time. More especially is the resemblance noticeable in the recently published _Creevey Papers_, for both are written from the same standpoint. The history of the negotiations of 1809 and 1812, and the dissensions which later arose in the Whig Party, are but two instances of particulars which correspond almost exactly in each account. In a few unimportant cases the author’s memory has played him false, and these errors we have attempted to point out in our footnotes. But in all essential facts the relation is strictly in agreement with the established and recognised authorities on the period. Though written some years after the transactions referred to, most of the substance is collated from extensive notes, and if the authority is obscure or ground of reference uncertain, that doubt is definitely stated. Lord Holland, in a note to the earlier volumes of the work, lays great stress on the mention of the exact date at which each special passage was written, as tending to assist the elucidation of historical truths, and we have therefore been careful to retain these at the commencement of each chapter.

In dealing with the characters of individual statesmen and celebrities of the day, Lord Holland has in a few cases been led by his personal feelings to depart from his customary sense of justice. The chief sufferer in this respect is the Duke of Wellington, whose policy and actions are held up to opprobrium, often on scanty and insufficient grounds. His worst offence in Lord Holland’s eyes seems to have been his conduct in Paris, and his failure to save Ney from execution; and from that time the favourable opinion of him formed in the Peninsular War makes way for a deepening mistrust of his ulterior motives. Similarly his conception of George III.’s disposition and mental qualities is deeply coloured with the Whig prejudice; while the Regent obtains scant mercy at his hands, after his repudiation of his obligations to the party. In most instances, however, Lord Holland attempts to provide for his readers a fair and unbiassed estimate of the characters he delineates. In dealing with several of his political connections he finds himself obliged to pass censure on their aims and on incidents connected with their careers; but he does so with obvious reluctance, and tells us in Sheridan’s case that he has done so, “from an apprehension that the false glitter thrown over the darker shades of his portrait might injure the truth of the more general picture of public men.”

The Memoir has been published as it stands, with the exception of two or three short passages and notes, which were considered unnecessary. Two long letters dealing with the negotiations of 1812 have been omitted, as they are already published in the _Annual Register_ for that year. An interesting conversation dealing with the _Junius_ controversy has been added to the Appendix; for though no reference is made to the subject in the text, the paper was placed among the other manuscripts. Lord Holland’s intentions were to extend his narrative over the period of the Whig return to power in 1830; but death cut short his labours and even prevented a revision of portions of the Memoir. The text is, therefore, occasionally somewhat confused, and words that have been inserted to supply the sense will be found in square [] brackets. These have also been used for the editorial notes to distinguish them from Lord Holland’s, which are signed with the initial letters of his usual signature, _Vassall Holland_.

At the commencement of each chapter has been placed a short sketch of the history of the period in question. These are intended solely for the use of readers who desire to be reminded of the outlines of events in England and on the Continent during those years. To understand certain portions of the narrative a clear and accurate knowledge of the times is needed, for it was written and intended for many whose own memories would carry them back to the days in which the events took place. Lapse of time has altered these conditions, and has rendered notes and explanatory paragraphs desirable, which were unnecessary when the earlier portions of the work were published.

STAVORDALE.

_May, 1905._

CONTENTS

PAGE

INTRODUCTION TO BOOK THE FIRST 1

BOOK THE FIRST (1807-1810) 8

INTRODUCTION TO BOOK THE SECOND 67

BOOK THE SECOND (1810 TO JUNE, 1812) 71

INTRODUCTION TO BOOK THE THIRD 151

BOOK THE THIRD (1812-1815) 157

INTRODUCTION TO BOOK THE FOURTH 203

BOOK THE FOURTH (1815-1821) 210

MISCELLANEOUS RECOLLECTIONS (A SUPPLEMENTARY
CHAPTER BEGUN IN 1826) 307

APPENDIX A: LORD STRANGFORD’S DISPATCH 393

APPENDIX B: THE PRINCE REGENT’S VIEWS ON THE
ROMAN CATHOLIC QUESTION 396

APPENDIX C: LORD HOLLAND TO LORD GREY 400