Chapter IV: Part 4

An important object of the commission was to obtain a good representative delegation of the several tribes to visit Washington, with the view of impressing them on the way with the strength of the whites, in order to obtain a better understanding on their arrival. Although the other tribes generally responded promptly and satisfactorily, the Kiowa, as usual, were disposed to be perverse. At last, however, a party, including Lone-wolf, Woman-heart, Red-otter (_Ápeñ-gúadal_), Dohásän (son of the former great chief), Sun-boy (_Paí-tälyí_), Stumbling-bear, and others, met the commission on the Washita and consented to send delegates to Washington on the promise that their imprisoned chiefs, Set-t'aiñte and Big-tree, should be allowed to meet them at some point on the way, or that if five delegates were sent, the prisoners should be allowed to accompany them. A delegation had been selected to start for the east in September, when a rumor came of a movement of troops in the vicinity of their remoter camps, with the result that a number of the assembled Indians stampeded, including several of the promised delegates. The Kiowa delegation, as it finally left, consisted of four men--Lone-wolf, the head chief, Sun-boy, _Gui-k`ate_ ("Wolf-lying down," improperly rendered "Sleeping-wolf") and one other. The Apache delegates were Pacer, Daho, and Gray-eagle.

SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LIX

PHOTO BY LANNEY, 1892

TSEÑ-T'AIÑTE OR WHITE-HORSE]

FIG. 47--Tseñ-t'aiñte or White-horse]

FIG. 48--Ä´do-eétte or Big-tree]

In accordance with the promise, the two imprisoned chiefs were sent on under guard to St Louis, where they were allowed to see and talk with their friends, after which they were returned to the custody of the governor of Texas. The whole delegation, which was the largest and most important that had ever visited Washington, included representatives of all the southern plains tribes, excepting the Cheyenne and the Kwáhadi Comanche of the Staked plain. The latter had never entered into a treaty and refused to be settled on a reservation, although protesting their desire to be at peace. Whatever hopes may have been built on these negotiations, the events of the next two years would seem to prove to have been futile.

SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LX

PHOTO BY JACKSON, 1872

GUI-K`ÁTE OR SLEEPING-WOLF (WOLF-LYING-DOWN) AND WIFE]

THOMAS C. BATTEY, FIRST TEACHER AMONG THE KIOWA, 1872

In December, 1872, Thomas C. Battey, a Quaker, the first teacher who made any impression on the Kiowa, came among them after a short sojourn with the Caddo, and remained about eight months. Although he accomplished little in the way of education, owing to the restless nomadic habits of the tribe, his influence with Kicking-bird (_T'enéangópte_) probably kept that chief and his band from the warpath in the outbreak of 1874. He has left a most interesting and valuable narrative of his experiences among the Kiowa, who still hold him in friendly remembrance as _Támĭsi_ (see _Battey_).

REPORT OF CAPTAIN ALVORD

The report of Captain Alvord, chairman of the commission, in regard to the Kiowa, is a good summary of the situation as concerns them up to date. He says:

The Kiowas, from their present attitude and their conduct during
the last two or three years, demand especial consideration. The
tribe numbers about 1,200. In 1868 they barely avoided a serious
conflict with the United States troops, and, although the larger
part of them were brought to within a reasonable distance of their
agency, and suitably located in the spring of 1869, they soon
returned to their favorite range between the Wichita mountains and
the eastern slope of the Staked Plains, whence unrestrained they
have most of the time since made frequent and successful
expeditions in different directions, chiefly into Texas. To a
certain extent they are subdivided into bands, and the chiefs of
these have evinced different degrees of friendship, but it would be
impossible to deal with them otherwise than as a tribe.

As already stated, their hostilities of the past year were pursuant
to their deliberate decision, and it is safe to state that at least
one-half of the terrible scenes of blood, fire, and pillage which
they have caused have never yet been reported to the Department.
The cold-blooded murders of inoffensive persons known to have been
committed by them within two years approach a hundred, and they
have now in their herds not less than a thousand stolen horses and
mules, including over two hundred taken within a few months from
the troops and agencies in their vicinity.

Lately they have yielded to a demand made upon them and given up
the only white captives known to be among them, and there is no
doubt that the present delegation, with the man at its head
acknowledged as the principal chief of the tribe, will make every
profession of friendship in the future and be anxious to cry quits
and begin anew on peace terms. Nevertheless, while I desire to give
this people all the credit they deserve, the opinion is very
positively expressed that these apparently friendly acts on their
part are no guarantees for the future, but simply repetitions of
their conduct every autumn, when it is highly important to them to
place themselves in position to receive during the winter months
the material aid in subsistence and clothing afforded by the
government. Gladly will they offer this fall certain terms of
peace, but these will be found wholly in their favor--entire
forgiveness for all past offenses, the possession of the greater
portion of their stolen property, and full restoration to the
rights and privileges of the plains Indians in general. But the
promises of future good conduct will be utterly worthless, and,
these terms granted, there will be every prospect of a renewal of
their depredations as soon as the early grass recuperates their
stock and they find themselves able to subsist on the prairies.

The present position of the Kiowas may not be exactly one of open
hostility, but it is certainly nothing less than the most offensive
insubordination. Their agent for the past three years, a sincere
member of the Society of Friends, a man who has proved himself
eminently fitted for the place, declares this tribe uncontrollable,
and states his belief that nothing less than military authority,
with perhaps some punishment by troops, will bring them into such
subjection as to again render the services of a civil agent of
benefit to them.

