Chapter XVI: Preface (1)

It is now seven or eight years since I designed to write this play of "Cleomenes;" and my Lord Falkland[36], (whose name I cannot mention without honour, for the many favours I have received from him) is pleased to witness for me, that, in a French book which I presented him about that time, there were the names of many subjects that I had thought on for the stage, amongst which this tragedy was one. This was out of my remembrance; but my lord, on the occasion of stopping my play, took the opportunity of doing me a good office at court, by representing it as it was, a piece long ago designed; which being judiciously treated, I thought was capable of moving compassion on the stage. The success has justified my opinion; and that at a time when the world is running mad after Farce, the extremity of bad poetry, or rather the judgment that is fallen upon dramatic writing. Were I in the humour, I have sufficient cause to expose it in its true colours; but, having for once escaped, I will forbear my satire, and only be thankful for my deliverance. A great part of my good fortune, I must confess, is owing to the justice which was done me in the performance. I can scarcely refrain from giving every one of the actors their particular commendations; but none of them will be offended, if I say what the town has generally granted, that Mrs Barry, always excellent, has, in this tragedy, excelled herself, and gained a reputation beyond any woman whom I have ever seen on the theatre. After all, it was a bold attempt of mine, to write upon a single plot, unmixed with comedy; which, though it be the natural and true way, yet is not to the genius of the nation. Yet, to gratify the barbarous party of my audience, I gave them a short rabble-scene, because the mob (as they call them) are represented by Plutarch and Polybius, with the same character of baseness and cowardice, which are here described in the last attempt of "Cleomenes." They may thank me, if they please, for this indulgence; for no French poet would have allowed them any more than a bare relation of that scene, which debases a tragedy to show upon the stage.

For the rest, some of the mechanic rules of unity are observed, and others are neglected. The action is but one, which is the death of Cleomenes; and every scene in the play is tending to the accomplishment of the main design. The place is likewise one; for, it is all in the compass of Alexandria, and the port of that city. The time might easily have been reduced into the space of twenty-four hours, if I would have omitted the scene of famine in the fifth act; but it pleased me to try how Spartans could endure it; and, besides, gave me the occasion of writing that other scene, betwixt Cleomenes and his suspected friend; and, in such a case, it is better to trespass on a rule, than leave out a beauty.

As for other objections, I never heard any worth answering; and, least of all, that foolish one which is raised against me by the sparks, for Cleomenes not accepting the favours of Cassandra. They would not have refused a fair lady! I grant they would not; but, let them grant me, that they are not heroes; and so much for the point of honour[37]. A man might have pleaded an excuse for himself, if he had been false to an old wife, for the sake of a young mistress; but Cleora was in the flower of her age, and it was yet but honey-moon with Cleomenes; and so much for nature. Some have told me, that many of the fair sex complain for want of tender scenes, and soft expressions of love. I will endeavour to make them some amends, if I write again, and my next hero shall be no Spartan.

I know it will be here expected, that I should write somewhat concerning the forbidding of my play; but, the less I say of it, the better. And, besides, I was so little concerned at it, that, had it not been on consideration of the actors, who were to suffer on my account, I should not have been at all solicitous whether it were played or no. Nobody can imagine that, in my declining age, I write willingly, or that I am desirous of exposing, at this time of day, the small reputation which I have gotten on the theatre. The subsistence which I had from the former government is lost; and the reward I have from the stage is so little, that it is not worth my labour.

As for the reasons which were given for suspending the play, it seems they were so ill-founded, that my Lord Chamberlain no sooner took the pains to read it, but they vanished; and my copy was restored to me, without the least alteration by his lordship. It is printed as it was acted; and, I dare assure you, that here is no parallel to be found: it is neither compliment, nor satire; but a plain story, more strictly followed than any which has appeared upon the stage. It is true, it had been garbled before by the superiors of the play-house; and I cannot reasonably blame them for their caution, because they are answerable for any thing that is publicly represented; and their zeal for the government is such, that they had rather lose the best poetry in the world, than give the least suspicion of their loyalty. The short is, that they were diligent enough to make sure work, and to geld it so clearly in some places, that they took away the very manhood of it. I can only apply to them, what Cassandra says somewhere in the play to Ptolemy;

To be so nice in my concerns for you;
To doubt where doubts are not; to be too fearful;
To raise a bug-bear shadow of a danger;
And then be frighted, though it cannot reach you.

