Chapter I: Part 1

_The_
PENALTY OF
LEADERSHIP

In every field of human endeavor, he that is first must perpetually live in the white light of publicity. ¶Whether the leadership be vested in a man or in a manufactured product, emulation and envy are ever at work. ¶In art, in literature, in music, in industry, the reward and the punishment are always the same. ¶The reward is widespread recognition; the punishment, fierce denial and detraction. ¶When a man’s work becomes a standard for the whole world, it also becomes a target for the shafts of the envious few. ¶If his work be merely mediocre, he will be left severely alone—if he achieve a masterpiece, it will set a million tongues a wagging. ¶Jealousy does not protrude its forked tongue at the artist who produces a commonplace painting. ¶Whatsoever you write, or paint, or play, or sing, or build, no one will strive to surpass or to slander you, unless your work be stamped with the seal of genius. ¶Long, long, after a great work, or a good work has been done, those who are disappointed or envious, continue to cry out that it can not be done. ¶Spiteful little voices in the domain of art were raised against our own Whistler as a mountebank, long after the big world had acclaimed him its greatest artistic genius. ¶Multitudes flocked to Bayreuth to worship at the musical shrine of Wagner, while the little group of those whom he had dethroned and displaced, argued angrily that he was no musician at all. ¶The little world continued to protest that Fulton could never build a steamboat, while the big world flocked to the river banks to see his boat steam by. ¶The leader is assailed because he is a leader, and the effort to equal him is merely added proof of that leadership. ¶Failing to equal or to excel, the follower seeks to depreciate and to destroy—but only confirms once more the superiority of that which he strives to supplant. ¶There is nothing new in this. ¶It is as old as the world and as old as the human passions—envy, fear, greed, ambition, and the desire to surpass. ¶And it all avails nothing. ¶If the leader truly leads, he remains—the leader. ¶Master-poet, master-painter, master-workman, each in his turn is assailed, and each holds his laurels through the ages. ¶That which is good or great makes itself known, no matter how loud the clamor of denial. ¶That which deserves to live—lives.

_Copyright 1914, Cadillac Motor Car Co._

The World Court

═══════════════════════════════════════════════════════════════════════
TABLE OF CONTENTS, SEPTEMBER, 1915
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WORLD COMMENT 59
THE UNITED STATES NOT A “TENDERFOOT”
MUTUAL OBLIGATION
GERMANY’S MATERIAL ADVANTAGE
A SLANDER OF BRAVE MEN
THOMAS A. EDISON DRAFTED
DR. DILLON ON THE FIRST PHASE OF THE WAR
A KINDLY VOICE FROM GERMANY
WAR—BUT NOT FAMINE
STRIKES IN WAR TIMES
AN INTERESTING FORECAST
PRESIDENT WILSON’S LAST GERMAN NOTE
“PEACE BY COMPULSION”
THE RED SEA, BY FRANCIS BOWLER PRATT

EDITORIALS 67
THE LAW OF NATIONS
THE WAR PATH OR THE WORLD STATE
CHINA AND JAPAN
ACTION VERSUS WORDS
ENGLAND AND THE DISINHERITED
THE UNCERTAINTY OF FUTURE EVENTS
THE DUTY OF THE HOUR
THE ARISTOCRACY OF LABOR

THE WORLD COURT MOVEMENT _By Hon. Theodore Marburg_ 73 THE WAR’S POSSIBLE DURATION _By George K. Shaw_ 79 THE COMPOSITION OF THE WORLD COURT _By Emerson McMillin_ 81 THE MINIMUM NUMBER _By Harry A. Garfield_ 83 THE BREAKDOWN OF “CULTURE” AS A REDEMPTIVE FORCE 86 THE CHURCH AS A FACTOR IN RACIAL _By Rev. Sidney L. Gulick_ RELATIONS 88 POSSIBILITIES AND LIMITATIONS OF A WORLD _By William Dudley Foulke_ COURT 90 THE BUSINESS MAN IN POLITICS _By John Hays Hammond_ 94 PEACE BY COMPULSION _By James Brown Scott_ 97 THE MILITARIST _By John Edward Oster_ 98 A PEACE SUGGESTION 100 THE INFORMATION DESK 103

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THE WORLD COURT

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JOHN WESLEY HILL, D.D., LL.D., GEORGE K. SHAW, Associate and Editor Managing Editor ───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────── Subscription Price, One Dollar a Single Copies, Ten Cents Year ───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────── Entered as Second Class Matter, September 16, 1912, at the Post Office at New York Copyright, 1915, by the International Peace Forum ═════════════════════════════════════════════════════════════════════

WORLD COMMENT

THE UNITED STATES NOT A “TENDERFOOT”

In the old days when the “bad man” flourished on our western frontier the gunmen would occasionally suspend their slaughter of each other to have fun with a “tenderfoot.” An inoffensive easterner landing from the stage would be surrounded by a crowd and would suddenly receive from some one in the crowd an order to dance. If he remonstrated or failed to comply instantly with the demand, a revolver bullet would strike close to his feet, the order would be reiterated, and the poor fellow would be compelled to lift his feet and gyrate to the crash of bullets from a “45” in the hands of a noted desperado, until he was exhausted.