The Kiowas have no shadow of excuse for their conduct. For three
years they have received their annuity goods, of proper quantity
and quality; have drawn their rations regularly until their action
last spring compelled their agent to refuse them; and in no way
have they received any injury from the government troops or agents.
The arrest of two of their chiefs under due process of law, with
their subsequent trial and conviction in the state of Texas, must
not be forgotten; but the government at once interceded and secured
a commutation of their sentence, and the Kiowas were informed that
the fate of their chiefs depended on the future action of the
tribe. This can in no way be considered an excuse for them,
uncivilized as they are, and as a pretext it but makes their
conduct worse.

It is not only recommended, but strongly urged, that the United
States government no longer receive their proffer, but dictate to
this tribe its own terms of settlement, making sure guarantees of
safety to the lives and property of its citizens in the future.

I recommend that the representatives of the Kiowas now in
Washington be told, in the presence of the entire delegation, that
the government proposes to dictate its own terms to that tribe, and
that they be the following: The entire tribe to encamp before
November 30 at some suitable point near Fort Sill (for instance,
Crawford's creek), where every movement can be watched by troops.
All horses or mules found in their herds, undoubtedly taken from
the government and from private parties during the past two years,
to be given up within the same time, and the tribe to make good
from their other stock any such animals found with other tribes, by
them obtained from the Kiowas--and the tribe to surrender to the
proper authorities, for trial by United States courts, the three
most prominent men of those engaged in the greatest atrocities
during the past year. Also, that they be told that the recent
conduct of the tribe prevents all present hope of the release of
their two prisoner chiefs, and that the liberty of those and the
others to be given up will depend entirely upon future good
behavior. Also, that no annuity goods whatever be issued to them
for the present year, and that hunting parties be allowed to leave
camp only when accompanied by a proper detachment of troops.

It is recommended that the necessary arrangements be made at once
to have a sufficient body of troops in readiness to enforce
compliance with these terms. If such a force is known by the
Indians to be prepared to move by the 20th of November, it is
believed that the terms will be complied with on time. Otherwise
the movement should take place promptly on the 1st day of December,
and under a judicious officer the tribe can be reached and
compelled to yield with very little probability of an actual
conflict. As elsewhere suggested, it would be desirable to have a
proper representative of the Indian office accompany the troops.

Should these recommendations be approved, it would be well also to
notify them that, having come or been forced into camp as proposed,
they will be closely watched, and any movement, great or small, not
fully authorized by whoever has them in charge, will subject the
movers to immediate attack.

It is deemed especially important that the decision of the
department as to the course it will pursue toward the Kiowas be
fully explained to them, and to the Apaches and Comanches, before
the present delegation returns to the territory, and that all the
other tribes be warned that, in case of any resistance on the part
of the Kiowas, any Indians found aiding or communicating with them
will be summarily dealt with (_Report, 31_).

FIG. 49--"Ka-ati-wertz-ama-na--A brave man, not afraid of any Indian"[2]]

[Footnote 2: The name given is a Comanche corruption.]

RELEASE OF SET-T'AIÑTE AND BIG-TREE, 1873

FIG. 50--T'ené-angópte or Kicking-bird]

The principal event of 1873 was the release and return to their people of the chiefs Set-t'aiñte and Big-tree, who had been imprisoned in Texas under jurisdiction of the state authorities (see the calendar). On the assurance given to the delegates in Washington that their chiefs would be restored to them in the spring, provided the tribe remained peaceably on the reservation in the meantime, the Kiowa had conducted themselves properly through the winter. With spring, however, came the Modok war, with the killing of General Canby, which created such a distrust of Indians in general that the people of Texas were unwilling to surrender the prisoners, whom they regarded as hostages for the safety of the frontier. Notwithstanding their disappointment, the Kiowa remained quietly at home, patiently waiting until the government should bring influence to bear on the governor of Texas to redeem its promise. The prisoners, accompanied by Governor Davis of Texas and the Indian Commissioner, were at last brought to Fort Sill, where a council was held with the Kiowa in October. At the opening of the council the governor of Texas made a number of hard demands as preliminary to the surrender of the chiefs, although the government had already promised their unconditional release in consideration of the good conduct of the tribe during the last year. Some of these conditions were practically impossible, and for a time it seemed as if the whole purpose of the negotiations would be defeated, Kicking-bird, the leader of the friendly element, declaring that the government had lied and that the white man was no longer his friend, while Lone-wolf threatened war even though it should mean the destruction of their people. It became evident that there would be a desperate encounter if the chiefs were not now set free as promised, and on the earnest representations of the Indian Commissioner the governor finally yielded in his demands, and Set-t'aiñte and Big-tree were released from custody on October 8, 1873, subject, however, to rearrest by the state of Texas whenever it should appear that any of the Kiowa had again been raiding there. Although this condition was in violation of the promises made by the government, the Indians were compelled to be satisfied. An unsuccessful attempt was made by the governor to force the Comanche, by the delivery of hostages, to similar conditions. To show their good will, however, a party of Comanche volunteered to assist a detachment of troops in bringing in any of their young men who might then be raiding in Texas. During their absence on this errand a party of Texans visited the reservation and ran off two hundred horses and mules _(Report, 32_; _Battey, 1_).

