Chapter XLII: Part VI: Final Regulations (5)

10. The Reich Leader SS points out that in the administration of punishment many more special institutions should be set up, following the principle that incorrigible criminals should be confined separately, and that those capable of improvement should be separated according to the nature of their crimes (e.g., embezzlers, thieves, and those who committed acts of violence). This is recognized as being correct.

11. The Reich Leader SS demands that the penal register be kept by the police. Arguments against this are to be examined (cancellation, aggravation, and the use of an extract from the penal register). The question is to be further discussed with SS Major General Streckenbach.

12. The Reich Leader SS points out SS First Lieutenant, Judge at the Reich Supreme Court, Altstoetter, at present on active service as a major, as being reliable and also District Court President Stepp; he considers Attorney General Jung in Dresden unreliable.

13. Finally, the Reich Leader SS broaches the subject of the office of the public prosecutor and its transfer to the police. I rejected it flatly. There was no further discussion of this subject.

14. It is agreed that in consideration of the intended aims of the government for the clearing up of the eastern problems in future Jews, Poles, gypsies, Russians, and Ukrainians are no longer to be tried by the ordinary courts as far as punishable offenses are concerned, but are to be dealt with by the Reich Leader SS. This does not apply to civil lawsuits, nor to Poles whose names are registered for or entered in the lists of ethnic Germans.

[Initial] TH [Thierack]

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NG-857
PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 434

LETTER FROM THIERACK TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE REICH SUPREME COURT, 29 SEPTEMBER 1943, PROPOSING SS GENERALS OHLENDORF AND CERFF AS GUEST SPEAKERS[274]

Berlin, 29 September 1943

The Reich Ministry of Justice T 712, M I a

To: The President of the Supreme Court of the Reich, Dr. Bumke 1. Leipzig C 1 Reichsgerichtsplatz 1

[Stamp] Out: 29 September 1943
[Handwritten initials illegible]

Dear Dr. Bumke,

I would appreciate it if, together with the Chief Public Prosecutor of the Reich, you would invite SS Brigadefuehrer Ohlendorf and SS Brigadefuehrer Cerff to speak before the members of the Supreme Court and before the public prosecution of the Reich. This plan has been suggested by the Reich Leader SS, and I welcome it. The two Brigadefuehrers can both be reached c/o the Reich Security Main Office in Berlin.

Heil Hitler!

Yours obediently
[Typed] DR. THIERACK

2. After dispatch to State Secretary for information.
[Initials illegible]

3. To be returned to ministerial office.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NG-219
PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 42

REPORT FROM THE GENERAL PUBLIC PROSECUTOR IN JENA TO THE REICH MINISTRY OF JUSTICE, 30 SEPTEMBER 1943, CONCERNING COOPERATION OF JUSTICE AUTHORITIES WITH THE SD AND INTEROFFICE MEMORANDUMS PERTAINING THERETO[275]

REICH MINISTRY OF JUSTICE

Business Office a-3

Subject: Cooperation of the justice authorities with the Security
Service of the Reich Leader SS.

IV a 2745.43 g-sheet No. 1 [Stamp] Secret

Copy of an extract from the report regarding the situation by the general public prosecutor in Jena of 30 September 1943

[Handwritten] 4606/1-a-4, 1512/42

The reciprocity contained in the executive order of the Reich Ministry of Justice concerning the cooperation of the justice authorities with the SD (Security Service) of the Reich Leader SS [Himmler] of 3 August 1942--[published in] _German Justice_, page 521--is only very conditional. The [Ministry of] Justice works openly, and the Security Service secretly. So, as a general rule the [Ministry of] Justice is not at all informed of the work which is being carried out by the Security Service and is therefore also not in the position to request information. It is usually accidentally informed about such investigations. So it was in the case of Greiz, which was submitted to the Minister and during which an inspector of justice was asked about the attitude in the judicial circles regarding the judges’ letters. I furthermore remember a case of Sonneberg from which the conclusion could be drawn that the Security Service made investigations regarding the protection of war marriages through the courts.

Berlin, 6 October 1943

Mr. MD I, Mr. MD IV

For information. The Minister requests a report in this matter

[Illegible handwritten notes]

[Handwritten notes] Mr. [?] Malzan Mr. [?] Kremer

For information.

Are you informed about the above-mentioned cases of Greiz and Sonneberg?

[Signature] MIELKE 7 October

None of the cases are known to me.

[Initial] M 7 October

Nor to me!

[Initial] K 8 October

Mr. [illegible title] Kuemmerlein

Are the above-mentioned details known to you? I would be grateful if you could inform me about the whereabouts of the above-mentioned documents.

[Signed] MIELKE 8 October

[Marginal note] The cases are not known to me.

8 October
[Signed] MAX LECHNER

To Oberregierungsrat Mielke:

The documents have been thoroughly searched for in the Office of the Ministry. None of cases mentioned are known.

[Signature] BEITZ 25 October

[Marginal note] To Oberregierungsrat Mielke. Oberregierungsrat Bender is the coordinator of the district Jena Department I (higher level, civil service). Doctor S. P. N. Friedrich is the deputy coordinator. The cases mentioned are not known to me. (I am an assistant to the general officials.)