But, since it concerns me to be as circumspect as they are, I have given leave to my bookseller to print the life of Cleomenes, as it is elegantly and faithfully translated out of Plutarch, by my learned friend, Mr Creech, to whom the world has been indebted for his excellent version of Lucretius, and I particularly obliged in his translation of Horace[38]. We daily expect Manilius from him, an author worthy only of such hands; which, having formerly revealed the secrets of nature to us here on earth, is now discovering to us her palace in the skies, and, if I might be allowed to say it, giving light to the stars of heaven:

_Ergò vivida vis animi pervicit, et extra
Processit longè flammantia moenia mundi._[39]

But, to return to Plutarch: you will find him particularly fond of Cleomenes his character; who, as he was the last of the Spartan heroes, so he was, in my opinion, the greatest. Even his enemy, Polybius, though engaged in the contrary faction, yet speaks honourably of him, and especially of his last action in Egypt. This author is also made English, and will shortly be published for the common benefit[40].

What I have added to the story, is chiefly the love of Agathoclea, the king's mistress, whose name I have changed into Cassandra, only for the better sound; as I have also the name of Nicagoras, into that of Cœnus, for the same reason. Cratesiclæa, Pantheus, and Sosybius, are to be found in the story, with the same characters which they have in the tragedy. There is likewise mention made of the son of Cleomenes, who had resolution enough to throw himself headlong from a tower, when he had heard of his father's ill success. And for Cleora, whom I make the second wife of Cleomenes, (for Ægiatis was dead before) you will find a hint of her in Plutarch; for, he tells us, that after the loss of the battle at Sellasia, he returned to Sparta, and, entering his own house, was there attended by a free-born woman of Megalopolis.

The picture of Ptolemy Philopater is given by the fore-mentioned authors to the full. Both agree that he was an original of his kind; a lazy, effeminate, cowardly, cruel, and luxurious prince, managed by his favourite, and imposed on by his mistress. The son of Sosybius, whom I call Cleanthes, was a friend to Cleomenes; but, Plutarch says, he at length forsook him. I have given him a fairer character, and made it only a seeming treachery, which he practised. If any be so curious to enquire what became of Cassandra, whose fortune was left in suspence at the conclusion of the play, I must first inform them, that, after the death of Cleomenes, (the hero of my poem) I was obliged by the laws of the drama, to let fall the curtain immediately, because the action was then concluded. But Polybius tells us, that she survived Ptolemy, who reigned about twenty-seven years; that, with her brother Agathocles, she governed Egypt in the minority of his son Ptolemy Epiphanes; and that, finally, for oppressing of the people, both the brother and sister were slain in a popular insurrection.

There is nothing remaining, but my thanks to the town in general, and to the fair ladies in particular, for their kind reception of my play. And, though I cannot retract what I said before, that I was not much concerned, in my own particular, for the embargo which was laid upon it, yet I think myself obliged, at the same time, to render my acknowledgments to those honourable persons, who were instrumental in the freeing it; for, as it was from a principle of nobleness in them, that they would not suffer one to want, who was grown old in their service, so, it is from a principle of another sort, that I have learned to possess my soul in patience, and not to be much disquieted with any disappointment of this nature.

[_The following verses were sent me by a young gentleman, under
twenty years of age, whose modesty would have concealed his name;
but I learned it from another hand, and have taken the boldness
to subscribe it without his leave. I presume that, on the reading
of them, nobody can blame me for making Cleonidas speak above his
youth, when you see an Englishman so far surpassing my Spartan._]

TO MR DRYDEN ON HIS CLEOMENES.

Has youth then lost its great prerogative?
And does the soul alone for age survive?
Like embryos sleeping in their seeds, seem nought,
'Till friendly time does ripen it to thought?
Judgment, experience, that before was theirs:
But fancy wantons still in younger spheres;
Played with some loose and scattered beams of light,
And revelled in an anarchy of wit.
Both youth and age unequally did charm;
As much too cold was this, as that too warm.
But you have reconciled their differing praise,
By fixing both to your immortal bays;
Where Fancy mounts, but Judgment holds the reins,
Not checks, but guides you to harmonious strains.
'Tis harmony indeed, 'tis all unite,
Like finished nature, and divided light:
Like the vast order, and its numerous throng, }
Crowded to their Almighty Maker's song; }
Where heaven and earth seem but one single tongue. }
O wond'rous man! where have you learned the art,
To charm our reason, while you wound the heart?
Far more than Spartan morals to inspire,
While your great accents kindle Spartan fire?
Thus metals, heated to the artist's will,
Receive the impression of a nobler skill.
Your hero formed so regularly good,
So nicely patient in his want of food,
That it no more _th' undress_ of death appears,
While the rich garment of your sense it wears,
So just a husband, father, son, and friend,
Great in his life, but greater in his end;
That sure, like Xenophon, you meant to shew }
Not what they are, but what they ought to do; }
At once a poet, and instructor too. }
The parts so managed, as if each were thine; }
Thou draw'st both ore and metal from the mine; }
And, to be seen, thou mak'st even vice to shine: }
As if, like Siam's transmigrating god,
A single life in each you made abode;
And the whole business of the tedious round,
To copy patterns which in each you found.
Sure you have gained from heaven Promethean fire,
To form, then kindle souls into desire:
Else why successive starts of hopes and fears,
A martial warmth first raised, then quenched with tears?
Unless this truth shines clearly through the whole,
Sense rules the world, but you command the soul.