The Quaker teacher, Battey, who was present during the council, thus describes the release of the chiefs:

Satanta and Big Tree, after embracing the governor, proceeded to
embrace the chiefs present, and immediately returned with them to
the agent's office, from whence they went to their rude home in
their camps. The reunion of these chiefs with their tribe and
families was impressive and affecting in the extreme. Joy beamed
upon every countenance, and their happiness was exhibited, as might
be expected, in the most wild and natural manner.

Reports continued to fill the newspapers of renewed raids into Texas by Set-t'aiñte and Big-tree, when Battey asserts--

To my certain knowledge the latter was at home, sick in his lodge,
and the former enjoying, after two years' confinement in prison,
the pleasures of the buffalo chase, on territory assigned for the
purpose (_Battey, 2_).

HAWORTH'S ADMINISTRATION--1873-78

At this time the various agencies were in charge of agents nominated by different religious bodies in accordance with the "peace policy" inaugurated by President Grant. The agent for the Kiowa, Comanche, and Apache was J. M. Haworth, nominated by the Society of Friends, of which body his acts show him to have been a consistent member, who held charge for five years, from April, 1873, to April, 1878, including the troublous period of the outbreak and subsequent readjustment. In spite of the many difficulties at the time, he soon gained the confidence of these wild and warlike people, and conceived and successfully inaugurated the first substantial work of civilization among them in the way of schools, farming and stock raising, and the building up of friendly relations with the whites. He is held in grateful memory among the Kiowa, who know him as _Sénpo gúadal_, "Red-beard." An extract from his first report shows the spirit in which he met them and their quick response:

When I took charge, I told the Indians in council that I had come
among them as their friend and desired us to live together as
friends. As a proof of my confidence in them, I had the soldiers
whom I found on duty removed, and relied upon them to conduct
themselves in a peaceable and friendly manner; told them with their
help we could make this a peaceable country to live in. I desired
them to refrain from raiding or stealing. The chiefs promised me
assistance; said if their young men would not listen, but ran off
and stole horses, they would bring in to me all they brought back,
and I could restore them to their owners. A short time ago I
reminded the Comanches of their promise--told them I had heard some
of their young men had been in Texas and brought back a number of
horses. Within two weeks from the time I spoke to them fifty-two
head of horses and mules were delivered to me as having been stolen
from Texas since I came in charge as agent. I did not make any
threats of stopping rations, or anything of the kind; simply
reminded them of their promises and appealed to their better
natures, with the very satisfactory result referred to (_Report,
33_).

FIRST SCHOOL ESTABLISHED BY BATTEY

Early in 1873 also, another Quaker, Thomas C. Battey, attempted the first school work among the Kiowa, as already noted. Although a conscientious worker, the force of their wandering habits and Indian beliefs was still too strong, and the effort in its direct purpose was a failure. He remained with them some months, however, and the good impression he made had much to do with keeping the larger portion of the tribe from the warpath in the subsequent outbreak. He thus sums up his school experiment:

Having erected a tent and fitted it up, I commenced a school with
twenty-two children in attendance, which continued for something
over a week, during which time the children manifested their
aptitude to learn by the progress they made. The elder people also
manifested much interest in it by their frequent visits, their
attention to the exercises, and their encouraging words to the
children. About this time, much sickness prevailing among the
children in the camp, some superstitious Caddoes who happened there
attributed the sickness among them to me, telling them I was a bad
medicine man and had made some of their children sick when I was
with them, two of whom died. This had the effect to entirely break
up the school, though I continued my efforts to renew it for nearly
two months. Sometimes when I would get a few children collected,
they would be driven out by their old men. Sometimes young men
would come in, laugh at them, and abuse them until they would
leave. After about two months they became more unsettled, moving
from place to place almost continually, searching for better grass
for their stock, better water, more wood, to get buffalo, etc. As
we were seldom but a day or two in a place, I gave up all effort to
sustain a school (_Battey, 3_).

THE OUTBREAK OF 1874-75

CAUSES OF THE DISSENSION

But events were steadily drifting toward war again and the truce was of brief duration, the unrest culminating in the general revolt commonly known as the outbreak of 1874. As this was the last, and will forever remain the last, combination of the southern plains tribes against the power of the white man, resulting in their complete and final subjection, it merits somewhat detailed attention.

In late raids into Texas several of the Comanche had been killed by the hated Tonkawa, a small cannibal tribe, in their capacity of government scouts (see the calendar, 1873-74). The wailing laments of the Comanche women for their dead, and their appeals for vengeance, urged the warriors to go down once more into Texas and exterminate the remnants of the man-eaters who had escaped the massacre of twelve years before. To add to their discontent, a lawless band of hunters organized in Dodge City, Kansas, had, in the spring of 1873, established an adobe fort, known as the "Adobe Walls," on the South Canadian, in the panhandle of Texas, from which headquarters they were making inroads on the guaranteed hunting grounds of the Indians and were slaughtering the buffalo by thousands, in defiance of the government promises that such intrusion would be prevented. It was also charged that they directly incited disorder by selling whisky, arms, and ammunition to the Indians in return for stolen stock. In his official report on the outbreak, General Pope states emphatically that the unlawful intrusion and criminal conduct of the white hunters were the principal cause of the war (_War, 1_). This is confirmed by the testimony of white men employed at the Cheyenne agency at the time, who stated to the author that just before going out the Cheyenne chiefs rode down and assured them that they need have no fear, as the Indians considered them as friends and would not molest them, but were compelled to fight the buffalo hunters, who were destroying their means of subsistence. "Then they shook hands with us and rode off and began killing people."

