Chapter XI: Education of Negroes and Indians (2)

A committee of three men was immediately appointed to perform the service. This work with committees continued constantly, with the result that nine years later (1788) the meeting reported “none held as slaves amongst us” and that attention was given to education.[1270] The registration of 1780 showed only three held as slaves in the whole township.[1271]

[Sidenote: New Garden]

In New Garden attention was early called to the Negroes,[1272] and a committee appointed then reported in 1781 that most of them were living among Friends and were generally well provided for.[1273] That committee was released,[1274] and a new one reported in 1785 the following state of affairs:

[Sidenote: Most Negroes reported able to read and write]

We have paid some attention to the case of free negroes, and
find there are but few amongst us, most of whom we have visited
where they reside.... They are generally well provided for with
the necessaries of life and some care taken of their religious
education, in which we believe there may be an improvement. We
also inspected their school education and find most of them can
read and some write.[1275]

In 1789 one case of holding a slave came before the meeting, but at its direction a writ of manumission was immediately secured for the same.[1276] The registration in 1780 for New Garden township returned one slave only, held by a Scotchman.[1277]

[Sidenote: Uwchlan]

[Sidenote: No Negro school]

[Sidenote: Aid solicited to school poor Negroes]

Uwchlan Monthly Meeting (Caln Quarterly), as early as 1765, received a report from a delegation sent from the quarterly meeting stating it as their opinion that Friends ought to inspect into the care which Friends who had Negroes, extended toward them with regard to their education.[1278] A committee was accordingly appointed by the monthly meeting to serve in that capacity. How considerable was their activity in the interval elapsing between their appointment and their first formal report of conditions which was returned to the meeting in 1779, one cannot judge accurately. We may judge from the report above mentioned that there was no Negro school, for that race alone; it was perhaps not demanded by the numbers who would have been eligible.[1279] It appears the committee had visited all (Wilmington excepted) who had been freed, and found all generally in a very satisfactory state. Some are reported not able to give their children schooling, and for them aid is solicited;[1280] for others advice is requested to guide them in their outward affairs. The direction of the Negroes’ education, as nearly as can be made out, was of the most practical nature, laying emphasis on the industrial side, at that time an apprentice type of education.[1281] The interest in the apprentice did not stop as soon as he was placed, but continued, for it was customary to place him with Friends, if possible, and the member of Friends was responsible to his meeting for the fulfilment of his contract with the apprenticed. The following extract from the Middletown records will serve to show the general regulation by which the apprenticing was carried on among members of the society.

... and his sonnes giving security to the orphans court, and to
pay interest for the money that belongs to the said ... ever
since the time it became due, and also the said Thomas do abide
at Robert Heaton’s house for his table and to be kept to school
for a year, or so long as the Meeting may think fit.[1282]

[Sidenote: Sadsbury report on situation of Negroes]

Sadsbury, 1782, reported they had visited the free Negroes, who were situated nearly as before.[1283] No statement was given of the entire number within this locality, but five were listed as having no trade.[1284] It appears, however, in spite of that fact, they were not dependent on the community for support. One woman owned a house and lot, “her own purchase”; a man with family rented a small tenement; and the other three worked as common laborers.[1285]

[Sidenote: Bradford reported few slaves]

The Bradford minutes (also of Cain Quarterly) devote almost no space to the status of the Negro in their vicinity. This may have been because there were few slaves there. At the registration of slaves, compelled by law in 1780,[1286] the townships of East and West Bradford returned none whatever.[1287]

[Sidenote: Concord Quarterly]

[Sidenote: Poor Negroes to be put to trades]

[Sidenote: Negroes sent to school and books sent among then]