[Signature illegible]
26 October

To Mr. Reinecke:

I would appreciate information on the coordinators in Department I.

[Signature] MIELKE
25 October

Registered

To Ministerialdirector Letz:

I would be grateful to you for information as to whether you are informed about the cases of Greiz and Sonneberg. The peculiar method of not answering special questions is generally known throughout the entire Reich. It is unbearable for people with character and it is an impossibility for decent people or members of the Party. In my opinion it would come to an end at once if one is quite candid and would tell them the whole truth about the P.K. I personally must persist in the demand for complete equality and the corresponding etiquette. I have just given orders to the Oberregierungsrat [illegible name] to raise objections against certain abuses in a suitable manner at the Reich Security Main Office.

[Signature] VOLLMER 27 October

[Marginal note] to IV a 2745/43 g

[Handwritten notes] To be submitted first to President Dr. Friedrich.

Are you acquainted with these cases (Greiz and Sonneberg)? Not
known to me.

[Signed] Dr. Friedrich
28 October
[Marginal note] to IV a 2745/43 g. _Sealed!_

To Ministerialdirector Dr. Vollmer:

The cases of Greiz and Sonneberg have not been known in Department I. Moreover, I know from documents, which the minister produces from time to time out of his private files, that the Security Service takes up special problems of the administration of justice with thoroughness and makes summarized situation reports about them. As far as I am informed, a member of the Security Service is attached to each judicial authority. This member is obliged to give information under the seal of secrecy. The procedure is secret and the person who gives the information is not named. In this way we get, so to say, anonymous reports. Reasons given for this procedure are of State political interest. As long as direct interests of the State security are concerned, nothing can be said against it, especially in wartime. Moreover, as far as for instance evaluation of personnel of less important nature, questions concerning the judiciary or general “reports on public opinion” are concerned, I do not regard the anonymity as harmless. The danger exists, that people will be trained to snoop around, that unjustified denunciations will occur and that an atmosphere of mistrust will be created. There can indeed be no question of cooperation between the [Ministry of] Justice and the Security Service curing such a procedure. On the other hand the minister may be interested to know how the [Ministry of] Justice is criticized outside the official channels of appeals. In any case the secret, one-sided Security Service reports cannot be a basis for the establishment of facts and certain conclusions. They may provide hints.

Berlin, 29 October 1943 [Signature] LETZ [Marginal note] to IVa 2745/43g

PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NG-327
PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 359

LETTER FROM LAMMERS TO THIERACK, 23 OCTOBER 1942, STATING THAT THE OPINION OF THE GAULEITER HAS TO ACCOMPANY CLEMENCY CASES SUBMITTED TO HITLER

The Reich Minister and Chief of the Reich Chancellery, Rk. 779 B g

[Stamp]
Reich Ministry of Justice
25 October 1942

Berlin W 8, 23 October 1942
Voss Strasse 6 at present,
Field Headquarters

SECRET

To the Reich Minister of Justice, Dr. Thierack

[Handwritten] has been submitted
[Signed] EBERSBERG

Subject: Consultation of Gauleiter in clemency cases

Dear Mr. Thierack!

The Fuehrer ordered that in future in all cases submitted to him for clemency, the expression of opinion by the Gauleiter[276] has to be obtained. Details should be learned from the attached copy of my letter to the Minister of State and Chief of the Presidential Chancellery of the Fuehrer and Reich Chancellor, whom I requested to contact you.

Heil Hitler!

Very truly yours,
[Signed] DR. LAMMERS

[Handwritten] taken care of IVa 1729/42g-1728/42g

EXTRACTS FROM THE TESTIMONY OF DEFENDANT ROTHENBERGER[277]

_DIRECT EXAMINATION_

* * * * * * *

DR. WANDSCHNEIDER (counsel for defendant Rothenberger): We are now coming to a group of problems which were set down in Exhibits 38 and 39.[278] The exhibits are concerned with a discussion between Himmler and Thierack, in the presence of Dr. Rothenberger, as is said at the beginning of the transcript of 18 September. Dr. Rothenberger, would you tell us, please, who was your main opponent outside the administration of justice?

DEFENDANT ROTHENBERGER: Himmler, as the Reich Leader SS. That he was my opponent I had known for many years. I gathered that on the one hand from the fact that at public demonstrations I had repeatedly in view against all measures which had been taken against the administration of justice at the instigation of Himmler.

In particular, I remind you of the measures described in the Schwarze Korps against the German judges. I remind you of his measures which amounted to a correction of sentences. It was natural that the view which I had expressed in public as to what those measures would lead to, that Himmler through the SD service would have been informed of that. For me it was a matter of course, that Himmler would have been informed of the contents of my memorandum to Hitler, and that was proved right during the discussion later on. About that discussion Himmler knew that I had warned Hitler of the development of the administration of justice and of the development of the Reich as a whole, a development towards becoming a pure power state.