Shortly before this the son and nephew of Lone-wolf, the principal chief of the Kiowa, had been killed in Mexico. He went down with a party in the summer of 1874 and buried their bodies, making a solemn vow at the same time to kill a white man in retaliation, and thus communicating to his people the bitterness which he felt himself (see the calendar, 1873-74). Lone-wolf is described by Battey about this time as being several years older than Kicking-bird, not so far seeing, more hasty and rash in his conclusions, as well as more treacherous and cunning, but with less depth of mind. He was the acknowledged leader of the war element in the tribe.

While lawless white men were thus destroying the buffalo, the Indians themselves were suffering for food. The agent for the Cheyenne reports that for nearly four months preceding the outbreak the rations had fallen short, and expresses the opinion that if there had been a full supply he could have held the tribe from the warpath. At the same time they were being systematically robbed of their stock by organized bands of horse thieves. The immediate cause of the outbreak by the Cheyenne in May, 1874, was the stealing by these men of forty-three valuable ponies belonging to the chief, Little-robe. In attempting to recover them Little-robe's son was dangerously wounded, in revenge for which the Cheyenne soon after killed a member of a surveying party in the Kiowa country and at once began open hostilities (_Report, 34_; _Battey, 4_).

FIG. 51--Gui-pägo or Lone-wolf, present head-chief of the Kiowa]

Agent Miles thus tersely sums up the provocation:

The lack of power to administer the law--to remove improper
characters from this reservation, to break up the various bands of
dissolute white men, horse and cattle thieves, known to be
operating in our vicinity--is the prime cause that may be assigned
for the serious outbreak among the Cheyennes on this reservation.
As elsewhere stated, the Cheyennes and Arapahoes were assured by
the President, on their recent visit to Washington, that improper
white men and buffalo hunters should be kept from their country at
all hazards, and they very naturally expected that some effort
would be made to keep that promise; but they have looked in vain,
and the Cheyennes, being the most restless of the two tribes, grew
tired and endeavored to avenge their own wrongs. The result of such
a proceeding could have but one ending, and that was to bring them
into conflict with the general government (_Report, 35_).

THE COMANCHE MEDICINE-MAN

At this critical juncture a young medicine-man named Ĭ´sätaí arose among the Kwáhadi Comanche--the wildest and most intractable portion of the tribe--with claims of supernatural powers. He asserted his ability to cure all diseases and to restore the dead to life, and said that he had been taken up repeatedly into the home of the Father of the Indians, above the sun and far above the abode of the white man's God, and that there he had been given control of the elements, with power to send rain, wind, thunder, lightning, or drought upon the earth as he pleased. What was most to the purpose, he promised to protect all who should believe in him, as he could produce cartridges in unlimited quantities from his stomach for his friends, and could so influence the guns of the whites, and particularly of the soldiers, that they would not shoot Indians, even though the latter stood in front of the muzzles. It was the old story of the Indian medicine-man that has been familiar from the time of the Shawano prophet to the messiah of the ghost dance.

His words created great excitement among the Comanche, nearly all of whom believed him. Some of his deluded followers asserted that they had themselves seen him ascend into the sky and again descend to earth, and at another time had seen him produce from his stomach nearly a wagon load of cartridges. Finally he commanded the tribe to assemble in May, 1874, at the junction of Elk creek (_Donä´i P'a_, "Pecan river") with the North fork of Red river, to see the proofs of his mission and to hear his message to the people. So great an impression had his fame produced by this time that even the friendly chiefs attended, as well as the main body of the Cheyenne and a part of the Kiowa. This was a new departure for the Comanche, who, according to all authorities, had never before "made medicine" as a tribe (_Report, 36_; _Battey, 5_).

On assembling at the designated spot the Indians were harangued by
the medicine-man, who told them that their god commanded them to
avenge their murdered kindred. Accordingly a party was made up to
go to Texas and kill the Tonkawa, who, as has been stated, were
cannibals, for which reason, and for the additional one that they
constantly served as scouts against the other Indians, they were
regarded with common hatred by all the tribes. Learning of the
proposed expedition, Agent Haworth warned the commander of Fort
Griffin, near which post the Tonkawa were located, who had them
removed to the post for safety. This being reported to the
confederate tribes by their spies, they changed their program and
decided to go out on the plains and kill the buffalo hunters at
Adobe Walls.

Finding that the whole purpose of the gathering was warlike, those
who desired to avoid trouble determined to return to the agency,
but found that such a move had been anticipated by the hostiles,
who declared that they would prevent any return, even if they had
to kill the ponies of the friendlies to do it. Notwithstanding, a
number of the Comanche, chiefly of the Penätĕka band, made the
attempt and succeeded in getting away to the agency. The main body
of the tribe, the warlike Kwáhadi, and all the Cheyenne, decided
for war (_Report, 37_). A few of the Kiowa were also among them,
but as yet only one chief, Woman-heart, had smoked the war-pipe
with the Comanche and Cheyenne, the rest of the tribe being still
near the agency (_Battey, 6_). During all the subsequent troubles
the Apache remained quiet and peaceable in the friendly camp at
Fort Sill.

