Chapter XII: The First Weeks of the Truce (2)

On Saturday at six o’clock in the evening Cresswell set out for Windsor with letters from Darcy to Norfolk and to the ambassadors, and Aske’s explanation of the alleged breaches of the truce. The captain stated that he wrote to Sir Marmaduke Constable in Lancashire and Sir Thomas Wharton in Westmorland only for their own protection. His other letters were to stay the country. As for spoils, if there had been any since the truce he was willing to make restitution, but he doubted if they could be proved[1354]. Darcy’s letters are highly characteristic. To Bowes and Ellerker he wrote that their delay was a far greater violation of the agreement than anything that had happened in the north, and that their letter was “taken but for a persuasion.” If they would bring back the King’s answer themselves, it would do more good than twenty letters[1355]. To Norfolk he expressed his joy that the King had been graciously pleased to answer the articles in person. He denied that the truce had been broken; on the contrary, he and the other gentlemen had stayed Lancashire, Cumberland and Westmorland, although those counties were not included in the appointment at Doncaster, because it was not then known that they had risen. As for his surrender of Pontefract, he had declared the whole circumstances to Cresswell, and again protested his loyalty and his ill-treatment. Coming to the most important part of the letter, the suggested capture of Aske, Darcy was as emphatic as he had been to Cresswell. He was ready to serve the King as a scullion “without a penny rent from his lands” but “alas, my good lord that ever ye being a man of so much honour and great experience should advise or choose me a man to be of any such sort or fashion to betray or disserve any living man, Frenchman, Scot, yea, or a Turk; of my faith, to get and win to me and mine heirs four of the best duke’s lands in France, or to be king there, I would not do it to no living person.” Finally he declared “roundly and truly” that there would be no satisfactory “stay” until Bowes and Ellerker were sent back with the King’s full answer, and in particular the promise of a free parliament and a full pardon, for their letters were looked upon as mere persuasions[1356]. In writing this letter Darcy, as perhaps he knew, signed his own death warrant. No past service, no future pardon, could protect a man who so boldly exalted his own honour above the King’s pleasure.

After making his reply, Aske returned to Wressell Castle and sent out a summons to all the gentlemen and leaders of the Pilgrimage to attend a general council at York on Tuesday 21 November[1357]. It was hoped that the messengers would have returned from London by that time; if they had not, their letter would be shown and further steps would have to be taken to bring the King to terms[1358]. No sooner had Aske and Darcy disposed of one set of accusations than another sprang up. On Wednesday 8 November, the day that Cresswell left London, Sir Brian Hastings wrote to tell Suffolk of a rumour that Darcy was about to march on Doncaster, while Aske and Constable would transport the men of the East Riding, Howden and Marshland by water to Gainsborough and Stockwith, and both hosts would meet at Lincoln, where they intended to capture the weapons collected there by Suffolk[1359]. On the same day Suffolk sent a force from Lincoln to occupy Newark, led by Richard Cromwell, Sir John Russell and Sir Francis Brian[1360]. This however was not in consequence of Hastings’ report, for on Thursday 9 November Hastings received two letters from Suffolk asking for news of the rebels. Hastings wrote back the same day, referring to his earlier letter. He mentioned the arrival of Percival Cresswell at Doncaster, and declared that if he had two guns and ordnance he could keep the bridges there with his own men. He did not think that the occupation of Newark was necessary, but there was danger in north Lincolnshire. The rest of the letter was taken up with his private grievances against Sir Arthur Darcy[1361]. Meanwhile he was furthering the King’s cause in another way by acting as go-between from the Earl of Shrewsbury to Sir George Darcy[1362]. Lord Darcy’s sons had no sympathy with their father’s views. Sir George had joined the commons only on compulsion, and was now eager to obtain a pardon and make his peace with the King.