It begins to look as if some of the belligerent powers of Europe would like to make us dance to the crash of diplomatic notes and unjustifiable war measures. In any street row it is usually the innocent bystander that suffers most, and the belligerents evidently don’t care how much this neutral nation may suffer if they can have their own way.

But if we are not mistaken in our guess, Uncle Sam will distinctively and decisively decline to play the rôle of “tenderfoot” for the amusement or profit of European gunmen. The people of this nation will insist upon full recognition of their rights as neutrals—and not only that, but on their privilege to carry on their accustomed activities of travel, trade and industry in accordance with the universally recognized rules of international law. In so far as the administration at Washington insists upon the assertion and exercise of these rights and privileges, in so far will it be backed up by the public sentiment of the nation. In so far as it falls short of maintaining the full height of the dignity of American manhood, in so far will it fall short of its duty and the demands of our intelligent and responsible citizenship.

The people of this country do not want war with any of the belligerent nations, nor do they expect that we will be drawn into the war by the manly assertion of our rights. But dreadful as war is, they would prefer it to seeing our country and our flag made a ridiculous spectacle of pusillanimity and helplessness.

On the other hand, no reasonable citizen wants our government to be bumptious and insulting, or to invite reprisals by exceeding the measure of our just demands. Nor is it likely that a firm and reasonable attitude assumed by the Washington administration will draw us into the war. It is not at all probable that any of the great powers arrayed against each other on European battle fields or the high seas want war with the United States now. On the contrary, any one of them would undoubtedly make sacrifices to avoid it. We do not, however, ask of any of them any sacrifice beyond the observance of the recognized rules of international law and the dictates of humanity. If any nation would declare war against us because we call a halt upon its savagery so far as our own citizens are concerned, we could fight with a good conscience and with a confident trust in the God of justice and mercy.

The United States is not called upon to go to war to protect any of the nations of the Eastern Hemisphere, or the rights and immunities of their citizens. We are not called upon to take sides in the conflict now raging; but we are called upon to protect our own citizens in their lives, their immunities and their world-rights, and if we fall below the measure of this duty history will judge us as a pitiful and decadent race.

MUTUAL OBLIGATION

The obligation of our foreign-born naturalized citizens and of our government is mutual. The naturalized citizens owe loyalty to the United States and the United States owes them protection. The foreigner, taking out his citizenship papers, forswears allegiance to the country of his birth and specifically to the ruler or rulers thereof, and swears to be a true and faithful citizen to the country of his adoption. With this oath upon his soul, any divided allegiance upon his part is treasonable. Politically he stands precisely upon the basis of a native-born citizen. So do his children, whether born in this country or not. His minor children, born abroad, if they have come to the United States with him, become citizens through his naturalization.

While the naturalized citizens thus owe the same undivided allegiance to the country of their adoption that her native citizens owe, the country of their adoption owes them precisely the same protection that it owes the native-born. It owes them and their families the same protection of the laws, the same opportunities for a vocation, the same right to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. Our government also owes them the same protection while traveling or temporarily sojourning in foreign countries.

Having exacted from the naturalized citizen the forswearing of his allegiance to the country of his former domicile and its rulers, the United States perhaps owes even a more punctilious obligation to him to protect him in his rights of American citizenship. For if the native country of the naturalized citizen does not recognize his right of expatriation, and insists upon holding him, for instance, to military service, the United States should be ready and able to protect him in his right of exemption from such service. A country that cannot protect its own citizens, whether native or naturalized, has no right to independent existence. In these times the bearing of this point upon the physical power of this government to assert itself and to command respectful attention to its just demands, needs no extended discussion. It is a time when no virile nation can afford to leave itself denuded of defensive power and helpless.

THE AFTERMATH

The United States cannot satisfy all the people of the belligerent countries by its neutrality. The people of Europe are so wrought up by the present deplorable conditions that most of them have come to believe that all who are not for them are against them. There is irritation both on the part of the Teutonic allies and the Anglo-French allies because our government has not shown more decided sympathies with one side or the other, and taken a more decisive stand for or against the conflicting contentions. When the war ends there will doubtless be anger against us in all the belligerent countries. Should the war end in anything like a draw, leaving one or more great nations with a veteran and still formidable army and navy, such an army and navy would be more than a match for any force that the United States now has in being. Should one of the nations, thus relieved from peril on its own continent, see fit to call this country to account for some fancied failure in neutral obligation, or to demand from us a large indemnity, the countries formerly at war with it might not see fit to make any intervention in our behalf. They might all say to Uncle Samuel: “You left us to fight our own battles and were not moved to interfere even by the dictates of humanity. Now we will leave you to fight yours!”