In the discussion of Concord Quarterly there will be material presented from Chester, Concord and Goshen. In 1779 Chester Monthly Meeting reported they had made a visit to all freed Negroes, of whom it was said, some were quite poor and unable to school their children.[1288] The visiting committee recommended that the poor should be put out to trades and given schooling, and suggested that a subscription should be raised for that purpose. The meeting was heartily in favor of this and at once appointed a committee to look after the subscriptions and their application.[1289] Two years later (1781) after a similar visitation by committee, it was reported that they had been advised of their temporal and religious duties, many sent to school and books distributed among them.[1290] At these dates no special schools for Negroes were mentioned, and the date of their establishment is not found, but in 1785 the report of the committee on Negroes, requesting a new subscription for supporting Negro schools, indicated that there were special schools established for them.[1291]

[Sidenote: Concord]

[Sidenote: 8 children reported of school age but not in school]

The situation at Concord Meeting was very similar to that of Chester, as appears by their report of 1779. Following the customary visitation, it was stated that the visit was satisfactory in many places, but in some families were found small children, eight of whom were of school age, but whose parents were unable to school them.[1292] The meeting was asked to give its attention to the matter, but nothing was found in the minutes to indicate what they did further to remedy the matter.

[Sidenote: Goshen]

The Goshen Meeting seems from its answers to the queries in 1756 to be in a very satisfactory state with regard to slaveholding, “none having been purchased of late years,” though they consider they are not careful enough in educating them in Christian principles.[1293] They were, however, careful to deal individually with those few who were engaged in any manner in holding slaves in bondage.[1294] In 1758 the record stated:

Those few negroes amongst us we believe are provided with
a sufficiency of food and clothing, but doubt some are too
careless in affording them religious instruction.[1295]

Four years later conditions were somewhat improved, and their report stated:

[Sidenote: Endeavors to teach negroes to read, reported]

No purchase since our last account that we know of. Those
amongst us who keep negro slaves, we believe afford them a
sufficiency of food and clothing and endeavors are used with
some to learn them to read.[1296]

[Sidenote: Negroes sent to school]

If we read a little further the records for the same year, we are informed that some were sent to school, supposedly to a “White school” due to the small number of Negroes among Friends.[1297] From the above references, then, taken in connection with one of the second month, 1764, we are led to infer that the education of the Negroes under Friends’ care was carried on in a school and not in the home, under individual instructors, whoever might be able to do it. The reference of 1764 stated “some are sent to school to learn to read.”[1298]

[Sidenote: Manumission continually urged]

Simultaneously with this care in their education, the meeting was working on each individual case, among the members, to convince them of the propriety of the manumission practice. In 1776 Randle Mailin manumitted his Negro man Peter Cuff, and produced his record of the same to the meeting to have it recorded on their books.[1299] The next year (1777) Nathan Hoop manumitted a Negro woman, 18 years old, and her two mulatto boys as soon as they should become 21 years of age.[1300] The following brief extract is illustrative of the many cases where pressure was brought to bear in a kindly way, to the end that this or that person might set Negroes free.

[Sidenote: Discipline of members guilty of slave dealing]

Complaint is brought against Thomas Pennington for buying and
selling a negro woman. Joseph Thomas and Randle Mailin are
appointed to deal with him as our discipline directs.[1301]

[Sidenote: Schooling of Negroes under care]

[Sidenote: Low return in Quaker townships in 1780 registrations]

In 1778 the Goshen Meeting appointed a committee, Randle Mailin and Caleb Maris, to join with a committee appointed by the Quarterly Meeting (Concord) to advise together concerning the education of the Negroes.[1302] This is a very good indication that organized action was taken, educationally, and that it was not left to individual choice. In 1780 the monthly meeting reported to the yearly meeting that its committee (the one formerly appointed) had been “advising Negroes” on their religious education and had their “schooling under care.”[1303] The registry of slaves in 1780 showed thirteen as the full quota for Goshen township.[1304] As a general rule very few were returned from the Quaker townships while the vast majority came from those of the Welsh (Charlestown, Tredyffrin and East Nantmeal) and the Scotch-Irish (Newtown, Londonderry, Oxford and East Nottingham.)[1305]

[Sidenote: Abington Quarter]

From the meeting records in the Abington Quarter there will be presented some of the material relating to Horsham, Byberry (not established a monthly meeting till 1810),[1306] and Gwynedd, which may be taken as representative of that quarterly meeting.