THEOPHILUS PARSONS.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 36: Anthony, fourth Lord Viscount Falkland, succeeded to that title by the death of his father in 1664. He was a person of wit and honour, as the phrase then was; a character which he maintained by writing prologues, and occasional verses, as well as by keeping company with men of more genius than his own. He died in 1694.]

[Footnote 37: This objection and answer are stated by Steele to have taken place in an extempore conversation betwixt Dryden and a young beau just come from the representation of "Cleomenes."--See the _Guardian_, No. 45. The retort may doubtless have been first made by the poet in this manner; but it is more probable that Steele either had an inaccurate recollection of the passage, or thought it had a more lively effect when thrown into dialogue.]

[Footnote 38: The enemies of Dryden, imputing to him the pitiful jealousy of which they were probably themselves conscious, pretended, that, envious of the reputation which Creech acquired by his translation of Lucretius, Dryden insidiously pushed him on to attempt a version of Horace, a task for which he was totally unfit, and by which he forfeited all the credit he had gained. The accusation is thus stated by Tom Brown, and may serve for a specimen of the under-bred petulance in which he indulges.

_Bays._ "I have a certain profound stratagem still behind, my _Sacra Anchora_ I call it, which is only to be made use of upon extraordinary occasions, and which I was never forced to employ but once in my time, and is as follows: When any young author has been so fortunate in his first undertaking, as to win himself the applause of all the world, so that 'tis impossible for one to ruin his reputation, without running the hazard of having his throat cut by all sort of company, I am as forward as the best of them all to commend his ingenuity, to extol his parts, and promise him a copy of verses before his book, if he honours the world with a second edition.

_Crites._ "Very good.

_Bays._ "At the same time I privately feel his pulse, and examine the nature, and inclination of the beast. If he chances to be a little saturnine like myself, I set him upon a gay undertaking, where 'tis the devil and all of ill luck if he does not ship-wreck all his former credit. But, if he proves a man of a brisk and jolly temper, I persuade him of all loves to make an experiment of his abilities upon some serious solemn subject; tell him, if ever he expects to be saved, he must out of hand do justice to the Psalms and Canticles, which work he's as incapable to manage, egad, as little David was to fight in Saul's armour. Thus, gentlemen, by engaging the author in a province, where he has not stock enough to carry on the plantation, I never fail one way or other to compass my designs, and, at long-run, to defeat my competitor.

_Crites._ "Why, Mr Bays, this is like enjoining a painter, that has a good fancy at drawing of Saracens' heads, and grotesque figures only, to draw you a Venus or an Adonis, where he must certainly miscarry. Now, I am apt to fancy you trepanned the honest translator of Lucretius with this profound piece of policy: Come, confess the truth, man; did you not?

_Bays._ "You could not have guessed better, Mr Crites, if you had dived into my diaphragma for the secret. It was not in my power, you must know, either to suppress the work, or to discommend it; because, to give the gentleman his due, it was performed beyond all expectation, and, what was a mighty matter, it suited as pat as might be with the philosophy of the town that was then in fashion. Now, to undermine and ruin him to all intents and purposes, I took these measures. I flatter, hug, and caress him, like an Achitophel as I was; after the strangest manner imaginable, profess all the respect and friendship in the world for him; tell him that providence had certainly reserved him for working miracles in poetry; and that I had some ancient prophecies by me at home, which declared him to be the very person that was to deliver the immortal writers of former ages out of that Algerine captivity they had so long laboured under--

_Crites._ "Well, for daubing and wheedling, I'll let thee loose to any poet in Christendom."

_Bays._ "That, if by his mighty feat he could form those Irish atoms of Lucretius into so regular, and well-disciplined an army, could raise such harmony out of a dull unmusical philosopher, how glorious and exalted would his attempts be upon Horace, or what might we not expect from so advantageous, so promising an undertaking. And so, gentlemen, with the help of a little incense and flattery, I so cajoled this Æsop's crow, that he presently dropt his Epicurean cheese out of his mouth, to sing one of his unmusical ill-turned Odes of Horace. I persuaded this Welch courser to leave his ragged unaccessible precipices, where there was no coming after him, to try his strength and feet upon good plain ground, where an English vinegar horse, I knew, would easily distance him." _The Reasons of Mr Bayes changing his Religion considered in a Dialogue._

Shields, or whoever wrote Creech's Life, in the collection to which Theophilus Cibber gave his name, has not only adopted this tale of scandal, but has added, that the great contempt expressed by Dryden for the translation of Horace, gave the author a shock, from which he never recovered, and, in short, occasioned his falling into low-spirits, and finally committing suicide. The passage, to which this note refers, is sufficient to clear our author from so gross and scandalous a reproach. It shews that after the publication of Creech's Horace he continued, in the most public manner, not only to speak kindly and respectfully of the translator, but to stimulate him to new exertions. It is hence evident, that no breach of friendship took place between them on this occasion; far less could Dryden have driven him to despair by harshness or contempt. The inference, that Dryden urged Creech to attempt Horace, because he foresaw his failure, seems the unfounded deduction of calumny and envy. In the dedication to the Translation of Horace, which is addressed to our author, Creech himself bears the following strong testimony to the liberality of Dryden's sentiments.