It is useless to say that at the end of the war all the countries, and notably England and Germany, will be so exhausted that they will be unable to engage in another great war. History does not so teach. At the end of a long war a country has its forces mobilized and equipped and the military spirit at its height. At the close of our four years’ exhausting Civil War, the United States was the most formidable military power in the world, which it is very far from being to-day. It is no time for our people to imitate the ostrich and hide their heads in the sand. There are perils ahead for us whether the war ends soon or late, and however it ends. And besides that, if we desire to promote the world’s peace, we must be prepared to speak with a strong voice. Idealistic notions are valuable in their place, but they are about as potent in the storm of war, and the aftermath of a great world-war, as the twittering of sparrows in a storm. If our country lies helpless it will simply be a temptation to some of the now warring nations to recoup themselves from our wealth for their enormous losses.

GERMANY’S MATERIAL ADVANTAGE

Germany enjoys one material advantage in this war, aside from her superior organization, that has so far proved a potent factor in enabling her to maintain her position on all the battle fronts. Germany’s normal output of iron and coal is twice that of the British Isles. In addition Germany has, since the early days of the war, controlled the large iron and coal product of Belgium, and four-fifths that of France. It is difficult to exaggerate the importance of iron and coal and iron and coal products in creating and operating the machinery of war. Besides this command of war material, Germany has better command of labor to work the material into war munitions. We do not hear of any labor strikes in Germany. Industrial Germany is as much a unit as military Germany. Of the allies, the British people do not seem to realize what a terrible antagonist they have in Germany. We still hear of British political dissentions and British labor troubles. If the allies expect to win, if the Great Britain expects to preserve the British Empire or even to save the British Isles from invasion and German occupation, then British people will have to drop their internal dissensions, summons all their resources, and fight and work as one man for self-preservation.

THE WILL TO PEACE

In this world-crisis the American people need to search their hearts and determine whether their ideals of peace are based on softness, effeminacy, disinclination to exertion and sacrifice, love of ease and pleasure, or upon absolute principle. In either case, we must arouse ourselves and cast off sloth. Peace is not to be had except with righteousness. The will to peace must be buttressed in strength, and not in weakness. In the present temper of the world, international friendship doesn’t seem to count. The nations have lapsed into sheer materialism. Each one is seeking its own aims and interests. Such alliances as exist are made because each member of the alliance believes that its interests will be better served by that combination than by any other. Every one of the lesser states of Europe not already engaged in the war is striving anxiously to determine on which side its bread is buttered—that is whether continued neutrality or active participation on one side or the other will best serve its turn.

The proper policy of the United States is neutrality, but we will gain nothing by toadying to one belligerent or another. Our treatment by the victor in the war, if the war ends in victory for one side or the other, will not be gauged by the friendship we have displayed, or the disappointment which our conduct has occasioned, but by our strength or weakness. We will have to rely upon our own resources and not upon anybody’s favor. Our aim as a nation should be, first to preserve our standards of honor and independence. We should truckle to no one. Next, to do absolute justice and to uphold the standard of humanity. We may not be able to prevent any modification of international law or changes in international rules of warfare, in view of vastly changed conditions, but we can insist upon the respect due to us as a great nation.

The United States has a legitimate “place in the sun,” and it must maintain that place morally also physically if need be. It is a time of human convulsion when any display of weakness and timidity will invite destruction.

A SLANDER OF BRAVE MEN

The story brought back from Europe by Miss Jane Addams about the “doping” of charging soldiers, naturally amazes all who have had any experience on the firing line. She said in her speech at Carnegie Hall, on July 9th, that in the present war, in order to get soldiers to charge with the bayonet, all nations are forced first to make the men drunk. “In Germany,” she said, “they have a regular formula for it. In England they use rum, and the French resort to absinthe. In other words, therefore, in the terrible bayonet charges they speak of with dread, the men must be doped before they start.”

This outgiving shows the folly of sending an hysterical and credulous woman to the front to get reliable information of war conditions. It is quite probable that the story was told to Miss Addams as she relates it, but that a woman of her intelligence should accept it as true and retail it on her own authority is to be regretted. It gives a misleading picture of war conditions and is an insult to the best manhood of all the nations engaged in the war. Denials have come from all the nations and friends of all the nations, but these denials are hardly needed by those who know about war.

Whatever may be thought of the war, and much as we may deplore its horrors nobody can truthfully deny the courage and hardihood of the men engaged in it, whether they are Germans, English, French or other nationals. It requires just as much courage to endure the wearing danger of the trenches as it does to participate in a bayonet charge. In fact, most soldiers would feel it as a relief to substitute the excitement and activity of an attack for the grinding peril of lying still under fire. If the men would need to be doped to get them to charge, they would need to be constantly doped to endure the sodden and bloody carnage of the trenches.

The work of war requires, more than any other, physical and mental fitness as well as resolution of soul. Every military commander knows that strong liquor would impair the physical strength and endurance of men for the time being, if not permanently. When a line of men start upon a bayonet charge they need every ounce of strength and endurance they possess to give them any chance of success. To send a line of doped men upon a bayonet charge would be to invite their almost certain destruction and the failure of the movement. Even if commanders were brutal enough to adopt the dope tactics specified by Miss Addams they would not be such fools.