APACHE AND ARAPAHO FRIENDLINESS

During the whole period of the outbreak the Arapaho also remained loyal and friendly, in accordance with their treaty pledges and their general character, although the Cheyenne, with whom they were confederated, were the most determined of the hostiles. As soon as it became manifest that trouble was at hand, the Arapaho came in to the agency of the two tribes at Darlington to warn the agent and his employés, and, as a proof of their friendship, furnished an Indian police force, who stood guard over the agency every night until all danger was past. The sole exception to their uniform friendly conduct was the assassination of an employé named Frank Hollowell (or Holloway), in July, 1874, by two young Arapaho, the principal of whom was afterward convicted of the crime and died in prison. This was the only hostile act committed at the Cheyenne and Arapaho agency during the outbreak (_Report, 38_).

FURTHER DEFIANCE

The hostile Comanche and Kiowa now began to steal stock from around the agency at Fort Sill, and in response to a message sent to their camp by the agent, defiantly replied that they would not return the stock now, but would keep it to make peace with when they came back in the fall. They added that they would not molest the agency further if not interfered with by the soldiers, but if the soldiers came upon them they intended to come in and kill anyone they met (_Battey, 7_).

One or two trifling encounters occurred in May between the troops and Indians, presumably Comanche and Kiowa, in western Texas, and others more serious in June farther north, in Indian Territory and the adjoining part of Kansas, the Indians concerned being probably chiefly Cheyenne.

SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXI

PHOTO ENG CO. N.Y.

PHOTO BY LANNEY 1892

QUANAH PARKER, PRINCIPAL CHIEF OF THE COMANCHE]

BATTLE OF ADOBE WALLS

In the latter part of June, 1874, the confederated Comanche, Cheyenne, and Kiowa made a combined attack upon the buffalo hunters intrenched in the fort of the Adobe Walls, on South Canadian river, in the Texas panhandle. The engagement began about the 27th, and continued several days, the Indians attacking with desperate courage, urged on by their medicine-man, who had assured them that the bullets of the whites could not hurt them. The hunters, however, had a small field cannon, and with this, protected as they were by the solid walls of adobe, they finally compelled the Indians to withdraw with considerable loss. The medicine-man excused the result on the ground that his medicine was for guns and not for cannon. The combined force was led by Quanah, the present noted head chief of the Comanche, who informed the author that he had seven hundred warriors in the fight, but added sententiously, "No use Indians fight adobe." The result convinced him of the falsity of the claims of medicine-men, against whom he has ever since used his powerful influence in his tribe. Finding their position untenable without military protection, which was refused by the general commanding the department, the buffalo hunters soon afterward abandoned the fort. The location is known among the Kiowa as "The place where Quanah led his confederates" (see _Report, 39_; _War, 2_; Record, 2).

On July 3 a small wagon train in charge of Patrick Hennessey and three other men, loaded with supplies from Wichita, Kansas, for the Wichita agency at Anadarko, was attacked by Cheyenne on the trail where now stands the town of Hennessey, Oklahoma. The four white men were killed and scalped, the stores and mules taken, and the wagons burned. Hennessey was tortured by being tied to a wagon wheel and burned upon a pile of grain taken from his own wagon. This last deed was the work of some Osage who came up while the Cheyenne were still there, and who secured the larger share of the plunder. These same Osage were ostensibly friends of the whites, and had completely deceived their agent and missionary into the belief that they were doing all in their power to quiet the hostile tribes. The bodies of three of the men killed were buried by a neighboring ranchman, who had warned them of their danger only a few hours before, and unsuccessfully endeavored to persuade them to turn back. Hennessey's remains were buried two days later by a party under agent Miles(_Battey, 8_; _Report, 40_).

FRIENDLIES COLLECTED AT FORT SILL

By this time the Cheyenne agency at Darlington was closely surrounded by bands of hostiles. Arming a small force of employés, the agent proceeded north to Wichita, Kansas, for assistance, after sending a courier through by night to Colonel Davidson at Fort Sill for temporary aid. That officer promptly sent a troop of cavalry, which, however, was intercepted at the Wichita agency (Anadarko), then threatened by the Kiowa and Comanche. In response to the appeals of Agent Miles, a sufficient force of cavalry and infantry was sent from Fort Leavenworth to protect the Darlington agency. As soon as it had appeared that war was inevitable, Whirlwind, head chief of the tribe, with his band of Cheyenne, had moved into the agency, where he remained steadfastly peaceable. White-shield also ranged himself on the side of peace, and consented to carry a message to the hostile camp, as a result of which Little-robe and a number of others broke away at night and came into the agency, being compelled to abandon their tipis and most of their household goods to effect their escape (_Report, 41_).

The Kiowa medicine dance, which was held usually in June, had been postponed on account of the absence of Lone-wolf, who had gone to Texas after the bodies of his son and nephew. On his return it was held at a point on the North fork of Red river (see the calendar, 1874), being attended in force by the Comanche and Cheyenne, who made a strong effort to engage the Kiowa in the war. The dance closed on the 3d of July, when a small minority, led by Lone-wolf and Swan, decided for war and joined the hostiles, but the majority, under Kicking-bird, declared for peace and came in to the agency at Fort Sill. Here the friendly Indians of the different tribes belonging to the agency--Kiowa, Comanche, and Apache--were directed to encamp together on Cache creek, where they were enrolled by order of Colonel Davidson, after which none were to be allowed to come in and join the camp of the friendlies without surrendering their arms and obtaining a guarantee from the agent that they were guiltless of hostile acts. Similar orders were carried out in regard to the Indians of the Wichita agency at Anadarko. The enrollment showed four-fifths of the Kiowa among the friendlies, although, as the agent remarks, doubtless some of them did not deserve the name. With some inconsistency, Lone-wolf sent a message declaring his desire for peace and asking permission to come in to the friendly camp; but, as he was considered the leader and one of the most guilty of the hostiles, his request was refused. In the meantime orders had been issued from the War Department, on July 21, authorizing the military to punish the hostiles wherever found, even to pursuing them upon their reservations. General Pope, commanding the department, at once set the troops in motion, and a vigorous campaign began from the north and south of the exposed territory.