[Sidenote: Horsham Monthly]

[Sidenote: Negroes schooled at expense of school committee]

Though there is scant evidence in the Horsham Monthly Meeting minutes to indicate what they did in reference to the Negroes’ education, we are not left entirely in the dark. The Horsham School Committee, which made a report of its own after 1783, made occasional reference thereto, and it must be understood from these reports that the Negroes were schooled at the expense of the school committee. The only proof of this statement, given in the records, is found in statements like the following:

An account of Thomas Hallowell for schooling Griffith Camel’s
and negro Caesar’s children was produced and considered, and
the treasurer ordered to pay him grant given. That of Caesar’s
lies for inspection.[1307]

This makes clear that cases of Negro schooling were taken before the same committee as cases of poor Whites and were investigated and disposed of in the same manner.

[Sidenote: Byberry]

[Sidenote: Slaves in 1721]

[Sidenote: 1727]

Byberry Preparative Meeting makes no reference during the early years to the status of the Negro in its limits. Martindale, in a _History of Byberry and Moreland_, states that slavery came into Byberry about 1721,[1308] the slaves being employed by the more opulent class to do the roughest work. The inventory of a Friends’ property (1727) showed that he possessed “one negro girl, £20, and one negro boy, £30.”[1309] Of their intervening history little is recorded, though the Negroes were set free by many members of Friends, and in 1779 the meeting authorized Silas Walmsley and William Walmsley to provide a suitable burying ground for the use of Negroes who had been freed.[1310] What was done for their education is not known.

[Sidenote: Records not always to be relied upon]

It is noticeable that in the earliest answers to the query concerning Negroes (about 1756) the majority of the monthly meetings usually answered in an offhand manner that they were “clear” or there were “none to be charged with that breech,” or something to that effect. The writer believes these reports first sent in were perhaps made from only a general knowledge of the situation, and not the result of an exact knowledge of their members’ practices. This statement is not capable of an exact proof, but the remarkable similarity in all the meeting records for the first few reports, certainly indicate that such was the case. Quite frequently, yes, in most cases, the “clear” reports are followed after a few months or years by statements that some are imported, a few held as slaves, or one Negro sold and similar reports. This was true in the case of Gwynedd. In 1756 the meeting reported “we have not to charge any,”[1311] and three months following, “Friends think themselves clear in this respect”;[1312] the nature of the wording in the last would imply it was based more on implicit faith than explicit judgment. Eleven years thereafter we have more definite reports, such as:

... clear of importing negroes; the few possessed by Friends
are well used, their slavery excepted,[1313] and none bought
or sold that we know of; those that have them use them well as
to the necessities of life and some are brought to meetings at
times.[1314]

From that time forward the reports made to the monthly meeting were very definite. In 1775 a report was brought in which purported to cover the entire compass of the meeting. It stated the number held, their status, and what was done for their benefit. It is interesting to note that a few enjoyed some educational opportunities, limited to be sure, the details of which are presented here, as they appeared in the minutes of the meeting.

[Sidenote: Report on Negroes in 1775]