Richard Harding Davis, in commenting on Miss Addams’s amazing “revelation,” says: “I have seen more of this war and other wars than Miss Addams, and against this insult, flung by a complacent and self-satisfied woman at men who gave their lives for men, I protest.”

There is enough material for genuine and truthful indictment of war without resorting to silly falsehood. How would the descendents of the men who gave up their lives in our civil war from a sense of imperious duty and patriotism like to have the slander placed upon their graves that the only way they could be induced to go into battle was to stupify them with intoxicants? Our war was a small one as compared with this twentieth century war, but it was just as perilous to the men engaged in it as this is to the soldiers of the present. An eminent military authority recently published a statement to the effect that in our civil war the casualties, in proportion to the number of men engaged, was ten times greater than the proportional casualties now. We do not know that this estimate is accurate, but we do know that our casualties were proportionately greater, in spite of the superior effectiveness of the modern machinery of war. The science of defense has kept pace with the science of destruction. Our war required just as much courage and hardihood and endurance on the part of the men engaged in it as this war does, and we know that it was not necessary to dope our men with strong liquor, on either side, to get them to fight.

THOMAS A. EDISON DRAFTED

The acceptance by Thomas A. Edison of a position as the head of an advisory defense board of civilian inventors and engineers for a bureau of invention and development which the Navy Department is to create, is an important step in the adoption of a rational national policy. The submarine, the airship and many other of the appliances which have made modern war so terrible and effective are of American origin. American invention and ingenuity have given the world the locomotive engine, the steam boat, the magnetic telegraph, the telephone, the phonograph, the sewing machine, the reaper, the harvester, the steam traction plow, the automobile, and other appliances which have changed the face of modern civilization. American ingenuity has reigned supreme alike in inventions of peace and of war, but our country has not profited to the full from the genius of our inventors. Men of other nations have seized upon American ideas and perfected them to their own profit. This is notably the case with the warlike appliances. The European nations now at war have developed the submarine and the aircraft to the point of astonishing efficiency, while the United States has lagged behind. In case of war, our submarine and aircraft service would, in its present condition of development, be vastly inferior to that of either Germany, England, or France.

The United States either wants to be prepared for war, or it does not. If it does, it wants the best preparation. Mr. Edison has been invited to head the advisory board because of some views in regard to national defenses expressed by him several months ago. He stated at that time that he would establish vast reserve stores of arms and ammunition, and would count rather upon automobiles than upon the railroads for quick transportation. He would also build many aeroplanes and submarines, and would keep our battleships and battle cruisers in dry-dock—practically in storage—but maintained in perfect efficiency, ready for use in case they should be needed for defense. He said he thought an army of 100,000 men, well trained men, backed by an efficient militia, and ample stores of munitions and weapons and other equipment, would be sufficient, but he would also have 40,000 drill sergeants selected and trained to instruct quickly a vast number of soldiers.

This, it will be seen, is a purely defensive military policy. Mr. Edison’s ideas may be more or less valuable, but his inventive genius and practical skill are undoubted, and his presence on a board composed of mechanical and scientific experts will furnish an assurance that the best methods to insure the nation’s safety from hostile attack will be adopted.

* * * * *

Perseverance is more prevailing than violence and many things which
can not be overcome when they are together yield themselves up when
taken little by little.

_Plutarch._

DR. DILLON ON THE FIRST PHASE OF THE WAR

The following extract from an article by Dr. E. J. Dillon in the June number of the _Contemporary Review_ would seem to indicate that England was at last deeply impressed with the formidable character of her foe and the terrible nature of the task before the British people. Dr. Dillon says:

“The first phase of the world-conflict has closed with the bitterness
of exploded illusions, the alarming growth of the spectre of
destruction, the quick materialization of the danger that threatens
the noblest possessions of the human race, and the primary necessity
of unanimous sacrifices before that danger can be displaced. Taking
stock of the present situation just as this war is about to enter its
second phase, we cannot but see that the central fact which calls for
recognition is the amazing strength of the German nation. After ten
months of warfare against Russia, Britain, France, Belgium and Serbia,
it continues not only to live its own life, drawing from its own
resources, but is able to send reinforcements of all kinds to Turkey
and Austria, to achieve new conquests, plan grandiose operations, and
win noteworthy victories over the allies.”

If England had realized the actual and potential strength of Germany from the outset, and made her dispositions accordingly, there might be a different story to tell. France seems to have girded up her loins from the start and to have accomplished wonders with her comparatively limited resources. Russia has made a gallant fight under the handicap of poor preparation and an immobile population. This is a war in which masses do not count against organized and trained efficiency. Great Britain alone has had the requisite resources and has failed to utilize them to the point of the utmost efficiency.

