Chapter III: Part III: Continued (2)

TO JONATHAN WILLIAMS AND C. W. PEALE, JUDGES OF ELECTION FOR THE A. P. SOCIETY.

WASHINGTON, January 12, 1807.

GENTLEMEN,--I am again to return the tribute of my thanks for the continued proofs of favor from the American Philosophical Society; and I ever do it with sincere gratitude, sensible it is the effect of their good will, and not of any services I have it in my power to render them. I pray you to convey to them these expressions of my dutiful acknowledgments, and to accept yourselves thanks for the favorable terms in which your letter of the 2d instant announces the suffrage of the Society.

I am happy at the same time to greet them on the safe return of a valuable member of our fraternity, from a journey of uncommon length and peril. He will ere long be with them, and present them with the additions he brings to our knowledge of the geography and natural history of our country, from the Mississippi to the Pacific.

Tendering them my humble respects, permit me to add for yourselves my friendly salutations, and assurances of high consideration.

TO MR. GALLATIN.

January 12, 1807.

I return you the letter of Mr. Gelston respecting the Brutus. From what I learn, she cannot be destined for the Mississippi, because she draws too much water to enter it. However, considering the difficulty Congress finds in enlarging the limits of our preventive powers, I think we should be cautious how we step across those limits ourselves. She is probably bound to St. Domingo. Could not Congress, while continuing that law, amend it so as to prevent the abuse actually practised. Affectionate salutations.

TO JOHN DICKINSON.

WASHINGTON, January 13, 1807.

MY DEAR AND ANCIENT FRIEND,--I have duly received your favor of the 1st instant, and am ever thankful for communications which may guide me in the duties which I wish to perform as well as I am able. It is but too true that great discontents exist in the territory of Orleans. Those of the French inhabitants have for their sources, 1, the prohibition of importing slaves. This may be partly removed by Congress permitting them to receive slaves from the other States, which, by dividing that evil, would lessen its danger; 2, the administration of justice in our forms, principles, and language, with all of which they are unacquainted, and are the more abhorrent, because of the enormous expense, greatly exaggerated by the corruption of bankrupt and greedy lawyers, who have gone there from the United States and engrossed the practice; 3, the call on them by the land commissioners to produce the titles of their lands. The object of this is really to record and secure their rights. But as many of them hold on rights so ancient that the title papers are lost; they expect the land is to be taken from them whenever they cannot produce a regular deduction of title in writing. In this they will be undeceived by the final result, which will evince to them a liberal disposition of the government towards them. Among the American inhabitants it is the old division of federalists and republicans. The former are as hostile there as they are everywhere, and are the most numerous and wealthy. They have been long endeavoring to batter down the Governor, who has always been a firm republican. There were characters superior to him whom I wished to appoint, but they refused the office: I know no better man who would accept of it, and it would not be right to turn him out for one not better. But it is the second cause, above mentioned, which is deep-seated and permanent. The French members of the Legislature, being the majority in both Houses, lately passed an act declaring that the civil, or French laws, should be the laws of their land, and enumerated about fifty folio volumes, in Latin, as the depositories of these laws. The Governor negatived the act. One of the Houses thereupon passed a vote for self-dissolution of the Legislature as a useless body, which failed in the other House by a single vote only. They separated, however, and have disseminated all the discontent they could. I propose to the members of Congress in conversation, the enlisting thirty thousand volunteers, Americans by birth, to be carried at the public expense, and settled immediately on a bounty of one hundred and sixty acres of land each, on the west side of the Mississippi, on the condition of giving two years of military service, if that country should be attacked within seven years. The defence of the country would thus be placed on the spot, and the additional number would entitle the territory to become a State, would make the majority American, and make it an American instead of a French State. This would not sweeten the pill to the French; but in making that acquisition we had some view to our own good as well as theirs, and I believe the greatest good of both will be promoted by whatever will amalgamate us together.

I have tired you, my friend, with a long letter. But your tedium will end in a few lines more. Mine has yet two years to endure. I am tired of an office where I can do no more good than many others, who would be glad to be employed in it. To myself, personally, it brings nothing but unceasing drudgery and daily loss of friends. Every office becoming vacant, every appointment made, _me donne un ingrat, et cent ennemis_. My only consolation is in the belief that my fellow citizens at large give me credit for good intentions. I will certainly endeavor to merit the continuance of that good-will which follows well-intended actions, and their approbation will be the dearest reward I can carry into retirement.

God bless you, my excellent friend, and give you yet many healthy and happy years.

TO MR. HENING.

WASHINGTON, January 14, 1807.