"'Tis you, sir, that have advanced our dramatic to its height, and showed that epic poetry is not confined to Italy and Greece. That you are honoured by the best, and envied by others, proclaims excellency and worth; for, true honour is built only upon perfection; and envy, as it is as sharp sighted, so 'tis as soaring as an eagle; and who ever saw it stoop at a sparrow or a wren? and that candour and goodness have the greatest share in your composition, I dare appeal to every one whom you have any way favoured with your conversation; these so fill your mind, that there is no room left for pride, or any disobliging quality. This appears from the encouragement you are ready to give any tolerable attempts, and reach out a helping hand to all those who endeavour to climb that height where you are already seated. Even this owes its completion to those smiles which you condescended to bestow upon some parts of it, and now ventures to appear a _second_ time, where at first it found a favourable entertainment."

The reader will observe that this dedication is prefixed to the _second_ edition of the Translation of Horace; a circumstance which confutes the assertion that Dryden ridiculed the work, and indeed the whole of a tale, so malignantly invented by slander, and repeated by credulity.]

[Footnote 39: Marcus Manilius, a poet of the Augustan age, wrote the poem on astronomy, to which Dryden refers.]

[Footnote 40: Sir Henry Shere published his Translation of Polybius in 1692-3, in two volumes, 8vo., to which there was prefixed a character of the author, and of his writings, by Dryden.]

THE

LIFE OF CLEOMENES,

TRANSLATED FROM PLUTARCH

BY

MR THOMAS CREECH.

Thus fell Agis. His brother Archidamus was too quick for Leonidas, and saved himself by a timely retreat. But his wife then newly brought to bed, the tyrant forced her from her own house, and compelled her to marry his son Cleomenes, though at that time too young for a wife; for he was unwilling that any one else should have her, she being heiress to her father Gylippus's great estate; for person, the finest woman in all Greece, very good-natured, of an exemplary life; and therefore, they say, she did all she could, that she might not be compelled to this match.

Being thus married to Cleomenes, she hated Leonidas; but to the youth she showed herself a kind and obliging wife. He, as soon as they came together, began to love her very much; and the constant kindness that she still retained for the memory of Agis, wrought somewhat of concern in the young man for him; so that he would often enquire of her concerning what had passed, and attentively listen to the story of Agis's designs. Now Cleomenes had a generous and great soul: he was as temperate and moderate in his pleasures as Agis, but not so very cautious, circumspect, and gentle; a spur of passion always galled him, and his eagerness to pursue that which he thought good and just, was violent and heady. To make men willing to obey, he conceived to be the best discipline; but likewise to break the stubborn, and force them to be better, was, in his opinion, commendable and brave. This disposition made him dislike the management of the city. The citizens lay dissolved in supine idleness and pleasures; the king minded nothing, designing, if nobody gave him any disturbance, to waste his time in ease and riot; the public was neglected, and each man intent upon his private gain. It was dangerous, now Agis was killed, to mention the exercising and training of their youth; and to set up for the ancient bravery and equality, was treason against the state. It is said also, that Cleomenes, whilst a boy, studied philosophy under Sphærus the Borysthenite, who, coming to Sparta, was very diligent in instructing the youth. Sphærus was one of the chief of Zeno the Citiean's scholars; and it is likely that he admired the manly temper of Cleomenes, and inflamed his generous ambition. The ancient Leonidas, as story saith, being asked, What manner of poet he thought Tyrtæus? replied, An excellent one to whet the courages of youth; for, being filled with fury by his poems, they daringly ventured on any danger. Now the Stoic philosophy is a dangerous incentive to hot and fiery dispositions; but being mixed with a grave and cautious temper, is very good to fix and settle the resolutions.