In particular Himmler knew from the memorandum[279] that I had requested that the entire administration of penal justice was to lie exclusively in the hands of the judiciary. That that constituted a camouflaged attack on the administration of justice by the Gestapo was naturally obvious to Himmler. That view of mine, namely, that Himmler for that reason harbored great distrust toward me, was confirmed to me not in the course of the discussion, but it was confirmed to me by the results of that discussion; and it was confirmed without any doubt. I saw Himmler once in my life and for the following reason:

He had sent out an invitation. Thierack said to me that I was to go along with him because it was a first official visit. We had only just assumed office and this was supposed to be my first official call on Himmler. We had not heard before what points were to be discussed there. One could only rely on suppositions. My supposition was that the problems which for years had been an object of dispute between the administration of justice and the police would probably be mentioned in the course of this discussion. Among those problems there were, in particular, the following questions:

On the one hand, the question of the transfer of the prosecution to the police, which has been mentioned here a few times, but the significance of which, I believe requires some explanation. I mean, it is significant for the entire set of proceedings and trials in Germany. The German prosecution at this trial here has repeatedly been described as the most objective authority in the world. Naturally, that was an exaggerated expression. But contrary to the Anglo-American procedure, what is correct about that statement is that the public prosecutor, because he has to deal with all elements that speak in favor of the defendant as well, constitutes a very far-reaching protective element for the defendant as well.

This is therefore for the entire method of proceedings, the position of the judge and in particular also the position of the defense counsel--which for that reason, too, is an entirely different position than it is under Anglo-American procedure--of essential importance.

If Himmler would have gotten the prosecution into his hands, which he had wanted to do for years, that agency which hitherto had been objective would have been in Himmler’s hands. Himmler’s struggle against the administration of justice would have been carried into the courtroom. That explains my great misgivings against that demand of Himmler’s. For this reason, as far as I knew this problem would become acute, I considered it my duty, although formally it did not concern me, but because it was a basic question for the reputation of the judiciary as such, I tried with all means at my disposal to persuade Thierack before the discussions that on no account was he to give way on that point. I had all the more cause to do so because I had the feeling that Thierack wavered on that point. I did not know, I only heard that here, that actually on the occasion of the Elias case which has been mentioned here, in Czechoslovakia he in a certain way had already committed himself. I made particular use of this factor without Thierack--I told him that if the prosecution would no longer be under the administration of justice, you yourself, who directs the penal administration of justice, will lose the ground under your feet. What I said was, “you yourself will saw off the branch on which you are sitting.” That factor evidently did have some effect upon him; it evidently succeeded.

The second problem which would probably be broached by Himmler was the question of the community law concerning asocials, which has already been mentioned. I shall refer to that briefly later, because that problem was discussed during the conference.

There were two further points which I thought would be broached. They were old hobby horses of my own. I am referring to the question of the Schwarze Korps and that of the correction of sentences. Thierack himself said to me before the conference on the way there--we went there together--“Will you keep in the background at the conference, please, because, on the one hand, the problems will probably concern matters which do not affect you, that is to say, matters of the administration of penal justice; and furthermore, I do not want an argument to arise between us again, which is quite apparent to outsiders, such as occurred during our visit to Lammers a month ago.”

Q. What happened at the conference itself?

A. It is nearly 5 years ago now since that conference took place, but as it was very impressive I believe I can remember it fairly well. It was not a formal meeting, since only a very small circle of people attended. It was, in fact, an informal conversation, interrupted by a supper. Himmler was the main speaker. I noticed this manner of speaking was very much like that of Hitler’s.

PRESIDING JUDGE BRAND: Wouldn’t it be possible for you to concentrate a little more on the actual material features of the conversation?

DEFENDANT ROTHENBERGER: Yes.

Q. We don’t care how he spoke, or about his manner.

A. Yes, Your Honor.

To begin with, he made general remarks about the war situation, of which he took a favorable view. I do not remember now the sequence of the individual points which are mentioned in the minutes, but I do believe that he then immediately went over to the subject of the transfer of prisoners, that is to say, the transfer from the administration of justice to the police. That was a problem which was entirely new to me. He said that through his organizations he had had the facts established that the prisoners under the administration of justice, on the one hand, were badly overcrowded, and furthermore that in some cases at those prisons, work was still being performed which was not essential to the war effort. He mentioned handicraft and pasting together of paper bags. He himself, on the other hand, had constructed large armament works. He was of the opinion that at a time when every German, be it the soldier at the front or the man or woman in the homeland, was working for the war efforts, the prisoners too, in one form or another, should make their contribution toward the war effort.

When he had explained that to us in great detail, it seemed to me that Thierack’s attitude on that point was not altogether clear. On the contrary, I had the impression that Thierack had understanding for that request which Himmler had put forward.

No details were discussed as to what type of prisoner Himmler wanted transferred, but it was said in a general way that only prisoners with long terms would be considered for such transfer, since prisoners with short terms would have to be discharged again at an early date.