SIR,--Your letter of December 26th, was received in due time. The only object I had in making my collection of the laws of Virginia, was to save all those for the public which were not then already lost, in the hope that at some future day they might be republished. Whether this be by public or private enterprise, my end will be equally answered. The book divides itself into two very distinct parts; to wit, the printed and the unprinted laws. The former begin in 1682, (Pervis' collection.) My collection of these is in strong volumes, well bound, and therefore may safely be transported anywhere. Any of these volumes which you do not possess, are at your service for the purpose of republication, but the unprinted laws are dispersed through many MS. volumes, several of them so decayed that the leaf can never be opened but once without falling into powder. These can never bear removal further than from their shelf to a table. They are, as well as I recollect, from 1622 downwards. I formerly made such a digest of their order, and the volumes where they are to be found, that, under my own superintendence, they could be copied with once handling. More they would not bear. Hence the impracticability of their being copied but at Monticello. But independent of them, the printed laws, beginning in 1682, with all our former printed collections, will be a most valuable publication, and sufficiently distinct. I shall have no doubt of the exactness of your part of the work, but I hope you will take measures for having the typography and paper worthy of the work. I am lead to this caution by the scandalous volume of our laws printed by Pleasants in 1803, and those by Davis in 1796 were little better; both unworthy the history of Tom Thumb. You can have them better and cheaper printed anywhere north of Richmond. Accept my salutations and assurances of respect.

TO DANIEL CLARKE, ESQ.

WASHINGTON, January 14, 1807.

SIR,--I have examined the papers you left with me on the claim to the common of New Orleans, and finding the subject to be within the cognizance of the Board of Commissioners for that territory, they will be immediately instructed to make full inquiry into the foundation of the claim, and to report it for the decision of Congress.

With respect to the lots and buildings in the city of New Orleans, held by the public, the Governor will be immediately instructed to report an exact list of them, stating the uses to which they were applied under the former government, and those for which he thinks them proper at present, which shall be laid before Congress at their next session, the Legislature alone being competent to their final disposition.

I have lodged in the Treasury Office the papers you left with me; but if you wish their return, they will there be delivered to you. Accept my salutations and assurances of respect.

TO GENERAL SHEE.

WASHINGTON, January 14, 1807.

SIR,--Your letter of the 16th ult. was duly received, conveying a tender of the Philadelphia republican militia legion, of their voluntary services, against either foreign or domestic foes. The pressure of business, usual at this season, has prevented its earlier acknowledgment, and the return of my thanks, on the public behalf, for this example of patriotic spirit. Always a friend to peace, and believing it to promote eminently the happiness and prosperity of nations, I am ever unwilling that it should be disturbed, until greater and more important interests call for an appeal to force. Whenever that shall take place, I feel a perfect confidence that the energy and enterprise displayed by my fellow citizens in the pursuits of peace, will be equally eminent in those of war. The Legislature have now under consideration, in what manner, and to what extent, the executive may be permitted to accept the service of volunteers, should the public peace be disturbed, either from without or within. In whatever way they shall give that authority, the legion may be assured that no unreasonable use shall be made of the proffer which their laudable zeal has prompted them to make. With my just acknowledgments to them, I pray you to accept personally the assurance of my high consideration and respect.

TO CAPTAIN CHRISTIAN.

WASHINGTON, January 14, 1807.

SIR,--I have duly received your letter of December 24th, conveying a tender, by the officers, non-commissioned officers, and privates of the Saratoga Rangers, of their voluntary services to support the Constitution, laws, and integrity of our country, when the constitutional authorities shall declare it necessary, and I now, on the public behalf, return them thanks for this example of patriotic spirit. Always a friend to peace, and believing it to promote eminently the happiness and prosperity of mankind, I am ever unwilling that it should be disturbed until greater and more imperious interests call for an appeal to force. Whenever that shall take place, I feel a perfect confidence that the energy and enterprise displayed by my fellow citizens in the pursuits of peace, will be equally eminent in those of war. The Legislature have now under consideration, in what manner, and to what extent, the executive may be permitted to accept the service of volunteers, should the public peace be disturbed either from without or within. In whatever way they shall give that authority, the Saratoga Rangers may be assured that no unreasonable use shall be made of the proffer which their laudable zeal has prompted them to make. With my acknowledgments to them, I pray you to accept personally the assurance of my high consideration and respect.

TO GOVERNOR PINCKNEY.

WASHINGTON, January 20, 1807.

DEAR SIR,--I received two days ago a letter from General Wilkinson, dated at New Orleans, December 14th, in which he enclosed me an affidavit, of which I now transmit you a copy. You will perceive that it authenticates the copy of a letter from Colonel Burr to the General, affirming that Mr. Alston, his son-in-law, is engaged in the unlawful enterprises he is carrying on, and is to be an actor in them. I am to add, also, that I have received information from another source, that Mr. Alston, while returning from Kentucky last autumn through the upper part of your State, proposed to a Mr. Butler of that part of the country, to join in Colonel Burr's enterprise, which he represented as of a nature to make his fortune, and is understood to have been explained as against Mexico, as well as for separating the Union of these States. That Butler communicated this to a person, of the same part of the country, called Span, who communicated it to a Mr. Horan, the clerk of a court in that quarter; that Butler and Span agreed to join in the enterprise, but Horan refused.