Henry seems to have calculated a good deal on the effect that the letters sent by Cresswell would have. If Darcy should kill or capture Aske, there would certainly be another rising; leaderless and disorganised by treachery, it would be easily suppressed. The King therefore laid plans to deal with the situation which he hoped to produce. Shrewsbury’s son Lord Talbot returned from court to Wingfield on Thursday 9 November, bearing instructions that if the commons rose again, Shrewsbury must advance to Derby and there hold the bridges. The old Earl seems to have been quite tired of the whole business. He wrote back that the water at Derby and the Trent four miles away at Burton-on-Trent could not be held, there were so many fords and bridges, and it would take ten thousand men or more to hold the Trent between Newark and Burton. The rest of his letter contained better news for the King; he mentioned the rumour that Darcy would seize Doncaster, which gave an excuse for further delay of the messengers, and enclosed a letter, which if revealed would endanger the life of the sender,—probably one from Sir George Darcy[1363]. At the same time Shrewsbury wrote to Cromwell begging to be excused from the chief command on account of his age and feebleness[1364]. Of course the King would not excuse Shrewsbury[1365]; his age, his great reputation, and his well-known devotion to the Church of Rome made him too valuable to be spared.

Letters were sent on the 9th and 10th to the Earl of Derby and the gentlemen of Cheshire and Lancashire, warning them to be ready to join Shrewsbury at an hour’s notice[1366]. At the same time orders were sent to the Earl of Rutland to occupy Nottingham, and he wrote to the King that he had done so on Friday 10 November. His report was little more encouraging than Shrewsbury’s. He had provisioned the castle and inspected the river, but there were four bridges and nine fords. It would require a great force to defend the castle and so much of the river, but lying there was very chargeable. He had little money of his own, as his rents from Yorkshire were stopped, and of the £500 that Norfolk had sent him only £300 remained. The rest had been spent on bringing up gunners, on posts and on fortifying the fords at Doncaster. Moreover he had “no great experience in the war” and begged that some expert man might be sent to help him[1367].

The news of these movements on the part of the royal troops shortly reached the headquarters of the rebels. Roger Ratcliff was with Rutland at Nottingham on Thursday 9 November. He was sent with letters from Rutland to Derby, and returned with fresh letters from Derby to Fitzwilliam, but as he passed through Wakefield he was captured by Grice, who set him naked in the stocks and read his letters. News of this reached Nottingham and was sent on Saturday 11 November in a letter to one of Derby’s servants, which was also intercepted[1368].

The King now issued the proclamation and reply to the rebels which he had drawn up as early as 2 November before seeing their articles[1369]. This is the most probable explanation of a letter from the Council dated 11 November, which notified that the King had pardoned all the rebels of Yorkshire except ten, and that the proclamation of this, with the King’s answer to the rebels’ demands, was to be read in all market-towns[1370]. Although the date of this letter is Saturday 11 November, it must really have been issued earlier, for it was received that day at Nottingham[1371], and what is more extraordinary at Skipton, where Christopher Aske read it in Skipton market-place, to the great indignation of the commons[1372].

All these proceedings on the King’s part show that he believed the rising in Yorkshire to have collapsed as that in Lincolnshire had done. He expected that by this time most of the commons would have gone quietly home again and that the gentlemen would be ready and anxious to make their peace. Only a few of the wilder spirits were still holding out, and they could easily be dealt with, particularly if Darcy, as he expected, captured or killed Aske. By acting on these assumptions Henry nearly precipitated an outbreak. The commons were by no means pacified; on the contrary they were with difficulty induced by the gentlemen to observe the truce. The gentlemen realised that it was too late for submission and that their only chance of safety lay in treating with the King on equal terms. Finally Darcy indignantly rejected the suggestion that he should betray Aske. Henry’s manœuvres set the whole of the north simmering with irritation. Suffolk and the royal generals were very much offended that messengers had been sent direct to the rebels, instead of communicating first with themselves[1373]. Rutland, Shrewsbury and Derby were grumbling at being ordered to carry out expensive operations without money[1374]. Newark proved as difficult to defend as Nottingham and Derby[1375]. Among the rebels the utmost suspicion was aroused by the delay in the return of Bowes and Ellerker, by the vagueness of their letter, and by the King’s proclamation, which seemed to throw back the negotiations to the very beginning again. Darcy had his own reasons for believing that the King did not intend to come to terms, and the movements of the royal troops caused great uneasiness.