I myself kept silent on that point to begin with, because for one thing I did not feel certain on that question, and secondly, because Thierack had especially asked me to hold back. However, in the course of our talk--I do not remember whether it was immediately or whether it was later on--the conversation turned to the subject of the general relations between the administration of justice and the police. That conversation dealt mainly with the old arguments concerning the Schwarze Korps and Himmler’s correction of sentences. Himmler was of the opinion that the administration of justice had failed in various instances, and for that reason he had been compelled to intervene. Since Thierack, on that point too, did not take up a clear attitude in favor of the administration of justice, I considered it my duty to interfere. Naturally, I was cautious in my manner, but I was clear as far as the matter itself was concerned. I had just been appointed by Hitler and had the belief that Hitler was backing up my plans. I said that the problem of the police and the administration of justice could not be considered just from the point of view of one single sentence which might have been correct or incorrect, but that one must regard that problem from the general point of view of the reputation of the judiciary. I said that the reputation of the State as such was dependent upon the reputation of the judiciary.

In speaking of these things I referred to my memorandum and my opinion that Hitler had approved my memorandum on those points, too. I said that from that point of view I, too, considered it incorrect for the administration of justice to transfer prisoners to the police. If the prisoners were not being put to sufficient use for the war effort, the administration of justice itself would have to see to it that sufficient use would be made of such prisoners.

Himmler listened to my remarks with comparative calm. It seemed to me that he had understanding for what I was saying.

He said that he had never heard of these problems from that angle, and he said that in future he would instruct the Schwarze Korps to refrain from attacking the administration of justice; he would also stop the police from intervening in the case of individual sentences.

These two subjects had thus been concluded. The question of the transfer of prisoners seemed to me to remain undecided. Besides that point a few other problems were discussed, for example, the question of the asocial law.

Q. I wonder, would you for my convenience tell me the technical name of the asocial law, either by date or in any other way? What law are you referring to as the asocial law?

A. May it please the Court, that is not a law in the sense of ever having become a law. It is merely a draft which dealt with the question as to whether the police were to be allowed to arrest asocial elements. Have I made myself clear, Your Honor?

Q. In saying “the asocial law,” you didn’t mean that there was any law at all?

A. No, no, I did not. No, it never became law. I will explain that in a moment. I was familiar with that problem from my time in Hamburg. Yesterday I explained, as is evident from Document NG-387, Prosecution Exhibit 400,[280] that I had put forward the proposal that if such a law were to be issued at all, a judicial authority would have to be set up in order to decide as to who, in fact, was an asocial element. That same question was brought to my attention immediately when I assumed office in Berlin. I believe it was in my first or second week there when a Ministerialdirigent Rietsch came to see me. He said to me--Mr. Under Secretary, you must help us. Minister Thierack is prepared to agree to that law, and that would be impossible, because that law would give to the police alone the right to determine who is an asocial element. Since a large number of the criminal elements are also asocial elements, such a regulation, that is to say if the police were to have the right to determine who was asocial, that would mean that the penal courts would be completely eliminated. Together with Rietsch, before the conference at Himmler’s, I had had a lengthy conversation with Thierack on the matter, because this problem again constituted a fundamental question of the administration of justice. Thierack did not give his approval, even when Himmler broached that question at the conference and asked Thierack to give his consent, Thierack remained firm. That is evident from item No. 7 of the document. As I heard later on, negotiations were held between the Referenten, and the law never became a law in effect, at least not during my period of office, and I do not believe that it became effective afterwards. The further point which was discussed was the problem which I think has been discussed in almost too much detail here, that of the justice of the peace. It was astonishing and surprising to me that Himmler had any interest at all in that problem. He was fairly well informed about the historical foundations both abroad and in Germany, and it was equally surprising to me that he concurred in my opinion--I talked about that subject, my opinion being that the office of the justice of the peace was not to lie in the hands of the Party. That is evident from item No. 3 of the document.

Various other questions were discussed at length, questions which were largely of a technical nature, partly anyhow. I do not remember the order in which these questions came up for discussion. I am merely mentioning the question of age in regard to responsibility before the law [Strafmuendigkeit]. I believe that Himmler mentioned a few cases where children of only 13 years of age had committed punishable acts and where he was of the opinion that one had to punish them, whereas under the previously existing legislation a child only becomes punishable at the age of 14. Questions concerning the penal register were then discussed, concerning ordinances to be issued jointly by the administration of justice and the police. I do not remember for certain whether punishment by flogging was discussed in my presence. I think it is possible. I am certain that while I was there the question of the transfer of the prosecution was not touched upon at all. This document contains a reference under 13 where Thierack says “I flatly rejected Himmler’s demand for the transfer of the prosecution to the police.”

DR. WANDSCHNEIDER: Dr. Rothenberger, may I interrupt you before we continue? When you spoke about the correction of sentences you said that the correction of sentences, according to Himmler’s remarks, was to be stopped. The document of 18 September 1942 itself shows that beyond that a number of details were laid down as to what procedure was to be adopted in correcting sentences, concerning the relation between Himmler and Thierack and with the corresponding participation of Bormann. Were such particulars discussed in your presence?

DEFENDANT ROTHENBERGER: No. Himmler merely emphasized that a unilateral interference such as has occurred hitherto would no longer be permitted by him.

Q. Would you continue, please?

A. The last point which is contained in the document was also certainly not discussed at all. I am referring to the question of the transfer of the penal administration of justice concerning Jews, Poles, gypsies, Russians, and Ukrainians.