Nobody is a better judge than yourself whether any and what measures can be taken on this information. As to General Wilkinson's affidavit, it will be laid before the Legislature in a few days, and, of course, will be public; but as to the other part, if no use can be made of it, your own discretion and candor would lead you to keep it secret. It is further well known here that Mr. Alston is an endorser to a considerable amount, of the bills which have enabled Colonel Burr to prepare his treasons. A message which I shall send into the Legislature two days hence, will give a development of them. I avail myself with pleasure of this opportunity of recalling myself to your recollection, and of assuring you of my constant esteem and high consideration.

TO THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY.

January 24, 1807.

Several French vessels of war, disabled from keeping the sea, by the storms which some time since took place on our coast, put into the harbors of the United States to avoid the danger of shipwreck. The Minister of their nation states that their crews are without resources for subsistence, and other necessaries, for the reimbursement of which he offers bills on his government, the faith of which he pledges for their punctual payment.

The laws of humanity make it a duty for nations, as well as individuals, to succor those whom accident and distress have thrown upon them. By doing this in the present case, to the extent of mere _subsistence and necessaries_, and so as to aid no military equipment, we shall keep within the duties of rigorous neutrality, which never can be in opposition to those of humanity. We furnished, on a former occasion, to a distressed crew of the other belligerent party, similar accommodations, and we have ourselves received, from both those powers, friendly and free supplies to the necessities of our vessels of war in their Mediterranean ports. In fact, the governments of civilized nations generally are in the practice of exercising these offices of humanity towards each other. Our government having as yet made no regular provision for the exchange of these offices of courtesy and humanity between nations, the honor, the interest, and the duty of our country requires that we should adopt any other mode by which it may legally be done on the present occasion. It is expected that we shall want a large sum of money in Europe, for the purposes of the present negotiation with Spain, and besides this we want annually large sums there, for the discharge of our instalments of debt. Under these circumstances, supported by the unanimous opinion of the heads of departments, given on the 15th of December, and again about the 10th inst., and firmly trusting that the government of France will feel itself peculiarly interested in the punctual discharge of the bills drawn by their Minister, for the sole subsistence of their people, I approve of the Secretary of the Treasury's taking the bills of the Minister of France, to an amount not exceeding sixty thousand dollars, which according to his own, as well as our estimate, will subsist his people until he will have had time to be furnished with funds from his own government.

TO MR. GALLATIN.

January 31st, 1807.

Satisfied that New Orleans must fall a prey to any power which shall attack it, in spite of any means we now possess, I see no security for it but in planting on the spot the force which is to defend it. I therefore suggest to some members of the Senate to add to the volunteer bill now before them, as an amendment, some such section as that enclosed, which is on the principles of what we agreed on last year, except the omission of the two years' service. If, by giving one hundred miles square of that country, we can secure the rest, and at the same time create an American majority before Orleans becomes a State, it will be the best bargain ever made. As you are intimate with the details of the Land Office, I will thank you to make any amendments to the enclosed in that part, or in any other which you may think needs it. Affectionate salutations.

TO MR. MADISON.

Sunday, February 1st, 1807.

The more I consider the letter of our minister in London, the more seriously it impresses me. I believe the _sine quâ non_ we made is that of the nation, and that they would rather go on without a treaty than with one which does not settle this article. Under this dilemma, and at this stage of the business, had we not better take the advice of the Senate? I ask a meeting at eleven o'clock to-morrow, to consult on this question.

TO H. D. GOVERNOR TIFFIN.

WASHINGTON, February 2d, 1807.

SIR,--The pressure of business during a session of the Legislature has rendered me more tardy in addressing you than it was my wish to have been. That our fellow citizens of the West would need only to be informed of criminal machinations against the public safety to crush them at once, I never entertained a doubt. I have seen with the greatest satisfaction that among those who have distinguished themselves by their fidelity to their country, on the occasion of the enterprise of Mr. Burr, yourself and the Legislature of Ohio have been the most eminent. The promptitude and energy displayed by your State has been as honorable to itself as salutary to its sister States; and in declaring that you have deserved well of your country, I do but express the grateful sentiment of every faithful citizen in it. The hand of the people has given the mortal blow to a conspiracy which, in other countries, would have called for an appeal to armies, and has proved that government to be the strongest of which every man feels himself a part. It is a happy illustration, too, of the importance of preserving to the State authorities all that vigor which the Constitution foresaw would be necessary, not only for their own safety, but for that of the whole. In making these acknowledgments of the merit of having set this illustrious example of exertion for the common safety, I pray that they may be considered as addressed to yourself and the Legislature particularly, and generally to every citizen who has availed himself of the opportunity given of proving his devotion to his country. Accept my salutations and assurances of great consideration and esteem.

TO GENERAL WILKINSON.

WASHINGTON, February 3d, 1807.