FIGHT AT ANADARKO, THE WICHITA AGENCY

Late in August a band of Nokoni Comanche came into the camp of friendly Comanche at the Wichita agency (Anadarko), desiring to remain. Colonel Davidson, commanding at Fort Sill, went over with a detachment of troops to receive their surrender. They agreed to give up their arms, and had already delivered a number of guns and pistols, when a question arose as to the bows and arrows, and a messenger was sent to the commanding officer to decide the matter. While the messenger was gone, the chief, Red-food, gave a whoop--whether as a battle signal or merely to call another chief, is a disputed point--and was immediately fired upon by the guard. Lone-wolf and his Kiowa were on the ground and at once opened fire on the troops. A general fight ensued (August 22), the excitement being intense, as it happened to be ration day and nearly all the Indians of the Wichita agency were present--Caddo, Wichita, Delaware, and Pawnee--as well as a large number of the Kiowa, Comanche, and Apache of the other agency. Runners hurried to all the camps with the news that the troops were killing the Indians; but, notwithstanding, the fighting was confined to the Kiowa and Comanche, who attacked the agency, burning the schoolhouse, sacking Shirley's trading store, burning several houses of the friendly Indians, killing at least four citizens, and wounding several soldiers. While some fled to places of safety, others kept up the attack until next day, when, failing in a final attempt to take and burn the agency, they withdrew. According to the statement of the Indians, they lost two men and one woman killed and a few wounded. A part of the Kiowa engaged had been enrolled at Fort Sill among the friendlies, but had gone without permission to the Wichita agency some days before. Some of the Comanche who fled at the time of the fight came in soon after and reported to Colonel Davidson, and, on being assured that no harm was intended them, returned with him to the friendly camp at Fort Sill. In regard to this encounter, the Comanche disclaimed any hostile intention at the start, and the fact that they had voluntarily come in and surrendered their guns would show that it was the result of a panic arising from a misunderstanding (see the calendar; also _Report, 42_; _Battey, 9_; _Record, 3_).

As showing the moral effect of a knowledge of the power of the white man, it is worthy of record that only one of the Kiowa delegates to Washington in 1872 joined the hostiles, that one, Lone-wolf, being avowedly incited to his course by a thirst for vengeance for his son (_Report, 43_). As a commentary on the treatment frequently accorded "friendlies" during an outbreak, it may also be noted that the enrolled Kiowa, Comanche, and Apache were located two miles from Fort Sill, where Texas horse thieves stole over nineteen hundred of their animals within a year, while they themselves were kept almost at starvation point by the contractor's failure to supply their rations. Notwithstanding these discouragements they continued loyal, and sent as many of their children to school as could be accommodated (_Battey, 10_).

After the fight at the Wichita agency most of the Kiowa and Comanche concerned fled to the Staked plain, where the hostiles made their chief headquarters. Some others not already enrolled now came in and asked permission to join the friendly camp. Set-t'aiñte, Big-tree, Woman-heart, and Poor-buffalo (Pá-tádal, "Lean-buffalo-bull"), who had been enrolled at the beginning, but had gone without permission to the Washita and fled from there at the time of the fight, came in soon after to the Cheyenne agency at Darlington and surrendered with a large number of their people, saying that they were tired of war, but did not like Fort Sill. As it was believed that they had taken part in hostilities, they were not allowed again to resume their position as friendlies, but were sent back as prisoners of war to Fort Sill, where their arms and horses were taken from them and the men were imprisoned, the chiefs being put in irons. Soon afterward Set-t'aiñte was returned to the Texas penitentiary (_Report, 44_).

SET-T'AIÑTE

Set-t'aiñte, "White-bear," better known as Satanta, who was thus finally removed from the field of action, is one of the most prominent men in Kiowa history, being noted among the most daring and successful warriors of the tribe, while in authority he held the rank of second chief, standing next after Lone-wolf. He has already been mentioned as a leading chief in 1864. His eloquence and vigor of expression in his native language, a peculiarly forcible one, had gained for him the title of the "Orator of the Plains." Every line of his strongly marked features showed the character of the man--a brave, forceful, untamable savage (figure 45). The persistent efforts of the Kiowa to secure his release prove the estimation in which he was held by his tribe. He came early into prominence and was one of the signers of the treaty of 1867, his name being second on the list. His seizure by General Custer the next year, in order to compel the Kiowa to come into the reservation, and his subsequent release, have been narrated. His arrest in 1871 for being concerned in an attack upon a wagon train in Texas, the commutation of the death sentence, and his release by the state authorities in 1873, have also been noted in the proper place. He was still, however, considered as a hostage for the good conduct of his people, and subject to rearrest whenever they became troublesome. As was almost inevitable, he became involved in the outbreak of the succeeding year, although apparently more by accident than deliberate purpose, and on coming in to Cheyenne agency with others in the fall of 1874 he was again arrested and turned over to the military authorities and by them sent back to the state penitentiary at Huntsville, Texas, to serve out his life sentence (_Report, 45_). When informed by Horace P. Jones, the government interpreter at Fort Sill, that he was to be returned to prison, he expressed himself bitterly, claiming that he had kept his parole and that there were others far more guilty than he. What affected him most was the entire separation from his people. He was taken back to prison in November, 1874, and four years later, refusing to live longer in confinement, he committed suicide by throwing himself from an upper story of the prison, October 11, 1878 (_Whatley letter_).