We of the committee appointed by the Monthly Meeting to visit
such of our members as are possessed of slaves, and detaining
them in bondage, contrary ... visited all such of our members
that are under that circumstance as we know of, which are
eight in number, who are possessed of sixteen negroes and
one mulatto, viz.: 1st possesses one negro girl about 17
years of age and appeared in a disposition rather to justify
the practice of detaining her in bondage during life than
otherwise. 2d, possesses five negroes one of which is a man
about 35 years of age, who he said he intended to set free at
the next quarter sessions. The other four—three boys and a
girl, are young, whom he said he intended to set free as they
came of age, the boys at 21 and the girl at 18, giving them
learning to fit them for business. 3rd, two negroes, a man
and a woman, the man about 30 years of age, who was in the
possession of a Friend, lately deceased, now in his executors,
who said he intended they should soon enjoy their liberty. 4th,
possessor of three negroes, one a woman 20 years old, who he
said he expected should have her liberty in a short time—the
other two, a man and a woman about 20 years of age, both as we
thought, incapable of freedom. 5th, possessor of 2 negroes, a
woman about 32 years old, who he said should have her liberty,
when she earned him thirty pounds. The girl about ten years old
who he said is to be set free by his last will when she arrives
at the age of 30 years. 6th. Possessor of two negroes, both
women, one about 34, the other about 19 years old; the said
Friend not in a capacity of giving any account of what might be
done for them. 7th. Possessor of a mulatto girl about 11 years
old, bound to him till she is 31, who he said he intended to
set at liberty at the age of 21, with endeavors to learn her
to read. 8th. Possessor of a negro girl about 17 years old,
who her mistress said she intended to do the best she could
by.[1315]

[Sidenote: Members disciplined for failure to manumit slaves]

In 1779 it is reported that the affairs of Negroes are still in the hands of the committee for that purpose, but that not much more has been accomplished than was last reported.[1316] It would seem though that the committee was decidedly active in dealing with individual cases of discipline both at that time and in the years following. Especially did they urge first the freedom of the slave, and when this was refused, as it occasionally was, they did not hesitate to eject the recalcitrant member.[1317] So effective was their service that by 1790 there were none held as slaves by Friends and in regard to their education they reported: “Some care and labor is extended towards the instruction and education of such Negroes as are under Friends’ care.”[1318]

It would be interesting to compare the Friends’ own account of their activity with that of an outsider who merely looked on, but the writer has been unable to find any opinion on the subject by any contemporary, either through this investigation or from those made by others. Many, it is true, comment on their social and economic status but little mention is ever made of their education.[1319]

[Sidenote: Warrington and Fairfax Quarterly]

The Warrington and Fairfax Quarterly Meeting (Baltimore Yearly Meeting) reported in 1776 that their Negroes were well taken care of, but their education was “much neglected.”[1320] Three years later they reported:

[Sidenote: Some care taken in their education]

By the accounts now received it appears that the religious
education of such negroes and their children as have been
restored to freedom has been attended to and a visit performed
to most of them to good satisfaction, and there appears to be a
hopeful prospect that those who have been under their immediate
care will comply with Friends’ advice with respect to the
school education. Some care has been taken therein.[1321]

ATTITUDE TOWARD THE INDIANS

[Sidenote: Friendly relation of Quakers and Indians]

The uncommon relation existing from the time of the first settlement of Penn’s colony throughout the entire colonial history, is well known to every schoolboy; such relations, between any possibly antagonistic groups, have been without parallel in the history of this country. Applegarth, speaking of this happy relationship, states that the results of his study revealed but two instances in which Friends had been massacred by Indians, and these cases were entirely the results of misunderstanding.[1322]

It is aside from the point to relate at length the means employed by Penn and the Quakers to cultivate the friendship of these people. Nothing was more forceful than his immediate association with, and travels among them, and the messages in which he explained that he and his people were one with them and that they were all the “Friends of Onas.”

[Sidenote: No rum to any but chieftain by law, 1701]

Indian affairs were considered in a rational manner and occupied much of the time of the Governor and Council. Instances of a solicitous interest in the Indians[1323] are seen in the laws of 1701, forbidding the sale of rum to any but the chiefs, who should distribute it as they thought best,[1324] and a still more restrictive law in 1722, which prohibited the sale of liquor to Indians. Of still more importance was the establishment of the principle that an abuse committed by an Indian towards the Whites must be adjusted by the Indian chief, not revenged by the Whites, which was given out in the instructions to colonists; and the converse stated later (1728) by the Governor, that if a White injured an Indian he should make complaint to the Whites, who would then punish the offense under their own laws.[1325]

[Sidenote: Work of missionaries]

[Sidenote: Specific educational work]