Q. Dr. Rothenberger, you know the transcript of 18 September, those minutes where it says that Himmler and Thierack led the discussion and that you were present. How can you explain it that those points which, according to you, were not mentioned in your presence must have been kept secret from you or deliberately cannot have been discussed in your presence?

A. The file note which Thierack wrote personally I saw for the first time here.[281] Today it is altogether clear to me how that file note came about.

Added to the file note in NG-059[282] is a notation signed by Ficker, Reich Cabinet Counsellor.

That notation confirms that following the conference which I attended, the Reich Minister of Justice and Reich Leader SS, I quote, “had a private conversation.” When I think it over as to why such a talk between the two alone took place, today I realize fully that Himmler and Thierack quite deliberately excluded me and misled me, in particular, concerning the most delicate points.

What their motives were, I naturally can’t say but in accordance with all the previous and subsequent events, immediately after the conference, I am bound to assume that Himmler and Thierack did not exactly regard me as their ally in such plans, and that during the first conference which I attended, they quite deliberately created the impression that they were making certain concessions. As to whether they, themselves, were not certain of themselves, as to whether Hitler really had a certain amount of understanding for my plans I cannot tell of course; but as far as the early period is concerned, that is possible. And now Thierack, I do not know when, for it cannot be seen from the file note (_654-PS, Pros. Ex. 39_), which bears no date, summarized the results of both discussions; that is to say, the conference which I attended and the following conversation between Himmler and Thierack alone, in this file note, without differentiating between them. It seems that a part of this file note was added by him only at a later time. I gather so from the original document, according to which some of the document was added later on by a different typewriter. That part concerns the last item, point 14, the question of the transfer of the administration of penal justice over Jews and Poles.

Q. Dr. Rothenberger, may I put another question to you in this connection? If I understood you rightly, you wanted to tell us that Thierack and Himmler were uncertain toward you and did not quite know where they stood with you. To what do you attribute that feeling that they had, that they did not quite know where they stood with you?

A. Mainly I think that feeling was caused by my memorandum. I assumed that Himmler knew that memorandum and that Himmler was not certain whether Hitler was really supporting the ideas of that memorandum.

Q. Did the unusual way in which you came to Hitler play any part in that?

A. No doubt, for Himmler and Thierack both knew that I had been appointed by Hitler himself in an unusual manner.

PRESIDING JUDGE BRAND: You have covered that.

DR. WANDSCHNEIDER: Thank you. May it please the Tribunal, may I continue with my examination?

PRESIDING JUDGE BRAND: Yes.

DR. WANDSCHNEIDER: What was your first impression after the conference?

DEFENDANT ROTHENBERGER: My first impression after the conference was favorable. Immediately after the conference, I told Reich Cabinet Councilor Ficker so. That too can be seen from Document NG-059, Prosecution Exhibit 38. I believed that that favorable impression was due to the fact that in regard to the main problems of the administration of justice, Himmler had not prevailed with his view. He had not asked to have the prosecution transferred. Concerning the correction of sentences and that of the Schwarze Korps, he had given assurances, in the problem of the asocial law, too, he had withdrawn his demand, and the question of the transfer of prisoners had at any rate remained open.

After the conference, the next morning in fact, I left by myself. Thierack remained behind--I do not know for how long he stayed. I went to Hamburg via Berlin to join my family in Hamburg, and there, too, I talked to a friend in a very positive way about this very important meeting which had concerned the administration of justice. When I returned to Berlin, the great disappointment began. Already after a few days, there was among the files which lay on my desk, a paper. That, too, was a file note by Thierack. It was a much briefer file note than the one here. As I remember it now, it concerned a conference with Goebbels. That file note indicated, in what form I do not remember now, that Goebbels had voiced to Thierack the idea of the extermination through work. That file note, was not addressed to me. It must have come into my possession by mistake.

When I read it, I could hardly comprehend that idea to start with. I could not comprehend what was meant by it. Feeling upset, I went upstairs to see Thierack immediately and asked him what it was all about. Thierack said to me with a certain amount of arrogance and condescension, “Do not get excited. It is correct that I talked to Himmler alone afterwards, that was the first time I heard of it, and in the course of that talk, this question, too, was discussed by Himmler and myself. But I rejected that demand on the part of Himmler with determination. I did that for humane reasons alone, and Himmler too understood that at the time everybody in Germany was needed.”

During that talk, Thierack took a paper out of his desk, and on this paper--which I did not read myself, but I could see it--Thierack wrote in the margin so that I could see it, in his green pencil, “Settled” or “Rejected.” I believe it was settled, as I can see now. Evidently, he wanted to confirm to me his assertion that this idea of extermination by work had been dropped by writing down that remark. I had only been in office for 3 weeks at that time, and I was still so innocent that I did not realize that those men might really carry out such an idea, and that they were deluding me.

Q. Dr. Rothenberger, in connection with this group of questions, a number of documents have been submitted about which you will have to give us your views. I now want to enumerate the various documents and to ask you to give us your views.

* * * * * * *

We are now going to deal with Exhibit 264,[283] document book 4-A, page 42, that is a letter from the Reich Ministry of Justice to the general prosecutors, dated 22 October 1942, it is signed by Crohne, and it was connected with the carrying out of the agreement of September 1942.