The only hope of the entente powers is in a long drawn out war. If given time, Russia may train her undisciplined hosts. France will make continuous sacrifices. Great Britain may focus her resources and bring them to bear at the point where they are most needed. If the entente allies can continue to hold substantially their present lines for another year, it would seem that Germany must begin to show signs of exhaustion. Any hope the entente allies may have had of invading Germany and crushing it must at the present time seem far from alluring.

A KINDLY VOICE FROM GERMANY

That all Germany is not given over to the doctrine of hate is shown by the following extract from an article by Prof. Ernst von Troeltsch in the Frankfürter Zeitung:

“We must not allow hatred to be magnified into theory or a system or
let it be the guiding maxim that controls our existence. Hatred may
inspire us with courage and driving power, but it is, politically
speaking, in the long run, an evil counsellor. It gives rise to a
bitter and fantastical idea of politics, which cannot be pursued, and
therefore brings dangerous disappointment in its train. And in its
influence on our moral and spiritual life hatred is most dangerous.
Everyone is agreed that we need a deepening of our moral and spiritual
sense, and hopes to see a new Germany rise out of the unparalleled
sacrifices which we have made. This new Germany is not to be a
compound of hate, but to spring from the creation of new sources of
national strength. All her past whether it be based on Christian and
Conservative ideas or on Liberal ideals, protests against race hatred,
and all these theories which base the conduct of real politics on
hate—theories which are not born in the field, but at the
writing-desk, whose standard-bearers are not soldiers, but the
self-important Philistine, and the bombastic writer at home.... We do
not need to cultivate hate, but to deepen our insight into the
terrible seriousness of the moment, and this all-important hour of our
fate.”

If Prof. Troeltsch represents any considerable body of German sentiment the note he sounds is an encouraging one. Every country has its yellow journals, its pot-house strategists, and its writing-desk statesmen, who are fond of elaborating pompous theories and showing their bravery by delivering hard words instead of hard knocks. Perhaps a good deal of the quoted literature that comes out of Germany voicing hated and arrogant purpose of world-domination originates with the bombastic Philistines described by the Professor, and not from the real representative men of the nation. If so, when peace comes to be seriously discussed it may be possible to agree upon terms that will not be repugnant to our Christian civilization.

WAR, BUT NOT FAMINE

In allegory and history war is usually associated with famine. But fortunately in this otherwise awful conflict there is so far no general famine. There are of course sporadic instances of local suffering from lack of food in war-devasted regions, but the belligerent nations, as entities, seem to have ample supplies. It is officially declared that Germany has ample stores of food, and that the promise of the current year’s harvest is bounteous. It is the same with Austria and Russia. France and England have ample food from homegrown products and importations. The outlook is for enormous crop yields in both the United States and Canada. There seems to be ample ability in the warring countries to take care of the harvests by the labor of the men not at the front, supplemented by the labor of prisoners of war and of the women and children. The setting of prisoners of war to work in the fields is not inhuman. On the contrary, it is very often a mercy to the prisoners.

Pestilence also is the usual accompaniment of war. There are reports of pestilence from various quarters, but modern science has shown itself able to battle with disease and prevent any widespread devastation from it.

STRIKES IN WAR TIME

Reports of an impending strike in the Krupp works of Germany were followed by reports of the probable universal application of martial law. It is not probable that any serious strike will be allowed in Germany. No nation at war can afford to permit extensive strikes on the part of its industrial population. It is not improbable that Great Britain will be obliged to follow the example of Germany in suppressing strikes with the strong hand. When a nation is fighting for its life it cannot permit any class or section of its people to imperil the independence of the country and the safety of its population by pursuing a selfish class interest to the point of paralyzing a vital industry.

AN INTERESTING FORECAST

General and former Judge Roger A. Pryor, who commanded a Confederate brigade during the Civil War, recently indulged in some war predictions after premising that “it is foolish to prophecy.” He expected the fall of Warsaw, and then that the Germans would conclude a separate peace with Russia. France would come next for the same treatment. Then England would be left to face things. Judge Pryor added:

“Is England an old empire that has reached the stage that ended the
history of Greece and Rome? Perhaps not. Perhaps it is not destined to
go yet, and at the hands of Germany.

“But whatever happens, I think the end of this thing they call
militarism will come. Whoever triumphs, the people, even of the
victorious country, will demand that the nations’ means be devoted to
humanity rather than war. The people are paying for this war. They are
losing most, and they know it.

“As an old soldier, I can say there is nothing in war. I have seen
enough of it. The world is not at a stage now where constant killing
of men by their fellows can go on. This war will be the great lesson.”

Whether Judge Pryor’s forecast as to the military outcome is credible of incredible, his prediction of the downfall of militarism is within the bounds of probability. His verdict that there is nothing in war jibes with the verdict of General Grant and many great soldiers.

PRESIDENT WILSON’S LAST GERMAN NOTE

The note to Germany from the Department of State of the United States, under date of July 21, 1915, and signed “Lansing,” is gratifying to the American people by reason of its firm tone, its manly assertion of our national dignity, and our purpose to protect American citizens, as well as the rights of humanity, upon the seas. It is not belligerent in expression, but on the contrary most moderate and courteous. It leaves the way open for a friendly adjustment, but appears to be a finality so far as correspondence is concerned. Germany can meet our demands by refraining from the acts of which our government complains, and our claims for redress and indemnity for past acts can be left for future adjustment.