SIR,--A returning express gives me an opportunity of acknowledging the receipt of your letters of November 12th, December 9th, 10th, 14th, 18th, 25th, 26th, and January 2d. I wrote to you January 3d, and through Mr. Briggs, January 10th. The former being written while the Secretary at War was unable to attend to business, gave you the state of the information we then possessed as to Burr's conspiracy. I now enclose you a message, containing a complete history of it from the commencement down to the eve of his departure from Nashville; and two subsequent messages showed that he began his descent of the Mississippi January 1st, with ten boats, from eighty to one hundred men of his party, navigated by sixty oarsmen not at all of his party. This, I think, is fully the force with which he will be able to meet your gun-boats; and as I think he was uninformed of your proceedings, and could not get the information till he would reach Natchez, I am in hopes that before this date he is in your possession. Although we at no time believed he could carry any formidable force out of the Ohio, yet we thought it safest that you should be prepared to receive him with all the force which could be assembled, and with that view our orders were given; and we were pleased to see that without waiting for them, you adopted nearly the same plan yourself, and acted on it with promptitude; the difference between yours and ours proceeding from your expecting an attack by sea, which we knew was impossible, either by England or by a fleet under Truxton, who was at home; or by our own navy, which was under our own eye. Your belief that Burr would really descend with six or seven thousand men, was no doubt founded on what you knew of the numbers which could be raised in the Western country for an expedition to Mexico, _under the authority of the government_; but you probably did not calculate that the want of that authority would take from him every honest man, and leave him only the desperadoes of his party, which in no part of the United States can ever be a numerous body. In approving, therefore, as we do approve, of the defensive operations for New Orleans, we are obliged to estimate them, not according to our own view of the danger, but to place ourselves in your situation, and only with your information. Your sending here Swartwout and Bollman, and adding to them Burr, Blannerhassett, and Tyler, should they fall into your hands, will be supported by the public opinion. As to Alexander, who is arrived, and Ogden, expected, the evidence yet received will not be sufficient to commit them. I hope, however, you will not extend this deportation to persons against whom there is only suspicion, or shades of offence not strongly marked. In that case, I fear the public sentiment would desert you; because, seeing no danger here, violations of law are felt with strength. I have thought it just to give you these views of the sentiments and sensations here, as they may enlighten your path. I am thoroughly sensible of the painful difficulties of your situation, expecting an attack from an overwhelming force, unversed in law, surrounded by suspected persons, and in a nation tender as to everything infringing liberty, and especially from the military. You have doubtless seen a good deal of malicious insinuation in the papers against you. This, of course, begot suspicion and distrust in those acquainted with the line of your conduct. We, who knew it, have not failed to strengthen the public confidence in you; and I can assure you that your conduct, as now known, has placed you on ground extremely favorable with the public. Burr and his emissaries found it convenient to sow a distrust in your mind of our dispositions towards you; but be assured that you will be cordially supported in the line of your duties. I pray you to send me D.'s original letter, communicated through Briggs, by the first entirely safe conveyance. Accept my friendly salutations, and assurances of esteem and respect.

TO GOVERNOR CLAIBORNE.

WASHINGTON, February 3, 1807.

DEAR SIR,--I pray you to read the enclosed letter, to seal and deliver it. It explains itself so fully, that I need say nothing. I am sincerely concerned for Mr. Reibelt, who is a man of excellent understanding and extensive science. If you had any academical berth, he would be much better fitted for that than for the bustling business of life. I enclose to General Wilkinson my message of January 22d. I presume, however, you will have seen it in the papers. It gives the history of Burr's conspiracy, all but the last chapter, which will, I hope, be that of his capture before this time, at Natchez. Your situations have been difficult, and we judge of the merit of our agents there by the magnitude of the danger as it appeared to them, not as it was known to us. On great occasions every good officer must be ready to risk himself in going beyond the strict line of law, when the public preservation requires it; his motives will be a justification as far as there is any discretion in his ultra-legal proceedings, and no indulgence of private feelings. On the whole, this squall, by showing with what ease our government suppresses movements which in other countries requires armies, has greatly increased its strength by increasing the public confidence in it. It has been a wholesome lesson too to our citizens, of the necessary obedience to their government. The Feds, and the little band of Quids, in opposition, will try to make something of the infringement of liberty by the military arrest and deportation of citizens, but if it does not go beyond such offenders as Swartwout, Bollman, Burr, Blennerhasset, Tyler, &c., they will be supported by the public approbation. Accept my friendly salutations, and assurances of esteem and respect.

TO MR. SMITH.

February 6, 1807.

A resolution of the House of Representatives of yesterday, asks from me information as to the efficacy of the gun-boat defence, what particular ports we propose to place them in, and how many in each. I will enumerate the particular ports, but instead of saying literally how many to each, on which there would be a thousand opinions, I will throw them into groups as below, and say how many to each group. Will you be so good as to state how many you would think necessary for each of the ports below mentioned, to give then such a degree of protection as you think would be sufficiently effectual in time of war? Also to strike out any of the ports here named, and insert others as you shall think best:

Mississippi river, }
Lake Ponchartrain, }
Savannah, }
Beaufort, }
Charleston, }
Cape Fear, }
Ocracock, }

Chesapeake Bay and water,

Delaware Bay,

New York, }
New London, }
Newport, }

Boston, }
Newburyport,}
Portsmouth, }
Portland, }
Kennebeck, }
Penobscot, }

Passamaquoddy.