A. I never saw the letter either, which was natural, because it was a problem which concerned penal law and the administration of penalties. Such matters were not submitted to me, on principle.

Q. As Exhibit 268,[284] the prosecution submitted a document which was signed by Dr. Eichler, and is dated 1 April 1943; it concerns the transfer of Jews, Poles, etc., into concentration camp. Did you ever hear of such a letter?

A. No, I never saw that letter either.

Q. Finally, a gruesome letter from Thierack to Bormann, dated 13 October 1942, plays a part. That letter was read into the record and was not submitted as a separate document--if I remember correctly. The court knows it, did you ever see this letter from Thierack of 13 October 1942?[285]

A. No, I do not know that letter either.

* * * * * * *

Q. And then at the end of 1943, how did your leaving the Reich Ministry of Justice come about?

A. Yesterday I briefly mentioned the fact that as early as in April of 1943, after Thierack had tried to transfer me to the Reich Supreme Court in January but had stated that the time was not yet ripe for that, at that time I offered him my resignation which he rejected. Furthermore, I had mentioned that at the same time that did not keep him from starting investigation proceedings against me the same time of that year 1943 without my knowledge for the allegedly illegal procurement of furniture. That Thierack was primarily interested in getting rid of me in a manner which would give the impression to the outside world that I was being dishonorably discharged is proved by what I shall say briefly about my finally leaving the office.

Yesterday I also mentioned the fact that Thierack, as early as September 1942, kept my book for about 3 months. The German _Judge_--

PRESIDING JUDGE BRAND: You need not repeat what you said yesterday; we remember it. Go on to something new.

DEFENDANT ROTHENBERGER: Yes. After Thierack had finally turned over this manuscript to the Party Chancellery and after it had been examined there for about 6 months, about in August or September--I am not quite sure about that date any more--of 1943 an SD report was received in the Ministry. Thierack put that SD report to me, and he told me it could be seen from that SD report that a plagiarism was contained in that book. That book contained a short historical review of the position of the judge in the old Germanic and Franconian era, and several sentences concerning that era were allegedly taken from a book by a Professor Fehr. Professor Fehr, Thierack told me, was an emigree, who lived in Switzerland, and a democrat; and there was concern that one day the London broadcasting station might broadcast the information that the German reform of the administration of justice really emanated from an emigree who was a democrat and lived in Switzerland. He said that was extremely dangerous from the point of view of foreign policy, and that I had to clear it up.

I did not know the name “Fehr” at that time at all. As can be seen from the preface, a considerable number of my assistants in Hamburg had participated in the work on this book, and one of these assistants dealt with the historical part of the book. One year before, when no mention was made about the possibility of publishing that book, he had compiled that historical data for me, which I needed for a lecture that I was supposed to give in the Reich Ministry of Justice. The other day I stated that in August of 1941 I gave a lecture in the Reich Ministry of Justice about the segregation of the profession of judges from the usual civil servant class. That historical compilation was made for that purpose.

I had the matter clarified by that assistant, Dr. Brueckmann, and he said yes, that was correct, he had used several sentences from a book by Professor Fehr compiling the data, without having any opportunity at that time to know that it would lead to publication.

Thereupon, I told Thierack what the causes for that oversight had been. At no time did anybody, not even Thierack, make the assertion that there was any guilt on anyone’s part. But I told him the man who could be interested to see that some sentences of a general historic content such as could be found in any book, that such sentences would be also contained in my book would only be Professor Fehr. Therefore, I wrote a letter to Professor Fehr, explained it to him, and asked him if that should be necessary for an interview; and before that conference took place--it was intended to take place in January 1944--Thierack succeeded in having me dismissed, and that in the following manner: I was just on a duty trip at the beginning of December 1943. During that time he went to Lammers and reported to Lammers that an application had been made by professors of the city of Hamburg who, he said, had complained that I was still in office. That in other words, would have been colleagues of mine, because I myself was a professor at Hamburg at one time. He added that from the point of view of foreign policy one could no longer maintain the responsibility of keeping me in office, and therefore, he asked that Lammers should suggest my dismissal to Hitler. I was informed about that at the end of December 1943, that is to say, before that conference with Fehr was to take place. At the end of 1943 I was suddenly called on the telephone--I was at that time with my family, it was during Christmas--[and told] that I had to come to Berlin immediately and take Thierack’s place temporarily because he wanted to join his wife. Thierack called me into his office and told me, “Hitler has directed that you be dismissed.” Upon my question, “Why,” he answered that the matter with Fehr had gone so far on account of the application made by the professors from Hamburg that it was no longer bearable to keep me. I told him that he himself didn’t believe that, and I wanted to leave the room. Thereupon suddenly he became very friendly and soft and told me, why, of course the matter of that book was just the external pretense, but first of all, in the course of this year and a quarter, I had never succeeded in establishing good relations with the Party Chancellery and the SS. Moreover he said I was accused of having taken part in the funeral of Guertner, which I didn’t understand at all, how anybody could be so stupid to charge one with having attended the funeral of an extremely decent former Reich Minister of Justice. I replied if these are the real reasons, then I was proud of it. Before I left him he again lied to me by saying, yes, he would have liked very much to nominate me for the position of president of the Reich Supreme Court, but Lammers had raised opposition against that. Then a few days later I saw Lammers in order to inquire about the background of the story. Lammers told me just the opposite. It was he, he said, who tried to offer some office of some kind to me, but Thierack had been the person who rejected that. Through these circumstances the separation which had been pending for a long time actually took place, and without a new office, without gratitude, and without any compensation of any kind I left. And in accordance with that was the publication in all German newspapers where the following notice appeared, and I quote: “Change of office in the Reich Ministry of Justice. Upon the suggestion made by the Reich Minister of Justice the Fuehrer, after effecting the transfer of Under Secretary Rothenberger, into Wartestand [Civil Service inactive status] has appointed Ministerialdirektor Klemm, who up to that time was in the Party Chancellery, Under Secretary in the Ministry of Justice.”