Set-t'aiñte, whose name among the Kiowa is still one to conjure by, first acquired his title of "Orator of the Plains" in connection with the events which led to the treaty of Medicine Lodge, in 1867. He was already sufficiently distinguished among his own people as a leader on the warpath. In May preceding the treaty he visited Fort Larned, and, confronting General Hancock, he denounced agent Leavenworth and complained of the aggressions of the white men in a fiery speech, which is described as a masterly effort, from its opening, when he called the sun to witness that he would "talk straight," to the close, when, looking around over the prairie, he said that it was large and good, and declared that he did not want it stained with blood.

A few months later he escorted General Harney and the commissioners from the post to the spot where the Indians were gathering for the treaty. In spite of stringent orders before starting, the soldiers and camp followers soon began an indiscriminate slaughter of the buffalo along the line of march. As described by a correspondent--

They recklessly shot down the buffalo, simply that they might boast
of it. After cutting out their tongues, they left the carcasses
where they fell. The reader will readily perceive that when the
Indians complain at every council of the decrease of the buffalo,
such wanton waste of good meat could not be a pleasing sight to the
greatest chief on the American plains. Satanta, never backward in
speech, resented in strong terms the shooting of his game on his
own ground. Said he, while his eyes flashed and his lips curled
with scorn: "Has the white man become a child, that he should
recklessly kill and not eat? When the red men slay game, they do so
that they may live and not starve." Sound logic! Only persons
devoid of sense or honor could have been guilty of such conduct in
the enemy's country, especially when the commissioners were
endeavoring to conciliate them with presents and reconcile them to
the propositions about to be propounded.

The protest had its effect, no more shooting was allowed, and those responsible for the outrage were placed under arrest.

On behalf of the confederate tribes, he made the leading speech in reply to the commissioners. It is thus given by the correspondent of the New York Times:

"You, the commissioners, have come from afar to listen to our
grievances. My heart is glad, and I shall hide nothing from you. I
understood that you were coming down to see us. I moved away from
those disposed for war, and I also came along to see you. The
Kiowas and Comanches have not been fighting. We were away down
south when we heard, you were coming to see us. The Cheyennes are
those who have been fighting with you. They did it in broad
daylight so that all could see them. If I had been fighting I would
have done it by day and not in the dark. Two years ago I made peace
with Generals Harney, Sanborn, and Colonel Leavenworth at the mouth
of the Little Arkansas. That peace I have never broken. When the
grass was growing in the spring, a large body of soldiers came
along on the Santa Fé road. I had not done anything and therefore I
was not afraid. All the chiefs of the Kiowas, Comanches, and
Arapahos are here today; they have come to listen to good words. We
have been waiting here a long time to see you and are getting
tired. All the land south of the Arkansas belongs to the Kiowas and
Comanches, and I don't want to give away any of it. I love the land
and the buffalo and will not part with it. I want you to
understand well what I say. Write it on paper. Let the Great Father
see it, and let me hear what he has to say. I want you to
understand also, that the Kiowas and Comanches don't want to fight,
and have not been fighting since we made the treaty. I hear a great
deal of good talk from the gentlemen whom the Great Father sends
us, but they never do what they say. I don't want any of the
medicine lodges [schools and churches] within the country. I want
the children raised as I was. When I make peace, it is a long and
lasting one--there is no end to it. We thank you for your presents.
All the headmen and braves are happy. They will do what you want
them, for they know you are doing the best you can. I and they will
do our best also. When I look upon you, I know you are all big
chiefs. While you are in this country we go to sleep happy and are
not afraid. I have heard that you intend to settle us on a
reservation near the mountains. I don't want to settle. I love to
roam over the prairies. There I feel free and happy, but when we
settle down we grow pale and die. I have laid aside my lance, bow,
and shield, and yet I feel safe in your presence. I have told you
the truth. I have no little lies hid about me, but I don't know how
it is with the commissioners. Are they as clear as I am? A long
time ago this land belonged to our fathers; but when I go up to the
river I see camps of soldiers on its banks. These soldiers cut down
my timber; they kill my buffalo; and when I see that, my heart
feels like bursting; I feel sorry. I have spoken."

The above is a plain unvarnished statement of facts, such as no
Indian on the plains could produce but Satanta. It must be
remembered that in cunning or native diplomacy Satanta has no
equal. In worth and influence Red Cloud is his rival; but in
boldness, daring, and merciless cruelty Satanta is far superior,
and yet there are some good points in this dusky chieftain which
command admiration. If a white man does him an injury, he never
forgives him; but if on the other hand the white man has done him a
service, death can alone prevent him from paying the debt. The
speech of Satanta caused the commissioners to look rather blank,
and when he pictured in his usual graphic manner how he loved his
land, his buffalo, and his traditions, there was a world of feeling
in his tones, betraying his knowledge of the vast difference
between the power of the aggressive pale face and his waning race.
A certain dim foreboding of the Indian's fate swept across his
mind, and in its passage lit his eyes up with a fierce light, and
his voice rose to a pitch of frenzy as he exclaimed: "We don't want
to settle--I love to roam over the prairie; there I am free and
happy."