Upon the death of his father Leonidas, he succeeded; and, observing the citizens of all sorts to be debauched, the rich neglecting the public, and intent on their own gain and pleasure, and the poor being cramped in their private fortunes, grown inactive, cowards, and not inclinable to the Spartan institution and way of breeding, that he had only the name of King, and the Ephori all the power, was resolved to change the present posture of affairs. He had a friend, whose name was Xenares, his lover, (such an affection the Spartans express by the word empneithai,) him he sounded; and of him he would commonly enquire, What manner of king Agis was, by what means, and by what assistance he began and pursued his designs. Xenares at first willingly complied with his request, and told him the whole story, with all the particular circumstances of the actions. But when he observed Cleomenes to be extremely affected at the relation, and more than ordinarily moved at Agis's new model of the government, and begging a repetition of the story, he at first severely chid him, told him he was frantic, and at last left off all sort of familiarity and conversation with him; yet he never told any man the cause of their disagreement, but would only say, "Cleomenes knew very well." Cleomenes finding Xenares averse to his designs, and thinking all others to be of the same opinion, consulted with none, but contrived the whole business by himself. And considering that it would be easier to bring about an alteration when the city was at war than when in peace, he engaged the commonwealth in a quarrel with the Achæans, who had given them fair occasions to complain; for Aratus, a man of the greatest power amongst all the Achæans, designed, from the very beginning, to bring all the Peloponnesians into one common body. And to effect this, he undertook many expeditions, and ran through a long course of policy; for he thought this the only means to make them an equal match for their foreign enemies. All the rest agreed to his proposals; only the Lacedæmonians, the Eleans, and as many of the Arcadians as inclined to the Spartan interest, refused. Therefore, as soon as Leonidas was dead, he fell upon the Arcadians, and wasted those especially that bordered on Achaia; by this means designing to try the inclinations of the Spartans, and despising Cleomenes as a youth, and of no experience in affairs of state or war. Upon this the Ephori sent Cleomenes to surprise the Athenæum, dedicated to Minerva, near Belbina, which is a pass of Laconia, and was then under the jurisdiction of the Megalopolitans. Cleomenes possessed himself of the place, and fortified it; at which action Aratus shewed no public resentment, but marched by night to surprise Tegea and Orchomenium. The design failed; for those that were to betray the cities into his hands, doubted the success; so Aratus retreated, imagining that his design had been undiscovered. But Cleomenes wrote a jeering letter to him, and desired to know, as from a friend, whither he intended to march at night? And Aratus answering, That having understood his design to fortify Belbina, he resolved to march thither to oppose him; Cleomenes returned, That he believed it, but desired him to give an account, if it stood with his convenience, why he carried those torches and ladders with him.