Send me also, if you please, copies of the opinions of certain officers on the effect of gun-boats, which I believe, were formerly laid before a committee.

A similar note in substance was sent to General Dearborne.

TO MR. GALLATIN.

February 9, 1807.

I thank you for the case in the Siman Sea, which escaped my recollection. It was indeed a very favorable one. I have adopted your other amendments, except as to the not building _now_; my own opinion being very strongly against this for these reasons: 1st. The 127 gun-boats cannot be built in one, two, or even six months. Commodore Preble told me he could build those he undertook, in two months. They were but four, and though he was preparing during the winter, was engaged in April, and pressed to expedite them, they were not ready for sea till November. 2d. After war commences they cannot be built in New York, Boston, Norfolk, or any seaport, because they would be destroyed by the enemy, on the stocks. They could then be built only in interior places, inaccessible to ships and defended by the body of the country, where the building would be slow. 3d. The first operation of war by an enterprising enemy would be to sweep all our seaports, of their vessels at least. 4th. The expense of their preservation would be all but nothing, because I have had the opinion of, I believe, every captain of the navy, that the largest of our gun-boats can be drawn up, out of the water, and placed under a shed with great ease, by preparing ways and capstans proper for it, and always ready to let her down again. Such of them as are built in suitable places may remain on the stocks unlaunched. 5th. Full the half of the whole number would be small, and not costing more than three-fifths of the large ones. Affectionate salutations.

TO THOMAS SEYMOUR, ESQ.

WASHINGTON, February 11, 1807.

SIR,--The mass of business which occurs during a session of the Legislature, renders me necessarily unpunctual in acknowledging the receipt of letters, and in answering those which will admit of delay. This must be my apology for being so late in noticing the receipt of the letter of December 20th, addressed to me by yourself, and several other republican characters of your State of high respectability. I have seen with deep concern the afflicting oppression under which the republican citizens of Connecticut suffer from an unjust majority. The truths expressed in your letter have been long exposed to the nation through the channel of the public papers, and are the more readily believed because most of the States during the momentary ascendancy of kindred majorities, in them have seen the same spirit of opposition prevail.

With respect to the countervailing prosecutions now instituted in the Court of the United States in Connecticut, I had heard but little, and certainly, I believe, never expressed a sentiment on them. That a spirit of indignation and retaliation should arise when an opportunity should present itself, was too much within the human constitution to excite either surprise or censure, and confined to an appeal to truth only, it cannot lessen the useful freedom of the press.

As to myself, conscious that there was not a _truth_ on earth which I feared should be known, I have lent myself willingly as the subject of a great experiment, which was to prove that an administration, conducting itself with integrity and common understanding, cannot be battered down, even by the falsehoods of a licentious press, and consequently still less by the press, as restrained within the legal and wholesome limits of truth. This experiment was wanting for the world to demonstrate the falsehood of the pretext that freedom of the press is incompatible with orderly government. I have never therefore even contradicted the thousands of calumnies so industriously propagated against myself. But the fact being once established, that the press is impotent when it abandons itself to falsehood, I leave to others to restore it to its strength, by recalling it within the pale of truth. Within that it is a noble institution, equally the friend of science and of civil liberty. If this can once be effected in your State, I trust we shall soon see its citizens rally to the republican principles of our Constitution, which unite their sister-States into one family. It would seem impossible that an intelligent people, with the faculty of reading and right of thinking, should continue much longer to slumber under the pupilage of an interested aristocracy of priests and lawyers, persuading them to distrust themselves, and to let them think for them. I sincerely wish that your efforts may awaken them from this voluntary degradation of mind, restore them to a due estimate of themselves and their fellow-citizens, and a just abhorrence of the falsehoods and artifices which have seduced them. Experience of the use made by federalism of whatever comes from me, obliges me to suggest the caution of considering my letter as private. I pray you to present me respectfully to the other gentlemen who joined in the letter to me, and to whom this is equally addressed, and to accept yourself my salutations, and assurances of great esteem and consideration.

TO GENERAL DEARBORNE.

February 14, 1807.

Thomas Jefferson salutes General Dearborne with friendship, and communicates the following information from Captain Lewis, which may be useful to Colonel Freeman, and our future explorers; and indeed may enable us understandingly to do acceptable things to our Louisiana neighbors when we wish to gratify them.

He says the following are the articles in highest value with them:

1. _Blue_ beads. This is a coarse cheap bead imported from China, and costing in England 13d. the pound, in strands. It is far more valued by the Indians than the _white_ beads of the same manufacture, and answers all the purposes of money, being counted by the fathom. He says that were his journey to be performed again, one-half or two-thirds of his stores _in value_ should be of these.

2. Common brass buttons, more valued than anything except beads.

3. Knives.

4. Battleaxes and tomahawks.

5. Sadlers' seat awls, which answer for moccasin awls.

6. Some glovers' needles.

7. Some iron combs.

8. Some nests of camp kettles; brass is much preferred to iron, though both are very useful to the Indians.

Arrow-points should have been added.

