Chapter I: Appendix: Controversial Tracts

_Remarks on the Rev._ W. WESTON’S _Enquiry
into the Rejection of the Christian Miracles
by the Heathens, 1746_ 145

_The Opinion of an eminent Lawyer, concerning
the Right of Appeal from the Vice-Chancellor
of Cambridge to the Senate, 1751_ 185

_On the Delicacy of Friendship, 1755_ 255

_A Letter to the Rev. Dr._ THOMAS LELAND,
_Fellow of Trinity College, Dublin; on his
Dissertation on the Principles of Human
Eloquence, &c. 1764_ 303

THREE SERMONS

PREACHED ON

PUBLIC OCCASIONS.

A

SERMON

PREACHED BEFORE

THE RIGHT HONOURABLE

THE HOUSE OF LORDS,

IN THE

ABBEY CHURCH OF WESTMINSTER,

ON FRIDAY, DECEMBER 13, 1776,

BEING

The Day appointed by AUTHORITY for a GENERAL FAST,
on Account of the AMERICAN REBELLION.

_Die Veneris, 13ᵒ Decembris 14, 1776, Post Meridiem._

ORDERED, by the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, in Parliament assembled, That the Thanks of this House be, and are hereby, given to the Lord Bishop of Lichfield and Coventry, for the Sermon by him preached before this House, this day, in the Abbey Church, Westminster; and he is hereby desired to cause the same to be forthwith printed and published.

ASHLEY COWPER,
Cler. Parliamentor.

SERMON, &c.

PSALM CXIX. v. 59.

_I called mine own ways to remembrance: and turned my feet unto thy testimonies._

The great object of this day’s solemnity, is, _to humble ourselves before Almighty God, in order to obtain pardon of our sins_. But this end requires, that we enter into an earnest recollection of our _ways_, and stedfastly resolve to _forsake_ all those, which we shall find reason to condemn.

Such is the example set us by the royal author of the text: And, though it might claim our respect at all times, it especially does so, at this juncture, when our sins have brought down upon us the heaviest of those judgments, with which it pleases God to visit, and, if it may be, to reclaim, offending nations.

And the hand of Heaven is not the less, but the more visible in this calamity, for it’s befalling us, when the acknowledged power of our country seemed to secure it against all resistance, both within and without; and when it was not to be expected, from the usual course of human affairs, that an attempt of this nature, so unprovoked, at once, and so hazardous, would be made. Something there must have been, much amiss in that people, against whom the Almighty permits the sword of civil fury, under _such_ circumstances, to be drawn.

From what _causes_, and by what _steps_, this portentous mischief hath grown up to it’s present size and terror, it is not needful, and may not be proper, for me to say. For which of us is unacquainted with these things? And how ill suited to the modest piety of this day would be, the vehement accusation of others, or the sollicitous justification of ourselves!

Yet, among the various pretences, which have served to pervert the judgments of many, ONE is so strange, and of so pernicious a tendency, were it to be generally admitted, that a word or two cannot be misemployed in the censure of it.

It is in the order of things, that they who, for any purpose, wish to draw the people into a scheme of resistance to an established government, should labour to impress them, first of all, with a persuasion of their being ill governed. Acts of tyranny and oppression are, therefore, sought out with diligence; and invented, when they cannot be found: And the credulous multitude have but too easily, at all times, lent an ear to such charges.

But it is quite new, and beyond measure extravagant, to tell us, That, although there be no considerable abuse of the government, as it now stands, we are bound in conscience to resist it, because such abuse is possible, and because a more desirable form of government may be conceived. And yet, to the disgrace of an age, calling itself philosophical, such sophistry has passed, not on the multitude only, but, as it is said, on wise men.

On the other hand, it would be unjust to say, that speculations on the nature and end of government are, therefore, useless or even hurtful, because we see them, in the present instance, so egregiously misapplied. Theories on government, when framed by sober and thinking men, cannot but be of great importance, as serving to remind both the governors and governed of their respective interests and duties; nay, and as tending ultimately to improve establishments themselves; but by degrees only, and by constitutional means. Our own excellent establishment has, in this way, been much improved: And we surely owe our thanks to those theorists, whose generous labours have contributed to this end.

But to apply these theories, how reasonable soever in themselves, directly to the correction of established governments, and to insist, that force may, or should, be called in to realize these visions, is a sort of fanaticism, which, if suffered to take it’s course, would introduce the utmost confusion into human affairs; would be constantly disturbing, and must, in the end, subvert, the best government, that ever did, or ever can, subsist in the world.

Thus much, then, in reproof of so wild and destructive a principle, I could not help saying in the entrance of a discourse, which, to suit the occasion, should have little of altercation and dispute; and which, agreeably to the text, must turn chiefly on the great duties of Recollection and Repentance.

But what, you will say, “Is a criminal enterprize, like this, which occasions our present meeting, to be charged on those only, against whom it is directed? And must we be the worst of sinners, because there are those of our fellow-subjects, who have taken up arms against their Sovereign?”

Far be it from me to affirm either of these things! Yet he was a wise man, who said, that, _when a man’s ways please the Lord, he maketh even his enemies to be at peace with him_[1]: And I think it clear from the tenour of scripture, and even from our own experience, that no national distress is ever inflicted, before it is deserved.

And the conviction of this sad truth is ground enough for us to turn ourselves to the great work of Repentance; which does not require us to form discouraging, or indeed any, comparisons between ourselves and the enemies we contend with, but to call to mind that we have, indeed, merited the evil, we suffer, whether brought upon us immediately by our own sins, or those of other men. A civil war is the most dreadful of those instruments, by which the moral government of God is administered in this world. And, _when such a judgement is in the earth_, be our comparative merits what they may, we shall do well to _learn righteousness_[2].