Aratus laughing at the jeer, and asking what manner of youth this was? Democrites, a Spartan exile, replied, "If you have any designs upon the Lacedæmonians, begin before this young eagle's talons are grown." Presently after this, Cleomenes being in Arcadia with a few horse, and 300 foot, the Ephori, fearing to engage in the war, commanded him home; but upon his retreat, Aratus taking Caphuæ, they commissioned him again. In this expedition he took Methudrium, and spoiled the country of the Argives; and the Achæans, to stop his victory, and secure their friends, sent 20,000 foot and 1000 horse against him, under the command of Aristomachus. Cleomenes faced them at Palantium, and offered battle; but Aratus being dashed at his bravery, would not suffer the general to engage, but retreated; being cursed by the Achæans, and hooted at, and scorned by the Spartans, who were not above 5000, for a coward. Cleomenes, encouraged by this success, began to vaunt among the citizens, a sentence of one of their ancient kings, who said, "The Spartans seldom enquired how many their enemies were, but where they were." After this, marching to the assistance of the Eleans, upon whom the Achæans warred, and about Lycæum falling upon the enemy in their retreat, he routed their whole army, taking a great number of captives, and leaving many dead upon the place; so that it was commonly reported amongst the Greeks, that Aratus was slain. But Aratus making the best advantage of the opportunity presently after the defeat, marched to Mantinæa and, before any body suspected it, took the city, and put a new garrison into it. Upon this the Lacedæmonians being quite discouraged, and opposing Cleomenes's design of carrying on the war, he was eager to send for Archidamus, Agis's brother, from Messena; for he of the other family had a right to the kingdom: and, beside, Cleomenes thought, that the power of the Ephori would be abated, when the kingly state was filled up, and equally poised between the two families. But those that were concerned in the murder of Agis, understanding the design, and fearing that upon Archidamus's return they should be called to an account, received him coming privately into town, waited on him, and presently after murdered him; but whether Cleomenes was against it, as Phylarchus imagines or whether he was persuaded by his friends, and winked at the contrivance, is uncertain; however, they were most blamed, as having forced his consent. But he still resolving to new-model the state, bribed the Ephori to make him general; and won the affections of many others by means of his mother Cratesiclea, who spared no cost, and was very zealous to promote the same interest; and though of herself she had no inclination to marry, yet for her son's sake she wedded one of the chiefest citizens for wealth and power. Cleomenes marching forth with the army now under his command, took Leuctra, a place belonging to Megalopolis; and the Achæans quickly facing him with a good body of men commanded by Aratus, in a battle under the very walls of the city, some part of his army was routed; but Aratus commanding the Achæans not to pass a deep hollow, and stopping the pursuit, Lydiadas the Megalopolitan, fretting at the orders, encouraging the horse which he led, and pursuing the routed enemy, fell into a place full of vines, hedges, and ditches; and being forced to break his ranks, was put into a great disorder. Cleomenes observing the advantage, commanded the Tarentines and Cretans to engage him, by whom, after a brave dispute, he was routed and slain. The Lacedæmonians, thus encouraged, with a great shout fell upon the Achæans, and routed their whole army. Of the slain, which were very many, some Cleomenes delivered upon articles; but the body of Lydiadas he commanded to be brought to him; and then putting on it a purple robe, and a crown upon its head, sent a convoy with it to the gates of Megalopolis. This Lydiadas was the man that resigned his crown, restored liberty to the citizens, and joined the city to the Achæan interest. Cleomenes being very much raised by this success, and persuaded, that if matters were wholly at his disposal, he should quickly be too hard for the Achæans; he taught Megistones, his mother's husband, that it was expedient for the state to shake off the power of the Ephori, and to put all their wealth into one common stock for the whole body; that Sparta, being restored to its old equality, might be raised up to be mistress of all Greece. Megistones liked the design, and engaged two or three more of his friends. About that time one of the Ephori, sleeping in Pasiphae's temple, dreamed a very surprising dream; for he thought he saw the four chairs removed out of the place where the Ephori used to sit and hear causes, and one only set there; and whilst he wondered, he heard a voice out of the temple, saying, "This is best for Sparta." The person telling Cleomenes this dream, he was a little troubled at first, fearing that he used this as a trick to sift him, upon some suspicion of his design; but when he was satisfied that the relater spoke truth, he took heart again; and taking with him those whom he thought would be against his model, he took Eræa and Alcæa, two cities of the Achæans, furnished Orchomenium with provisions, besieged Mantinæa, and with long marches so harassed the Lacedæmonians, that many of them desired to be left in Arcadia; and he satisfied their request. With the mercenaries he marched to Sparta; and by the way communicated his design to those, whom he thought fittest for his purpose, and marched slowly, that he might catch the Ephori at supper. When he was come near the city, he sent Eurycleidas to the Sussitium, the eating place of the Ephori, under pretence of carrying some message from him from the army; Threicion, Phæbis, and two of those who were bred with Cleomenes, whom they call Samothracæ followed with a few soldiers; and whilst Eurycleidas was delivering his message to the Ephori, they ran upon them with their drawn swords, and slew them. Agesilaus, as soon as he was run through, fell, and lay as dead; but in a little time he rose, silently conveyed himself out of the room, and crept undiscovered into a little house, which was the temple of Fear, and which always used to be shut, but was then by chance open; being got in, he shut the door, and lay close: the other four were killed, and above ten more that came to their assistance. To those that were quiet, they did no harm, stopt none that fled the city, and spared Agesilaus, who came out of the temple the next day. The Lacedæmonians have not only temples dedicated to Fear, but also to Death, Laughter, and the like passions. Now they worship Fear, not as they do those deities which they dread, esteeming it hurtful, but thinking their policy is chiefly kept up by law; and therefore the Ephori, (Aristotle is my author,) when they enter upon their government, make proclamation to the people, that they should shave their whiskers, and be obedient to the laws, that they might not be forced to be severe; using this trivial particular, in my opinion, to accustom their youth to obedience, even in the smallest matters. And the ancients, I think, did not imagine fortitude to be plain fearlessness, but a cautious fear of infamy and disgrace: for those that shew most fear towards the laws, are most bold against their enemies; and those are least afraid of any danger, who are most afraid of a just reproach. Therefore he said well,

A reverence still attends on fear.

And Homer,

Feared you shall be, dear uncle, and revered.

And again,

In silence fearing those that bore the sway.

For it is very commonly seen, that men reverence those whom they fear; and therefore the Lacedæmonians placed the temple of Fear by the Sussitium of the Ephori, having raised their power to almost absolute monarchy.