* * * * * * *

b. Judges’ Letters Written by Thierack and Defendant Klemm

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NG-500
PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 90

CIRCULAR LETTER FROM THIERACK TO JUDGES, 7 SEPTEMBER 1942,
EXPLAINING THE ESTABLISHMENT AND FUNCTION OF
THE JUDGES’ LETTERS

The Reich Minister of Justice 3110/2-IVa 4 1902

Berlin W 8, 7 September 1942
Wilhelmstrasse 65
Telephone: 110044
Long Distance: 116516

To:

1. The Presidents of the Reich Supreme Court and People’s Court

2. The Presidents of the District Courts of Appeal (except of
Prague)

3. The Presidents of the District Courts (with extra copies for
the local courts)

For information:

1. The Chief Reich Prosecutor at the Reich Supreme Court and
People’s Court

2. The Attorneys General

3. The Chief Public Prosecutors

Subject: Judges’ Letters

I will, can, and must not tell the judge who is called to preside over a trial, how to decide an individual case. The judge must remain independent in order to be able to carry the full personal responsibility for his decisions. I therefore cannot order him to use a certain legal interpretation but only try to convince him how he can help the nation by correcting or regulating with the aid of the law a life that has gotten into disorder or is ripe to be brought into order.

In this respect the profession of the judge and that of the physician are akin--he gives aid to the compatriot who asks him for help and thus prevents damage to the community. The judge, like a physician, must be able to eliminate the seat of a disease or perform operations like a surgeon.

This conception of the duties of the administration of justice has already been accepted by the German jurists to a great extent. Its practical conclusions, however, have not been fully applied yet in the field of the administration of justice.

To aid the judge in fulfilling his high duty in the life of our people, I have decided to publish the “Judges’ Letters.” They shall be distributed to all German judges and public prosecutors. These judges’ letters will contain decisions, which I consider to be especially worthwhile mentioning on account of result or argumentation. With these decisions I intend to show how a better decision could or should have been found; on the other hand good, and for the national community important, decisions shall be cited as examples.

The judges’ letters are not meant to create a new casuistry, which would lead to a further ossification of the administration of justice and to a guardianship over the judges. They are rather aimed at telling how judicial authorities think National Socialist justice should be applied and thereby give the judge the inner security and freedom to come to the right decision.

The contents of these letters are confidential; the chief of an office shall keep them personally, and let every judge and public prosecutor take notice of them against receipt.

For the publication of the Judges’ Letters the collaboration of all the judges and prosecutors is needed. I expect suitable decisions from all branches of justice to be presented to me for publication. When published, neither the judge nor the tribunal pronouncing the sentence will be named.

I am convinced that the Judges’ Letters will help essentially to adjust the administration of justice uniformly along National Socialist lines.

[Typed] [Signed] DR. THIERACK
[Certified]: [Signed] MASSMUND

[Stamp] As Chief Secretary of the
The Reich Ministry of Justice Ministerial Chancery

PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NG-298
PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 81

THE FIRST ISSUE OF THE JUDGES’ LETTERS, 1 OCTOBER 1942

RICHTERBRIEFE [Judges’ Letters] Communications of the
Reich Minister of Justice, Issue No. 1, 1 October 1942

_Confidential_

German Judges

According to ancient Germanic interpretation of the law, the leader of the nation has always been its supreme judge. When the leader therefore invests another person with the authority of a judge, this means that the latter not only derives his judicial power from the leader and is responsible to him, but also that leadership and judgeship have related characters.

The judge is therefore also the guardian of national self-preservation. He is the protector of the values of the nation and helps in the annihilation of the unworthy. He regulates those functions of life, which are considered diseases in the body of the nation. Justices vested with absolute authority are essential for maintaining a true national community.

On account of this task, the judge is the direct assistant of the leadership of the State. This position renders him prominent, but also shows the limits of his tasks which cannot, as a liberal doctrine assumed, lie in the supervision of the leadership of the State. For, if a state does not have an organization which grants the leadership to the best, the administration of justice cannot substitute this selection by its activity.

The judge is the embodiment of the wide-awake conscience of the nation. Any state is bound to fall if honesty and common sense do not form the standard of values in the national community. It is the task of the judge to see that this is done. In rendering judgment he must always show the people his adherence to this rule.