Friends’ ministers were also active in the missionary work among the Indians, which was first urged and practiced by George Fox. Not only the numerous excursions of Penn, but also those of Thomas Story, Thomas Turner, Chalkley and others, evidence the ready spirit with which the commands of Fox were received.[1326] Besides the general missionary work and relief for the Indians, that from time to time is mentioned in the several meetings, there is no evidence that anything considerable towards a school education was attempted till the latter part of the century. In a letter of the yearly meeting in 1796, it is stated that Friends are,

engaged in an undertaking to furnish them with some of the
comforts of civilized life. A fund is raising to supply the
expense of instructing them in Agriculture, in mechanic arts,
and in some useful branches of learning.[1327]

An excellent illustration of this movement towards the education of the Indian, and the naive friendly manner with which they made known their needs is found in the following communications, which are self-explanatory.

[Sidenote: The Indians request aid]

To the children of the friends of Onas, who first settled in
Pennsylvania:

Brothers, The request of Cornplanter, a chief of the Seneca
Nation.

The Seneca Nation sees that the Great Spirit intends that they
shall not continue to live by hunting, and they look around on
every side, and inquire who it is that shall teach them what
is best for them to do. Your fathers have dealt fairly and
honestly with our fathers, and they have charged us to remember
it; and we think it right to tell you that we wish our children
to be taught the same principles by which your fathers were
guided in their councils.

Brothers, we have too little wisdom among us, we cannot teach
our children what we perceive their situation requires them to
know, and we therefore ask you to instruct some of them; we
wish them to be instructed to read and write, and such other
things as you teach your own children; and especially teach
them to love peace.

Brothers, we desire of you to take under your care two Seneca
boys, and teach them as your own; and in order that they may be
satisfied to remain with you, and be easy in their minds, that
you will take with them the son of our interpreter, and teach
him according to his desire.

Brothers, you know it is not in our power to pay you for the
education of these three boys; and therefore you must, if you
do this thing, look up to God for your reward.

Brothers, You will consider of this request, and let us know
what you determine to do. If your hearts are inclined toward
us, and you will afford our nation this great advantage,
I will send my son as one of the boys to receive your
instruction, at the time which you shall appoint.[1328]

Cornplanter his mark
X

Signed 2-10-1791

In presence of Joseph Nichols.

[Sidenote: His request granted]

To Cornplanter, The Seneca Chief:

The written message of Cornplanter, dated at Philadelphia,
on the 10th of February last, was not received by us until
some weeks after. His request that we would take under our
care two Seneca boys, one of them his own son, accompanied
with the son of Joseph Nicholson, we have considered, and do
agree to receive them when they can conveniently be sent to
us; intending they shall be treated with care and kindness
and instructed in reading, writing and husbandry as the
other children of our Friends are taught; the Governor of
Pennsylvania, when informed of this proposal, having expressed
his approbation thereof, as did General Knox.[1329]

Signed on behalf, and by appointment of a meeting of the
representatives, of the said people, on the second day of the
sixth month, called June, 1791. By several Friends.

[Sidenote: Committee appointed by yearly meeting in 1795]

[Sidenote: Oneidas and Tuscaroras willing to accept assistance]

[Sidenote: School established]

[Sidenote: Occupations taught]

In 1795 a committee was appointed by the Yearly Meeting of Pennsylvania and New Jersey for the promotion and improvement of the Indian natives.[1330] Their first act was to attempt to learn the Indian’s attitude towards such an activity on the part of Friends.[1331] Accordingly a circular letter was sent out to the various neighboring tribes, and also accompanied by a letter from the secretary of state, signifying the government’s coöperation and sanction.[1332] From the responses it appeared that only the Oneidas and part of the Tuscaroras were willing to accept any assistance, so the following summer of 1796, three Friends, approved by the committee, were sent and settled among the Oneidas. In the winter of 1796 they established a school, continued for several years, and taught by an Indian who had been educated in New England.[1333] The Indians were found, at first, to be quite averse to any continuous labor, and it was necessary for the Friends to establish themselves, and to improve a piece of land, in the hope that the Indians would see the results and become interested in the process. This seems to have worked quite satisfactorily, for in 1799 they report that the Indians have improved some lands and “sowed them with wheat.”[1334] The various occupations mentioned as being taught the boys were: smith work, tilling soil, sewing, the preparation of lumber in sawmills, and the details included therein. The girls were frequently instructed in spinning, knitting, sewing, school learning, etc.[1335]