TO MR. NICHOLSON.

WASHINGTON, February 20, 1807.

DEAR SIR,--I did not receive your letter of the 18th till this morning. I am as yet in possession of no evidence against Adair, which could convict him. General Wilkinson writes me that he would send the evidence against him and Ogden by the officer bringing them, and that officer informed General Dearborne (from Baltimore) that he was in possession of a large packet from General Wilkinson to me, which he was ordered to deliver into my hands only; and, on that, he was ordered to come on with his prisoners, that they and the evidence against them might be delivered up to the court here. If the evidence, however, be found conclusive, they can be arrested again, if it shall be worth while. Their crimes are defeated, and whether they shall be punished or not belongs to another department, and is not the subject of even a wish on my part. Accept my friendly salutations, and assurances of great respect and esteem.

TO DR. WISTAR.

WASHINGTON, February 25, 1807.

DEAR SIR,--I enclose you a letter from Dr. Goforth on the subject of the bones of the mammoth. Immediately on the receipt of this, as I found it was in my power to accomplish the wishes of the society for the completion of this skeleton with more certainty than through the channel proposed in the letter, I set the thing into motion, so that it will be effected without any expense to the society, or other trouble than to indicate the particular bones wanting. Being acquainted with Mr. Ross, proprietor of the big bone lick, I wrote to him for permission to search for such particular bones as the society might desire, and I expect to receive it in a few days. Captain Clarke (companion of Captain Lewis) who is now here, agrees, as he passes through that country, to stop at the Lick, employ laborers, and superintend the search at my expense, not that of the society, and to send me the specific bones wanted, without further trespassing on the deposit, about which Mr. Ross would be tender, and particularly where he apprehended that the person employed would wish to collect for himself. If therefore you will be so good as to send me a list of the bones wanting (the one you formerly sent me having been forwarded to Dr. Brown), the business shall be effected without encroaching at all on the funds of the society, and it will be particularly gratifying to me to have the opportunity of being of some use to them. But send me the list if you please without any delay, as Captain Clarke returns in a few days, and we should lose the opportunity. I send you a paper from Dr. Thornton for the society. Accept my friendly salutations, and assurances of great esteem and respect.

TO MR. CHANDLER PRICE.

WASHINGTON, February 28, 1807.

SIR,--Your favor of the 24th was received this morning. The greatest favor which can be done me is the communication of the opinions of judicious men, of men who do not suffer their judgments to be biassed by either interests or passions. Of this character, I know Mr. Morgan to be. I return you the original of the letter of January 15th, having copied it to a mark in the 4th page, which you will see. I retain, as I understand, with your permission, the copies of those of January 22d and 27th, because they are copies; and the original of December 31st, because it relates wholly to public matters. They shall be sacredly reserved to myself, and for my own information only. The fortification of New Orleans will be taken up on a sufficient footing; but the other part of Mr. Morgan's wish, an additional regular force, will not prevail. The spirit of this country is totally adverse to a large military force. I have tried for two sessions to prevail on the Legislature to let me plant thirty thousand well chosen volunteers on donation lands on the west side of the Mississippi, as a militia always at hand for the defence of New Orleans; but I have not yet succeeded. The opinion grows, and will perhaps ripen by the next session. A great security for that country is, that there is a moral certainty that neither France nor England would meddle with that country, while the present state of Europe continues, and Spain we fear not. Accept my salutations, and assurances of esteem and respect.

TO THE KING OF HOLLAND.

February 28, 1807.

GREAT AND GOOD FRIEND,--Having received your letter of September last, which notifies your accession to the throne of Holland, I tender you in behalf of the United States my congratulations on this event. Connected with that nation by the earliest ties of friendship, and maintaining with them uninterrupted relations of peace and commerce, no event which interests their welfare can be indifferent to us. It is therefore with great pleasure I receive the assurances of your majesty that you will continue to cherish these ancient relations; and we shall, on our part, endeavor to strengthen your good will by a faithful observance of justice, and by all the good offices which occasion shall permit. Distant as we are from the powers of Europe, and devoted to pursuits which separate us from their affairs, we still look with brotherly concern on whatever affects those nations, and offer constant prayers for their welfare. With a friendly solicitude for your Majesty's person, I pray God, that he may always have you, great and good friend, in His holy keeping. Done, &c.

TO WILSON C. NICHOLAS.

WASHINGTON, February 28, 1807.