These tasks place the judge in the center of the administration of justice. They show the profession of judges as one of the earliest professions--to be compared with that of the farmer and the soldier. These tasks can only be fulfilled by men who are mentally free and honest, and who possess a high sense of responsibility, shouldering this responsibility gladly, and conforming by their inner and outer bearing to the picture of a judge as the German people see it. The judges must therefore become a corps of judges, which represent an elite of the nation. But this must not lead to the judge keeping aloof from the people; on the contrary he has to live with and among his people and know its needs and sorrows in order to be able to help.

Such a corps of judges will not slavishly cling to the letter of the law. It will not anxiously look for cover by the law, but aware of its responsibility, it will find within the bounds of the law a decision which shall be the best guide for the life of the community.

The war for instance makes demands on a judge, which are totally different from those in quiet peace times. The judge has to adapt himself to these changes. He can only do this when he knows the intentions and aims of the State leadership. The judge must therefore always be in close contact with the leadership of the State. This is the only way to guarantee the performance of his high task for the good of the community, and it prevents the administration of justice--detached from its real problems in the life of the people--from being considered as a body for its own ends. From this ensues the meaning and necessity for the guidance of the administration of justice.

Guidance in the administration of justice does not mean to impose upon the judges a certain view of the law. The judge must remain independent, otherwise he will no longer be judge. But the State can and must lay down the general line of policy, which judges must follow, if the administration of justice shall fulfill its obligations.

I have therefore decided to issue Richterbriefe which will be sent to all German judges and public prosecutors. These Judges’ Letters shall mainly contain decisions which I deem to be especially worthy of interest, because of their findings or argumentation. By these decisions I want to show how better findings could and ought to have been arrived at; on the other hand, good decisions which are essential to the community shall be held out as exemplary.

There is yet another consideration, which caused me to issue these “Judges’ Letters”--The outlined view of the judge’s tasks has carried its point with most of the German lawyers, its practical effects on the administration of justice, however, has not yet been totally realized and cannot have been fully realized yet in view of the traditional training of lawyers. Therefore, I want to help the judge by means of the Judges’ Letters to accomplish his high duties in the life of our nation. I want to impress upon him how he must help and protect the community.

The Judges’ Letters are not intended to create a new cult of decisions, which would lead to further formalism in the administration of justice and to subjecting the judges to tutelage. They are only to give an idea of how the leadership of justice wishes to apply National Socialist law, in order to give the judge self-confidence and freedom to find the right decision.

The contents of the letters are confidential; they are handed to each judge and public prosecutor by the chief against receipt.

I am convinced that the Judges’ Letters will essentially contribute to the creation of a uniformly directed German corps of judges.

Berlin, 1 October 1942

[Signed] DR. THIERACK
Reich Minister of Justice

1. PUBLIC ENEMIES, ESPECIALLY BLACK-OUT OFFENDERS[286]

Sentences imposed by several courts in the years 1941–1942

1. A 19-year-old laborer who had been employed by the Reichsbahn [Reich Railroad] since 1941, stole, soon after his appointment in the winter of 1941–1942, during black-out hours, luggage and parcels from the luggage vans of long distance trains, and parcels from mail vans. There were in total 21 charges against him.

The Special Court sentenced him to 4 years’ imprisonment as a public enemy.

2. A 34-year-old lathe operator attempted black-out purse snatching at the end of 1941. In the darkness he approached a woman in the street and snatched her handbag off her arm. He was followed and arrested. He has six previous convictions against him, among which was theft, inflicting bodily harm, and killing by negligence. He had been sentenced in respect of the bodily harm, because in 1931 he had together with a Communist knocked down a National Socialist with a fence pole.

The Special Court did not legally appraise the act as street robbery but as theft, because the woman carried the handbag only loose on her arm, so that the culprit did not have to use force. It regarded him nevertheless as a public enemy, and expressed the view, that the community should be specially protected against him. Yet the sentence imposed was but 2 years’ imprisonment.

3. A 29-year-old laborer, who was a shirker and had several previous convictions against him, tried in 1941 to commit black-out purse snatching. He had just been discharged from the hospital as a malingerer and wanted to provide himself with money. He followed two women in the darkness in the street and reached for the purse while passing them, but he could not pull it off, because it was held tightly. In answer to cries for help, some men hurried to the scene and got hold of the culprit.

The Special Court sentenced him to death as a public enemy, and added, that persons needed special protection during the black-out in order to retain the feeling of safety in the country for the people.

4. An 18-year-old culprit W., who had no previous convictions against him raped a soldier’s wife during the black-out in 1941. After having visited an inn, he accosted, about midnight while on the way home with his 19-year-old friend P., a young woman who was going home from work at that late hour. She rejected the men and said that her husband was a soldier at the front and that she wished to go home without being molested. W. hit a man, who was standing nearby and who witnessed the incident, several times in the face without cause. Then he dragged the woman into a lane, hit her, and raped her on a bench, breaking her resistance by pretending to have a revolver on him. P. was waiting nearby in the meantime but did not interfere.

The Special Court sentenced W. as a public enemy to death for rape. P. was convicted to 5 years’ imprisonment for aiding and abetting the criminal.

Opinion of the Reich Minister of Justice