[Sidenote: Indians distrustful]

At this time (1799) the Oneidas became distrustful of the motives of those in charge of the settlement, thinking that such an investment in implements and the permanent nature of the farms laid out, indicated an intention to seek after a time to take their territory from them. The settlers became aware of this feeling and to prove their good faith, decided to leave the settlement with all implements and improvements in sole charge of the natives. The preparations to leave were accomplished in a friendly conference, held in September, 1799.[1336] The success of this work, for the Oneidas, had been watched by the Seneca tribes, and resulted in an interest in the same thing, culminating in the letters requesting the Friends’ assistance, which have already been presented.[1337]

SUMMARY

[Sidenote: Slavery in Pennsylvania]

Though slavery had fixed itself, very early, as an institution in Pennsylvania, it was not destined to continue its growth unmolested. Some of the chief factors working against it were: (1) The scruples of Friends, and other sects, (2) the Germans and (3) the opposition of White labor. Restrictive legislation was passed in 1700, 1705 and 1712, placing an ever increasing duty upon those imported. Gradual abolition was provided for by statutes of 1780 and 1788. Socially and economically the condition of the Negro in Pennsylvania was more desirable than in states of her latitude and further south.

[Sidenote: Quaker Antagonists of Slavery]

To three Quakers, opposed to Negro slavery, some brief attention is given. Their expressions also indicate a solicitous interest in the education of the Indian. Their influence was extended by missionary journeys, speaking in public, and numerous pamphlets published on that subject. This work was by no means limited to the Quakers. Slavery was denounced as impracticable, unjust and inconsistent with the ideals of a free nation.

[Sidenote: The Quaker organization against slavery]

(1) Not only individual leaders, but also the organized meetings arrayed themselves to fight against slavery. The first memorial to that effect was on the part of Germantown Meeting in 1688. This was sent to the Quarterly Meeting of Philadelphia, but at that date they took no action in regard to it. In 1727 the Philadelphia Yearly Meeting’s advisers censured the practice of trading in slaves. A more extensive warning and reproof was administered in 1758. Throughout the early half of the century efforts were made to secure favor for the slaves’ freedom; it was necessary that in some measure that should come first.

[Sidenote: Schools for Negroes]

(2) After the active campaign for freedom, the interest in education increased, and, in the last half of the century, there are frequent statements of that nature in records of meetings. Separate schools were established for them where possible. One in Philadelphia was set up by the meeting, though in large measure due to the active personal influence of Benezet, who, after 1782, taught in the school till his death. Moses Patterson was the first teacher; after 1786 two schools are always mentioned in reports. In the five years preceding 1782 it is estimated that two hundred and fifty Negroes attended the school.

[Sidenote: In country and small towns]

Some attention is given to the Negroes and their education, or lack of it, in each of the meetings. The care of this subject in those meetings was in the charge of a committee, the general character of whose duties was indicated on page 247. The support of the Negro schools and the education of the poor children was similar to that of other schools.[1338] Reports on the progress in freeing, supporting, and educating the Negro, were required by their superior meetings.

[Sidenote: Education of Indians]

The relations between Friends and Indians were most cordial from the beginning. Though their education was preached early by missionaries and practised in a smaller way, little organized effort was made until 1795. In that year the yearly assembly took the necessary steps to establish schools among neighboring tribes, the first mentioned being for the Oneidas. The desire of the Indian for aid in these matters is indicated by the quoted letter of Cornplanter, the Seneca chief.