The next day Cleomenes proscribed eighty of the citizens, whom he thought necessary to banish, and removed all the seats of the Ephori, except one, in which he himself designed to sit, and hear causes; and calling the citizens together, he made an apology for his proceedings; saying, "That by Lycurgus the senate was joined to the kings, and that that model of government had continued a long time, and needed no other sort of magistrates to give it perfection. But afterward, in the long war with the Messenians, when the kings, being to command the army, had no time to attend civil causes, they chose some of their friends, and left them to determine the suits of the citizens in their stead. These were called Ephori, and at first behaved themselves as servants to the kings; but afterward, by degrees, they appropriated the power to themselves, and erected a distinct sort of magistracy. An evidence of the truth of this may be taken from the usual behaviour of the kings, who, upon the first and second message of the Ephori, refuse to go; but upon the third, readily attend them: and Asteropus, the first that raised the Ephori to that height of power, lived a great many years after their institution; therefore, whilst they modestly contained themselves within their own proper sphere, it was better to bear with them than to make a disturbance. But that an upstart introduced power should so far destroy the old model of government, as to banish some kings, murder others without hearing their defence, and threaten those who desired to see the best and most divine constitution restored in Sparta, was insufferable; therefore if it had been possible for him, without bloodshed, to have freed Lacedæmon from those foreign plagues, luxury, vanity, debts, and usury, and from those more ancient evils, poverty and riches, he should have thought himself the happiest king in the world; having, like an expert physician, cured the diseases of his country without pain. But now, in this necessity, Lycurgus's example favoured his proceedings, who, being neither king nor magistrate, but a private man, and aiming at the kingdom, came armed into the market-place, and, for fear of the king Carileus, fled to the altar; but he being a good man, and a lover of his country, readily consented to Lycurgus's project, and admitted an alteration in the state. Thus, by his own actions, Lycurgus showed, that it was difficult to correct the government without force and fear; in using which, he said, he would be so moderate, as never to desire their assistance, but either to terrify or ruin the enemies of Sparta's happiness and safety." He commanded, that all the land should be left in common, and private claims laid aside; that debtors should be discharged of their debts, and a strict search made, who were foreigners, and who not; that the true Spartans, recovering their courage, might defend the city by their arms; and that we may no longer see Laconia, for want of a sufficient number to secure it, wasted by the Ætolians and Illyrians. Then he himself first, with his father-in-law Megistones, and his friends, brought all their wealth into one public stock, and all the other citizens followed the example. The land was divided, and every one that he had banished had a share assigned him; for he promised to restore all, as soon as things were settled, and in quiet: and compleating the common number of citizens, out of the best and most agreeable of the neighbouring inhabitants, he raised a body of four thousand men; and, instead of a spear, taught them to use a sarissa (a long pike) with both hands, and to carry their shields by a string fastened round their arms, and not by a handle, as before. After this he began to consult about the exercising and breeding of the youth, many particulars of which, Sphærus, being then at Sparta, directed; and in a short time the schools of exercise, and their _Sussitia_, (common eating places,) recovered their ancient decency and order; a few out of necessity, but the most voluntarily applying themselves to that generous and Laconic way of living. Besides, that the name of monarch might give them no jealousy, he made Eucleidas, his brother, partner in the throne; and that was the only time that Sparta had two kings of the same family. Then understanding that the Achæans and Aratus imagined that this change had disturbed and shaken his affairs, and that he would not venture out of Sparta, and leave the city, now unsettled by so great an alteration, he thought it great and serviceable to his designs, to convince his enemies that he was eagerly desirous of a war; and therefore making an incursion into the territories of Megalopolis, he wasted the country very much, and got a considerable booty. And at last taking those that used to act in the public solemnities travelling from Messena, and building a theatre in the enemy's country, and setting a prize of L. 40 value, he sat spectator a whole day; not that he either desired or needed such a divertisement, but as it were insulting over his enemies; and that by thus manifestly despising them, he might show, that he had more than conquered the Achæans. For that alone, of all the Greek or kings' armies, had no stage-players, no jugglers, no dancing or singing women attending it, but was free from all sorts of looseness, wantonness, and foppery; the young men being for the most part upon duty, and the old men teaching them at leisure time to apply themselves to their usual drollery, and to rally one another facetiously after the Laconic fashion; the advantages of which I have discovered in the life of Lycurgus. He himself instructed all by his example: he was a living pattern of temperance before every body's eyes, and his course of living was neither more stately nor more expensive than any of the commons. And this was a considerable advantage to him in his designs on Greece; for men, when they waited upon other kings, did not so much admire their wealth, costly furniture, and numerous attendance, as they hated their pride and state, their difficulty of access, and scornful commanding answers to their petitions. But when they came to Cleomenes, who was both really a king, and bore that title, and saw no purple, no robes of state upon him, no chairs and couches about him for his ease, and that he did not receive petitions, and return answers, after a long delay, by a number of messengers, waiters, or by bills, but that he rose and came forward to meet those that came to wait upon him, stayed, talked freely and graciously with all that had business; they were extremely taken, won to his service, and professed that he alone was the true son of Hercules. His