Fortunately, there is not now in the cabinet a Secretary of State to nullify the moral and practical effect of the note by secret assurances that it is “intended only for home consumption.”

“PEACE BY COMPULSION”

In the August issue of this magazine there was a reference in this department to a communication from the Hon. James Brown Scott on “Peace by Compulsion.” The communication to which reference was made was, through some mistake in the make-up, omitted from the pages of the August number. The substance of it will be found in this number. Mr. Scott sets forth some of the weaknesses and inconsistencies of the plan proposed by the Philadelphia League of Peace meeting.

THE RED SEA

BY
FRANCIS BOWLER PRATT

A sea of blood is rising and beating at the Wall
Of Peace, that threatens sorely, with each new tide to fall.
Upon its crimson surface (O God! the fearful cost)!
Like floatage from a shipwreck, humanity is lost.
Dashed to a doom relentless, worn age and noble youth,
Cast at Thy feet, all broken, are at the sea’s grim ruth.
God of the slain and slayer, the craven and the brave,
The scarlet waters, corpse-strewn, Thy very throne must lave
If Thou stay not the flood-tide (’tis brimmed with women’s tears.)
Cup in Thy hand this Red Sea, and calm men’s dread and fears;
Dread of the devastation wrought by a bitter war.
Fear for its flower, and promise fed to a greedy maw.
Lord, dry the springs of hatred and check this stream of death.
Man’s burning lust of power quench with Thy potent breath.
Wielder of mighty waters, ward of the tiny stream;
Source of the sun’s effulgence and of the moon’s pale beam;
God of the sheltered seedling and the surrendered grain,
Grant that to realms war-deluged Thy Kingdom Come again.

EDITORIALS

NATIONS STILL IN THE CAVEMAN ERA

While international law has by agreement laid down certain rules
regarding the conduct of war, it is recognized that there exists no
central authority that is able to enforce compliance with these
arguments. But, as regards the right of a nation to declare war for
any reason, even for openly alleged plunder and conquest, there is no
precept of restraint and no recognized right of interference. Although
the right to invade, subdue and appropriate without provocation cannot
be established as a right to inherit in any sovereign state by any
process of juridical reasoning, nevertheless it is a recognized
prerogative which international law does not, and under existing
conceptions of sovereignty cannot, forbid. One of the greatest
authorities on the subject says: “Theoretically, international law
ought to determine the causes for which war can be justly
undertaken—in other words, it ought to mark out as plainly as
municipal law what constitutes a wrong for which a remedy may be
sought in law. It might also not unreasonably go on to discourage the
commission of wrongs by investigating a state seeking redress with
special rights, and by subjecting a wrong-doer to special
disabilities.” But in fact it does nothing of the kind. International
law accepts war, independently of the justice of its origin, as a
relation which the parties to it may set up if they choose, and which
any nation may, if it chooses, impose upon another against its will.
The law confines itself to nominally regulating the effects of the
relations.—Dr. David Jayne Hill in _Review of Reviews_.

The above declaration from a well known authority upon international law shows how unsatisfactory is the present status of the recognized law of nations, and how inadequate, not to say impotent, it is to preserve the peace among nations. We glean from other authoritative writers on the subject that the Moral Law which is almost universally held to be binding upon the individuals of a nation with respect to internal affairs must, in the case of the nation as a whole, give way to the necessity of self-preservation, and that under this rule everything deemed necessary to the preservation of the life of the nation is justified. Dr. Hill remarks that even the control of international law upon the conduct of war is wholly illusory, as is evident from the fact that the so-called laws of war cannot be enforced by a non-belligerent co-signatory of the convention in which the agreement is made without the non-belligerent itself going to war to execute such enforcement.

Therefore the nations of the world, regarded as individual entities, are in precisely the same relation to each other as were the individual cave-men of the prehistoric era. Each cave-man was a law unto himself and existed by virtue of his strength and cunning. If one cave-man made a compact with another to unite for mutual defense there was no outside power to make either one keep the agreement save by compulsion, or to respect the life and property of friend or enemy. There was no moral law among the cave-men, and there is at present no enforceable law among nations.

The plan of a World Court for Judicial Settlement proposes to introduce among nations enforceable international laws which would tend to prevent war altogether by compelling nations to live up to the recognized rules of international morality. It would do for nations what civilized institutions have done for the individuals of nations.

THE WAR PATH OR THE WORLD STATE

This is the key-note of a powerful article by H. G. Wells, in a recent issue of the New York _Times_. His argument, is that “Man’s increasing power of destruction, unchecked will overwhelm Hope, Beauty and Freedom in the World.”