But, after all, who, or what are we, that we should talk of _merits_, or scruple to place this alarming visitation of Heaven to the account of our sins?—Merciful God! Do thou incline our hearts to follow the example of thy servant, David, this day, in _calling our own ways to remembrance_, and we shall presently see what need there is for us to _turn our feet unto thy testimonies_!

1. To begin from that point, whence all true worth and goodness, proceeds, I mean, from RELIGION.

There is no people on the face of the earth, more deeply indebted to Providence for blessings of all sorts, spiritual as well as temporal, than we of this Christian and Protestant nation. But has our pious gratitude kept pace with these obligations?

Infinite are the benefits, that descend upon us from our WELL-REFORMED Religion, and from the watchful care of Heaven in the support and protection of it. Yet who reflects on these things? Should we so much as hear a word on the subject, if it did not suit the purpose, sometimes, of peevish men and parties among us, to revive the memory of it? Have we even a decent regard for the honour of our great Reformers? And is not the little zeal, we have left for Protestantism itself, spent in idle cavils at the stupendous work, atchieved by their hands?

But why speak I of _reformed_ religion? Is there any of us, almost, who is animated with that zeal for CHRISTIANITY itself, which glowed in the breasts of our fathers?

Too many proclaim their disbelief of it, nay, their utter contempt of all that is called Religion; and yet appear to give no offence (where, methinks, it should be taken) by their manifest, their avowed, their ostentatious impieties. Is it not even growing into a maxim, in certain quarters, that Religion, or Irreligion, is a matter of no moment in the characters of men, and that none, but a bigot, is affected by that distinction?

It is true, the wiser, and, in every sense of the word, better, part of the public have an abhorrence of this profligacy. They profess, and without doubt entertain, a respect for the authority of their divine religion. Yet who has not observed, that more than a few of these reduce that authority to just nothing, and, in a sort of philosophical delirium, are for setting up their Reason, that is, their _own_ authority, in it’s stead?

Even we, of the Clergy, have we not some need to be put in mind of _doing our first works_, and of returning to _our first love_[3]? Has not the contagion of the times sicklied over the complexion of even _our_ zeal and charity? while we neither repell the enemies of the faith with that vigour, nor confirm the faithful themselves with that vigilance, which did so much honour to our predecessors in the sacred ministry.

But to come to plain _practical Religion_, as evidenced in our churches, and houses, and in the offices of common life.

How few are there, in comparison, who make a conscience of serving God, either in public, or in private? Is there so much as the air of piety in numberless families, even on that day, which by God and man is set apart for the duties of it? Nay, is not that day, I had almost said, in preference to others, prophaned by every sort of amusement and dissipation? As if there was a full purpose to shake off even that small appearance of religion, which the Lord’s day has hitherto, and but barely, kept up. So little do we retain of that habitual seriousness, that awful sense of God, and of our dependence upon him, in which the essence of the religious character consists!

2. And, if such be the state of religion among us, who will wonder, that the MORAL VIRTUES, which have no firm abode in the Godless mind, are deserting us so fast? Who can think it strange, that oaths have lost their power? And that the most solemn engagements, even those contracted at the altar itself, are falling apace, or rather are _fallen_ with many, into contempt?

Our _natural_ appetites, indeed, are impatient for their respective gratifications; and the lower classes of men, uneducated and undisciplined, are, at all times, too generally enslaved by them. But an overflow of wealth, and, it’s consequence, ingenious Luxury, has now made our _fantastic_ wants, as clamorous, as the natural; and the rage, with which the objects of them, or what we call polite and elegant pleasures and accommodations, are pursued in the higher ranks of life, discovers an impotency of mind, equal to that of the lowest vulgar, and more ruinous in its effects. For, whence is it, else, that bankruptcies are so frequent? that every species of fraud and rapine is hazarded? that a lust for gaming is grown epidemical and uncontroulable? that the ruin of noble and opulent families surprizes nobody? that even suicide is the crime of almost every day, nay and justified, too, as well as committed?

If horrors, like these, admit of aggravation, it is, that they meet us in a country, where the religion of Jesus is taught in it’s purity, and, as yet, is publicly professed; in a country, that wants no means of knowing it’s duty, and, among it’s other motives to the practice of it, has one, as rare as it is valuable, I mean, The best example in the highest place.

3. In this relaxed state of _private morals_, it is easy to guess what must be the tone of our CIVIL or POLITICAL virtues.

Vice is never so shameless, as when it pretends to public spirit. Yet this effrontery is so common, that it scandalizes nobody. If, indeed, noise and clamour and violence; if an affected tumour of words, breaking out in a loud defiance of dignities; if intemperate invectives against the most respected characters, and a contempt of all that wears the face of authority among us——were proofs of a just concern for the common weal; there would be no want of this virtue.

But who sees not, that true patriotism dares not allow itself in these liberties? that, if, in pursuit of a favourite object, it goes, occasionally, some lengths, scarce justifiable itself, it never fails, however, to stop at a certain point, and to respect, at least, the firm immoveable barriers of the Constitution? But has such been the modesty of our times? Let every one judge for himself. And, for the rest, I wish it had not appeared of late, that such a spirit of rapine and corruption prevails, both at home and abroad, as threatens the subversion of all our public interests;—a spirit! which neither the vigilance of parliament, for the severity of public justice, hath been able to controul.