His farewell speech, to the commissioners at the conclusion of the treaty is thus noted in the same newspaper:

On this occasion the old chief was accompanied by one hundred of
the principal warriors of the Kiowa tribe; and immediately after
its close, this tribe, as well as the Comanches, struck camp and
left for the Cimarron River in the south. He spoke with a gravity
and earnestness that added force to his words. "If," said he, "the
treaty bring prosperity to us, we of course will like it the
better. If it bring prosperity or adversity, we will not abandon
it." He alluded delicately to the fact that the white man often
forgot to keep his treaties with the Indian; and then at the close,
referring to the treaty just made, he rose to the heights of
friendship, offering his heart and his hospitality, and adding:
"For your sakes, the green grass shall not be stained with the
blood of the whites. Your people shall again be our people, and
peace shall be our mutual heritage. Good-bye. You may not see me
again. But remember Satanta as the white man's friend." He is
spoken of as having a very grave yet musical voice, and at times
displays the deepest emotion.

Another who heard him on this occasion says:

The great chief, Satanta, in delivering his address spoke with a
dignity and force that could not but be appreciated. He is a great
orator and of unbounded influence in the council (_Ind. Miscel.,
xii, 3804--3833_).

SEVENTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXII

INSIDE OF SET-T'AIÑTE'S SHIELD]

He is thus described by Keim in 1870:

For several years Satanta has filled the office of head chief. A
peculiar dash of manner; a grin equal to all occasions; a
remarkable shrewdness exhibited in managing affairs between the
different tribes with which his people come in contact, or their
intercourse with the national government, have won for him a
prestige which he has very well maintained. Satanta, when I first
met him, was a man of about fifty years of age. He rose first
through prowess on the warpath, and afterward through skill in
council and diplomacy. He had an intelligent face, and was large in
frame and of muscular development, exhibiting also a tendency to
obesity. Lately Satanta has found a threatening rival in Lone-wolf,
the war chief of the tribe (_Keim, 3_).

Three years later we get the following notice from one who saw him with Big-tree, in 1873, while serving his first incarceration in the Texas penitentiary:

In the corridor of the penitentiary I saw a tall, finely-formed
man, with bronzed complexion, and long, flowing, brown hair, a man
princely in carriage, on whom even the prison garb seemed elegant,
and was told that it was Satanta, the chief of the Kiowas, who with
his brother chief, Big-tree, is held to account for murder. I was
presently introduced to a venerable bigamist who was Satanta's
chosen boon companion, on account of his smattering of Spanish, and
through this anxious prisoner was presented at court. Satanta had
come into the workroom, where he was popularly supposed to labor,
but where he never performed a stroke of work, and had seated
himself on a pile of oakum, with his hands folded across his
massive chest [figure 150]. His fellow prisoner explained to
Satanta, in Spanish, that we desired to converse with him,
whereupon he rose and suddenly stretching out his hand gave mine a
ponderous grasp, saying: "How!" He then responded, always through
the aged wife-deceiver, to the few trivial questions I asked, and
sat down, motioning to me to be seated with as much dignity and
grace as though he were a monarch receiving a foreign ambassador.
His face was good; there was a delicate curve of pain at the lips,
which contrasted oddly with the strong Indian cast of his other
features. Although he is much more than 60 years old, he hardly
seemed 40, so erect, elastic, vigorous was he. When asked if he
ever expected liberation, and what he would do if it should come,
he responded, "Quien sabe?" with the most stoical indifference.
Big-tree was briskly at work plaiting a chair seat in another
apartment and chewing tobacco vigorously. His face was clear cut
and handsome, his coal black hair swept his shoulders, and he only
paused to brush it back and give us a swift glance as we entered,
then briskly plaited as before (_Scribner, 1_).

The particular offense for which Set-t'aiñte was first arrested was a raid upon some teamsters on Salt creek, Jack county, Texas. In response to a letter of inquiry, the following concise statement in regard to his prison life and tragic death was obtained from Mr L. A. Whatley, superintendent of Texas penitentiaries, writing from Huntsville, under date of March 3, 1896:

At the July term of the district court of Jack county, in the year
1871, Satanta was convicted of murder and sentenced to life
imprisonment in the Texas state penitentiary. He was received at
the Huntsville prison on the 2d of November, 1871. Upon the
recommendation of President U. S. Grant, Governor E. J. Davis, on
August 19, 1873, set Satanta at liberty upon parole, i. e.,
conditioned upon his good behavior. It seems, however, that he
violated his parole, for he was arrested and recommitted to the
prison at Huntsville by Lieutenant General Sheridan on the 8th of
November, 1874. On October 11, 1878, Satanta committed suicide by
throwing himself from the second story of the prison hospital,
from the effects of which he died within a few hours. He was buried
at the prison cemetery, where his grave can be identified to this
day. During the period of his incarceration in this prison Satanta
behaved well, but was very reticent and stoical.

Such was the end of the man who had said: "When I roam over the prairie I feel free and happy, but when I sit down I grow pale and die."