The submarine and the aircraft have made the horrors of war inescapable by the civil population of any country. The development of destructive weapons during the present war has been marvellous. It seems inevitable that capacity for offense will be so developed in time that no ship will be safe from torpedoes on ocean, river or lake, and that no city or hamlet, or even remote farmhouse, will be exempt from destruction by aërial bombs. What is to prevent a fleet of enemy’s aircraft from burning up the crops of any given region, condemning the inhabitants to starvation? This thought can be expanded ad libitum by those who keep pace with the march of invention, and who realize that just now destructive invention outpaces constructive invention and the science of conservation.

The old scope of war was sufficiently horrible, when it mainly threatened fortresses, battle-fields and men liable to military service. But now its threat is universal, against whole populations, on land and water.

Therefore the question of universal peace is now of vital interest not alone to the statesman, the ruler, the general and the financier, but to “the man in the street,” to the ordinary citizen, to every woman, and to every little child. It always concerned all these in a general way, but now it is brought intimately home to all, because war can at any moment put any individual in imminent personal deadly peril of life or limb.

Is there a possibility of preventing wars in the future short of the adoption of a counsel of perfection—that is to say, the substantial regeneration of human nature to the moral elevation of the mind that was in the Prince of Peace? There is manifestly only one way to approximate universal peace among men so long as they remain in an unregenerate state. And that is a union or welding of nations into what might be called a World-State.

The model is the nation itself. Internal peace is preserved in a civilized and virile nation by the establishment of constitutional safeguards and of institutions of government. Not all the individuals of a nation can be trusted to keep the peace. The non-peaceable are held in check by laws and by the provisions made for the execution of the laws. To this end nations have legislative bodies, executives and courts. The executives have placed under their command armies and police forces to restrain the wicked. With all the machinery of executives and courts and police forces crime is not entirely prevented, nor violence suppressed. People are assaulted and murdered, but in a well-ordered nation the infractions of the law are trifling as compared with the aggregate of peaceful life.

So in a World-State. War and violence might not be entirely prevented, but the aggregate of peaceful life would be so extended as to save civilization and permit moral and material progress. Mr. Wells well says:

The course of human history is downward and very dark indeed unless
our race can give mind and will, now unreservedly in unprecedented
abundance, to the stern necessities that follow logically from the
aircraft bomb and the poison gas and that silent, invisible,
unattainable murderer, the submarine.

The way to achieve a World-State was clearly pointed out by the Cleveland World Court Congress. It is doubtful if any other method is workable than to begin with the establishment of a World Supreme Court for Judicial Settlement backed by ample physical force to curb unruly nations. No one contends that such a tribunal can be made effective without the coöperation of the first class powers, or a decisive majority of them. The task of the United States, after the conclusion of the present bloody war, will be to bring these great nations together in a world-conference to perfect the plan for a World-State.

CHINA AND JAPAN

“Japan has seized this time, when the European powers are engaged in a hand-to-hand struggle for existence, to begin the work of the consolidation of the yellow races. Japanese statesmen have explained her position as that of mediator between the West and the East. Japan does not desire to be the mediator between the West and the East. She wants to be the East.”

This is the conclusion reached by Samuel G Blythe, in a recent magazine article discussing the demands made by Japan upon China on the 18th of January last. The original demands were somewhat modified before acceptance by China, but in their modified form they virtually give Japan the hegemony of China. China accepted under a tacit threat of war, because China was militarily too weak to resist Japan, and because China knew that she could not look for help at this juncture either from Great Britain or the United States. The British Empire is engaged in a struggle for its own existence: The United States, in a military sense, is almost as weak as China, and faces too many possibilities of complications with some or all of the European powers to make it safe to allow its attention to be diverted by the possibility of war with Japan.

There is no reason to believe that Japan has any aggressive designs upon the United States. In fact, the execution of her design of becoming, as Mr. Blythe expresses it, “The East,” bids fair to occupy her attention to such an extent as to preclude the idea of Japan seeking trouble with this country. But that Japan would stand on the defensive and resist with her full military power any attempt on our part to intervene in behalf of China, goes without saying. If we have war with Japan we shall have to carry the war to Japan, and that, in the present condition of world affairs, is unthinkable.

In the present cynical attitude of the white and so-called Christian nations toward each other, it is not surprising that a heathen nation like Japan should resolve to take advantage of her superior physical strength to push her own interests. She claims to be a civilized nation, and so do Christian nations engaged in the great European war claim to be civilized. But their civilization is not allowed to stand in the way of their ambitions. It is natural that Japan should aspire to be the controlling power of Asia. She is the only Asiatic power that is fit for such a task or that could hope to accomplish such a design.

For Japan to hold her hand now and restrain her ambition when the folly of the great European nations has offered her an opportunity which may never occur again, would be an act of extreme self-abnegation even on the part of a Christian. Can we expect a higher standard of world-ethics from a heathen? Looking the situation squarely in the face, we may expect to see Japan set her foot upon the neck of China and subdue that country politically and economically to her will, for China has no power of organized resistance. We may then expect to see Japan set up a sort of Monroe Doctrine of Asia. She will undoubtedly allow Great Britain to retain India, as Great Britain is already established there, just as we allow Great Britain to retain Canada—but Japan will say to Europe and America, “Hands off!” as to new acquisitions in Asia. She will probably not attempt to interfere with the United States in the Philippines, but if we should make up our minds to abandon the Philippines, Japan might extend her protection over the Filipino Republic to prevent it coming under the influence of any other great power.