DEAR SIR,--Your letter of January the 20th was received in due time. But such has been the constant pressure of business, that it has been out of my power to answer it. Indeed, the subjects of it would be almost beyond the extent of a letter, and as I hope to see you ere long at Monticello, it can then be more effectually done verbally. Let me observe, however, generally, that it is impossible for my friends ever to render me so acceptable a favor, as by communicating to me, without reserve, facts and opinions. I have none of that sort of self-love which winces at it; indeed, both self-love and the desire to do what is best, strongly invite unreserved communication. There is one subject which will not admit a delay till I see you. Mr. T. M. Randolph is, I believe, determined to retire from Congress, and it is strongly his wish, and that of all here, that you should take his place. Never did the calls of patriotism more loudly assail you than at this moment. After excepting the federalists, who will be twenty-seven, and the little band of schismatics, who will be three or four (all tongue), the residue of the House of Representatives is as well disposed a body of men as I ever saw collected. But there is no one whose talents and standing, taken together, have weight enough to give him the lead. The consequence is, that there is no one who will undertake to do the public business, and it remains undone. Were you here, the whole would rally round you in an instant, and willingly co-operate in whatever is for the public good. Nor would it require you to undertake drudgery in the House. There are enough, able and willing to do that. A rallying point is all that is wanting. Let me beseech you then to offer yourself. You never will have it so much in your power again to render such eminent service.

Accept my affectionate salutations and high esteem.

TO MR. GALLATIN.

March 7, 1807.

In the case of Mr. Bloodworth, our first duty is to save the public from loss; the second, to aid the securities in saving themselves. They have not asked a dismission, which would probably do them injury, but an examination. I should think it equally safe for the public, and better for the securities, to send them a dismission of the collector, to be used or not at their discretion. With this in their hand, they could compel him to convey his property as a security to them, and to receive deputies of their appointment, who should apply all the future emoluments of the collector, or a given part of them, towards making up the deficit. But in such case, faithful reports should be made to you from time to time, that you may see that this operation is honestly going on, and no new danger arising to the public. These ideas are submitted merely for your consideration, as I am ready to sign a dismission as above proposed, or make a new appointment at once, whichever you think best. Affectionate salutations.

TO ROBERT BRENT, ESQ.

WASHINGTON, March 10, 1807.

SIR,--I have received your letter of yesterday, asking the application of a part of a late appropriation of Congress, to certain avenues and roads in this place.

The only appropriation ever before made by Congress to an object of this nature, was "to the public buildings and the highways _between_ them." This ground was deliberately taken, and I accordingly restrained the application of the money to the avenue between the Capitol and the Executive buildings, and the roads round the two squares.

The last appropriation was in terms much more lax, to wit, "for avenues and roads in the District of Columbia." This, indeed, would take in a large field, but besides that we cannot suppose Congress intended to tax the people of the United States at large, for all the avenues in Washington and roads in Columbia; we know the fact to have been that the expression was strongly objected to, and was saved merely from a want of time to discuss, (the last day of the session,) and the fear of losing the whole bill. But the sum appropriated (three thousand dollars) shows they did not mean it for so large a field; for by the time the Pennsylvania avenue, between the two houses, is widened, newly gravelled, planted, brick tunnels instead of wood, the roads round the squares put in order, and that in the south front of the war office dug down to its proper level, there will be no more of the three thousand dollars left than will be wanting for constant repairs. With this view of the just and probable intention of the Legislature, I shall not think myself authorized to take advantage of a lax expression, forced on by circumstances, to carry the execution of the law into a region of expense which would merit great consideration before they should embark in it. Accept my friendly salutations, and assurances of great esteem and respect.

TO MR. GALLATIN.

March 20, 1807.

I think with you it is better to leave the leasing the Salt Springs to Governor Harrison, who will do it according to general rules; and I am averse to giving contracts of any kind to members of the Legislature. On the subject of Latimer's letter, I gave him a general answer, that all indulgence permitted by the spirit of the law would be used. I am unable to give any particular opinion, because the law not having been printed yet, I cannot turn to it; but I am ready to approve any proposition you think best. Indeed, I have but a little moment in the morning in which I can either read, write, or think; being obliged to be shut up in a dark room from early in the forenoon till night, with a periodical head-ache. Affectionate salutations.

TO THE GOVERNOR OF KENTUCKY, TENNESSEE, OHIO, AND MISSISSIPPI.

WASHINGTON, March 21, 1807.

SIR,--Although the present state of things on the western side of the Mississippi does not threaten any immediate collision with our neighbors in that quarter, and it is our wish they should remain undisturbed until an amicable adjustment may take place; yet as this does not depend on ourselves alone, it has been thought prudent to be prepared to meet any movements which may occur. The law of a former session of Congress, for keeping a body of 100,000 militia in readiness for service at a moment's warning, is still in force. But by an act of the last session, a copy of which I now enclose, the Executive is authorized to accept the services of such volunteers as shall offer themselves on the conditions of the act, which may render a resort to the former act unnecessary. It is for the execution of this act that I am now to solicit your zealous endeavors. The persons who shall engage will not be called from their homes until some aggression, committed or intended, shall render it necessary. When called into action, it will not be for a lounging, but for an active, and perhaps distant, service. I know the effect of this consideration in kindling that ardor which prevails for this service, and I count on it for filling up the numbers requisite without delay. To yourself, I am sure, it must be as desirable as it is to me, to transfer this service from the great mass of our militia to that portion of them, to whose habits and enterprise active and distant service is most congenial. In using, therefore, your best exertions towards accomplishing the object of this act, you will render to your constituents, as well as to the nation, a most acceptable service.