common every-day's meal was in a mean room, very sparing, and after the Laconic manner; and when he entertained ambassadors, or strangers, two more beds were added, and a little better dinner provided by his servants; but no fricasees, no dainties, only the dishes were larger, and the wine more plentiful; for he reproved one of his friends for entertaining some strangers with nothing but pulse and black broth, such diet as they usually had in their Phiditia; saying, that upon such occasions, and when they treat strangers, it was not requisite to be too exact Laconians. After supper, a stand was brought in with a brass vessel full of wine, two silver pots, which held almost a quart a piece, a few silver cups, of which he that pleased might drink, but no liquor was forced on any of the guests. There was no music, nor was any required; for he entertained the company, sometimes asking questions, sometimes telling stories: and his discourse was neither too grave, and unpleasantly serious, nor vain and abusive, but merrily facetious; for he thought those ways of catching men by gifts and presents, which other kings use, to be mean and inartificial; and it seemed to him to be the most glorious method, and most suitable to a king, to win the affections of those that came near him, by pleasant discourse, and unaffected conversation; for a friend and mercenary differ only in this, that the one is made by conversation and agreeableness of humour, and the other by reward. The Mantinæans were the first that obliged him; for, getting by night into the city, and driving out the Achæan garrison, they put themselves under his protection; he restored them their polity and laws, and the same day marched to Tegea; and a little while after, fetching a compass through Arcadia, he made a descent upon Pheræ, in Achaia, intending to force Aratus to a battle, or bring him into disrepute, for refusing to engage, and suffering him to waste the country. Hyperbatus at that time commanded the army, but Aratus had all the power amongst the Achæans. The Achæans marching forth with their whole strength, and encamping in Dumeæ, about Hecatombæum, Cleomenes came up, and thinking it not advisable to pitch between Dumeæ, a city of the enemy's, and the camp of the Achæans, he boldly dared the Achæans, and forced them to a battle; and routing the phalanx, slew a great many in the fight, and took many prisoners; thence marching to Lagon, and driving out the Achæan garrison, he restored the city to the Elæans. The affairs of the Achæans being in this desperate condition, Aratus, who was wont to continue in his government above a year, refused the command, though they entreated and urged him to accept it; and this was ill done, when the storm was high, to put the power out of his own hands, and set another to the helm. Cleomenes at first proposed fair and easy conditions by his ambassadors to the Achæans; but afterwards he sent others, and required the chief command to be settled upon him; and in other matters he promised to agree to reasonable terms, and to restore their captives and their country. The Achæans were willing to come to an agreement upon those terms, and invited Cleomenes to Lerna, where an assembly was to be held; but it happened that Cleomenes hastily marching on, and unseasonably drinking water, brought up abundance of blood, and lost his voice; therefore, being unable to continue his march, he sent the chiefest of the captives to the Achæans, and putting off the meeting for some time, retired to Lacedæmon. This ruined the affairs of Greece, which was just then ready to recover itself out of its disasters, and avoid the insulting and covetousness of the Macedonians: for Aratus, whether fearing or distrusting Cleomenes, or envying his unlooked-for success, or thinking it a disgrace for him, who had commanded thirty-three years, to have a young man succeed to all his glory and his power, and be head of that government which he had been raising and settling so many years: he first endeavoured to keep the Achæans from closing with Cleomenes; but when they would not hearken to him, fearing Cleomenes's daring spirit, and thinking the Lacedæmonians' proposals to be very reasonable, who designed only to reduce Peloponnesus to its old model, he took his last refuge, in an action which was unbecoming any of the Greeks, most dishonourable to him, and most unworthy his former bravery and exploits; for he called Antigonus into Greece, and filled Peloponnesus with Macedonians, whom he himself, when a youth, having beaten their garrison out of the castle of Corinth, had driven from the same country; beside he declared himself an enemy to all kings, and hath left many dishonourable stories of this same Antigonus, in those commentaries which he wrote: and though he declares that he suffered considerable losses, and underwent great dangers, that he might free Athens from the power of the Macedonians, yet afterward he brought the very same men armed into his own country, and his own house, even to the women's apartment. He would not endure, that one of the family of Hercules, and king of Sparta, and one that had reformed the polity of his country, as it were a disordered harmony, and tuned it to the plain Doric measure of Lycurgus, to be stiled, head of the Triccæans and Sicyonians; and whilst he fled the pulse and short coat, and, which were his chief accusations against Cleomenes, the extirpation of wealth, and reformation of poverty, he basely subjected himself, together with Achaia, to the diadem and purple, to the imperious commands of the Macedonians and their Satrapæ. That he might not seem to be under Cleomenes, he sacrificed the Antigonea, (sacrifices in honour of Antigonus,) and sung Pæans himself with a garland on his head, to the honour of a rotten, consumptive Macedonian. I write this not out of any design to disgrace Aratus, (for in many things he shewed himself vigorous for the Grecian interest, and a great man;) but out of pity to the weakness of human nature, which, in such a person, so excellent, and so many ways disposed to virtue, cannot attain to a state irreprehensible.

The Achæans meeting again at Argos, and Cleomenes descending from Tegea, there were great hopes that all differences would be composed. But Aratus (Antigonus and he having already agreed upon the chief articles of their league) fearing that Cleomenes would carry all before him, and either win or force the multitude to comply with his demands, proposed that, having three hundred hostages put into his hands, he should come alone into the town, or bring his army to the place of exercise, called Cillarabion, without the city, and treat there.