As for China, there is reason to believe that Japan’s protectorate over it, or absorption of it, will be beneficial to the people of that country in many ways. The Chinese have shown no capacity for organization or self-government. They have shown no capacity to develop the magnificent resources of their vast territory. Under Japanese efficiency China will be developed, and Japan, occupied in this task of development, will have no time to meddle with American affairs or to seek to push any colonizing enterprise on the American continents. The passing of Asia under the virtual suzerainty of an Asiatic power that has displayed a capacity for civilization and modern progress may be one of the compensations of the great world war. As for American trade in the aggregate, it should be helped rather than injured by the awakening of the sleeping Celestial giant to the touch of Progress.

ENGLAND AND THE DISINHERITED

The present war may prove a blessing in disguise to England if it leads to social reorganization on a more rational and effective basis. The weakness of England, as developed during the past year, has been in lack of unity and organization. There has been not only too much political, but too much class division. The remark has frequently been made, “Why doesn’t England wake up?” There has not been the same effective coöperation among all classes that has been apparent in Germany and in France. The English government has been in times past careless or neglectful in allowing the developement of slums and of a “submerged tenth,” while what are called the upper classes have been too intent on the pursuit of pleasure to give due heed to the privation and suffering of those occupying a lower social scale. This is measurably true of society in all countries, but it is notorious that the “upper classes” in England have been zealously devoted to sports, week-end holidays, social functions and the pursuit of gain, while the operative classes have antagonized them in labor organizations, and the lower working classes have been neglected and thrown upon the poor rates. This has bred social divisions which even the pressure of war finds difficult to heal. If this war is fought through to success by the working people of England, as it must be if England is successful, because the working people furnish the bulk of the army and navy and the toilers in the factories, they will undoubtedly demand a rearrangement of social forces which will give them a more equitable participation in the prosperity of the country. German efficiency teaches the world that no nation can permit the growth within its boundaries of a proletariat that feels itself disinherited.

ACTION VERSUS WORDS

There are many who think that the proper reply to the sinking of the _Lusitania_ and the taking of American lives without warning would have been the calling of Congress in extra session and the appropriation of a billion dollars or more for increasing the American army and navy and coast defenses. They argue that this would not have been a measure of war, but on the contrary a measure of peace, as it would have shown that this country meant to protect its citizens and that no nation would ever venture to attack us if they saw that we meant to be prepared. The military authorities say that it will take us several years to place ourselves in a condition to fight any one of the first-class European powers with any prospect of success. Orville Wright says that we need two thousand æroplanes which might be built in a year, and Mr. Lake says we need at least a hundred and fifty submarines, which might be built within two years, and a goodly proportion of them in one year. If we need to prepare for defense, and the preparation takes so long, the sooner we begin the better. As actions speak louder than words, President Wilson’s action in calling Congress together would have conveyed a distinct impression of our resolution to protect our nationals and our national interests, as well against Great Britain as against Germany, which no “note” can convey, especially when the force of the note is undermined by a cabinet officer with the secret assurance to the ambassador of a foreign power that the note was merely for home consumption! Fortunately, however, for the credit of President Wilson’s administration, his cabinet is now purged of such secret folly and treachery.

THE DUTY OF THE HOUR

The view taken by the more sober and serious advocates of stronger armament by the United States is expressed by the publication, _The Army and Navy Journal_, in a recent issue, under the caption, “The Duty of the Hour.” It says:

“Is there no possibility of bringing home to official diligence an
apprehension of the fact that preparation for defence, so far from
involving us in war, is the best defense against war, as is shown by
little Switzerland holding calmly on its path of peace in the midst of
warring nations? All the powers respect the neutrality of Switzerland
because they know that she is prepared to fight for her independence
to the last man, and that she is at all times ready for immediate
action in defense of her mountain fastnesses, so that she is a power
to be reckoned with.”

Switzerland is a poor country and does not greatly tempt any of the belligerent nations by her wealth. The Swiss are tough fighters, their country, by reason of its mountainous situation, is a very defensible one, and its subjugation would undoubtedly cost any power more than the conquest would be worth. The case is very different with the United States. This is the richest country in the world, actually and potentially. Any power which could occupy its coast cities would be able to levy indemnities which would richly pay them for the financial cost of any war. Human nature being what it is, such wealth is a constant temptation to any predatory power. The ocean does not protect us as it formerly did, but on the contrary affords a convenient highway for invasion. Such wealth as ours needs protection in the present status of world-morality. There is no thought of aggression on the part of our people. The United States will never arm for aggression. But it should be strong enough to keep its goods in peace and to save its population from the horrors of invasion.

THE ARISTOCRACY OF LABOR