With respect to the organizing and officering those who shall be engaged within your State, the act itself will be your guide; and as it is desirable that we should be kept informed of the progress in this business, I must pray you to report the same from time to time to the Secretary at War, who will correspond with you on all the details arising out of it.

I salute you with great consideration and respect.

TO JAMES MONROE.

WASHINGTON, March 21, 1807.

DEAR SIR,--A copy of the treaty with Great Britain came to Mr. Erskine's hands on the last day of the session of Congress, which he immediately communicated to us; and since that Mr. Purviance has arrived with an original. On the subject of it you will receive a letter from the Secretary of State, of about this date, and one more in detail hereafter. I should not have written, but that I perceive uncommon efforts, and with uncommon wickedness, are making by the federal papers to produce mischief between myself, personally, and our negotiators; and also to irritate the British government, by putting a thousand speeches into my mouth, not one word of which I ever uttered. I have, therefore, thought it safe to guard you, by stating the view which we have given out on the subject of the treaty, in conversation and otherwise; for ours, as you know, is a government which will not tolerate the being kept entirely in the dark, and especially on a subject so interesting as this treaty. We immediately stated in conversation, to the members of the Legislature and others, that having, by a letter received in January, perceived that our ministers might sign a treaty not providing satisfactorily against the impressment of our seamen, we had, on the 3d of February, informed you, that should such an one have been forwarded, it could not be ratified, and recommending, therefore that you should resume negotiations for inserting an article to that effect; that we should hold the treaty in suspense until we could learn from you the result of our instructions, which probably would not be till summer, and then decide on the question of calling the Senate. We observed, too, that a written declaration of the British commissioners, given in at the time of signature, would of itself, unless withdrawn, prevent the acceptance of any treaty, because its effect was to leave us bound by the treaty, and themselves totally unbound. This is the statement we have given out, and nothing more of the contents of the treaty has ever been made known. But depend on it, my dear Sir, that it will be considered as a hard treaty when it is known. The British commissioners appear to have screwed every article as far as it would bear, to have taken everything, and yielded nothing. Take out the eleventh article, and the evil of all the others so much overweighs the good, that we should be glad to expunge the whole. And even the eleventh article admits only that we may enjoy our right to the indirect colonial trade, _during the present hostilities_. If peace is made this year, and war resumed the next, the benefit of this stipulation is gone, and yet we are bound for ten years, to pass no non-importation or non-intercourse laws, nor take any other measures to restrain the unjust pretensions and practices of the British. But on this you will hear from the Secretary of State. If the treaty can not be put into acceptable form, then the next best thing is to back out of the negotiation as well as we can, letting that die away insensibly; but, in the meantime, agreeing informally, that both parties shall act on the principles of the treaty, so as to preserve that friendly understanding which we sincerely desire, until the one or the other may be deposed to yield the points which divide us. This will leave you to follow your desire of coming home, as soon as you see that the amendment of the treaty is desperate. The power of continuing the negotiations will pass over to Mr. Pinckney, who, by procrastinations, can let it die away, and give us time, the most precious of all things to us. The government of New Orleans is still without such a head as I wish. The salary of five thousand dollars is too small; but I am assured the Orleans legislature would make it adequate, would you accept it. It is the second office in the United States in importance, and I am still in hopes you will accept it. It is impossible to let you stay at home while the public has so much need of talents. I am writing under a severe indisposition of periodical headache, without scarcely command enough of my mind to know what I write. As a part of this letter concerns Mr. Pinckney as well as yourself, be so good as to communicate so much of it to him; and with my best respects to him, to Mrs. Monroe and your daughter, be assured yourself, in all cases, of my constant and affectionate friendship and attachment.

TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON, ESQ.

WASHINGTON, March 24th, 1807.

DEAR SIR,--The two receipts of Poncin's have come safely to hand. The account had been settled without difficulty. The federal papers appear desirous of making mischief between us and England, by putting speeches into my mouth which I never uttered. Perceiving, by a letter received in January, that our commissioners were making up their mind to sign a treaty which contained no provision against impressment, we immediately instructed them not to do so; and if done, to consider the treaty as not accepted, and to resume their negociations to supply an article against impressment. We therefore hold the treaty in suspense, until we hear what is done in consequence of our last instructions. Probably we shall not hear till midsummer, and we reserve till that time the question of calling the Senate. In the meantime, to show the continuance of a friendly spirit, we continue the suspension of the non-importation act by proclamation. Another cause for not accepting the treaty was a written declaration by the British commissioner, at the time of signing, reserving a right, if we did not oppose the French decree to their satisfaction, to retaliate in their own way, however it might affect the treaty; so that, in fact, we were to be bound, and they left free. I think, upon the whole, the emperor cannot be dissatisfied at the present state of things between us and England, and that he must rather be satisfied at our unhesitating rejection of a proposition to make common cause against him, for such in amount it was. Burr has indeed made a most inglorious exhibition of his much over-rated talents. He is now on his way to Richmond for trial. Accept my friendly salutations, and assurances of constant esteem and respect.

TO ----.

WASHINGTON, March 25th, 1807.