The result of all this was an alarm which took place on the night of Saturday 11 November. Men “in white coats” (the royal uniform) were observed mustering secretly in a wood near Snaith. When Darcy was informed of this he wrote to warn the honour of Pontefract[1376]. Beacons were burned and the whole countryside rose[1377]. It was said that Fitzwilliam had come “up the water to Thorne” with five thousand men, and that he and Hastings intended to capture Darcy[1378]. To Darcy this seemed the natural result of his reply to Norfolk’s letter. He threatened that if Hastings burnt his house at Snaith he would “light him with a candle to all the houses he had,” and prepared to go himself to encounter the royal troops. His servant William Talbot saw him take off his cap, saying that he set more by the King of Heaven than by twenty kings, and though he might not ride he could go where he would if he had a horse litter, and “the highest hill he could find there would he be”; they might shoot at him as much as they pleased, for he would kneel by his litter and say a prayer that would preserve both him and all his servants. Then he caught Talbot “by the head and wrestled with him and cast him down and swore by the (_illegible_) he waxed more cant than he was of many day before.”[1379] In short Darcy was in high spirits at the prospect of a fight at last. The alarm however was quickly appeased. Hastings declared that he had only summoned his neighbours because he heard that the rebels were going to raid his cattle, as they had done before. The same night and next day letters were despatched to Suffolk explaining the commotion and assuring him that it was pacified[1380].

Nevertheless Darcy had many grounds for anxiety. Sir George Darcy’s negotiations with Hastings and Shrewsbury, in which Sir Arthur Darcy and William Maunsell, the vicar of Brayton’s brother, had also taken part, were discovered by an intercepted letter, and the commons brought both the letter and Sir George to his father[1381]. Darcy must also have known that it was more than probable that his assassination had been proposed as a test of loyalty to some other rebel, as Aske’s had been to him. On Sunday 12 November he wrote to Shrewsbury, his old friend, in whom he placed more confidence than in any of the other royalists[1382]. The letter was sent by his servant Thomas Wentworth, who was instructed to show openly a copy of the letter from Bowes and Ellerker, and to Shrewsbury alone a copy of Darcy’s answer to Norfolk’s letter, “which answer recites the effect of the whole letter, else I would have sent both.” The other contents of the letter fall naturally into three parts. First and most important, would Suffolk observe the truce or would he not? Must the leaders of the Pilgrimage be constantly prepared for a surprise attack, for capture or for assassination? Or would he lie quiet until Bowes and Ellerker returned? On this point Darcy earnestly begged that he might be told the whole truth.

In the second place Darcy assured Shrewsbury that there could be no permanent settlement until the messengers returned from the King with a definite answer, and he begged him to use his influence to bring that about.

In the third place Darcy set forth his own grievances, for the Pilgrims also had plenty of complaints to make about breaches of the truce. Sir Henry Saville had prevented the levying of cesses, and now proposed to go to the King[1383]. Sir Brian Hastings had caused the alarm the day before; he was persuading gentlemen to forsake the commons, and had arrested a load of corn at Doncaster[1384]. The Duke of Suffolk had sent a herald with messages and had demanded prisoners from Hull[1385]. He had also stopped the Duke of Norfolk’s servant and was making threatening movements[1386]. Finally it was a great breach of the truce that Bowes and Ellerker had not returned; the commons were very wild, particularly in Cumberland, which was not really included in the appointment; the gentlemen were doing their very best to stay them[1387].

Shrewsbury replied to this letter on Monday 13 November. He assured Darcy that the truce was being strictly observed by the royal troops, and that Bowes and Ellerker would return shortly. Hastings had acted only in self-defence, and if Saville had offended he should make restitution. According to the terms of the truce all prisoners were to be released; he for his part had sent back those that he had taken, and he thought that Suffolk might fairly demand his. He concluded by thanking Darcy for staying the commons[1388]. After Darcy’s servant had returned, Shrewsbury received from Sir Brian Hastings his account of the disturbance on Saturday night, and the capture of Sir George Darcy’s letter[1389]. In other respects Hastings reported that the rebels were “more gentle,” and that when they had examined a man and found nothing against him they gave him “certain articles” which contained the oath to be true to the King, his issue and the commonwealth, for the reformation of heresies, the restoration of abbeys, the punishment of the subverters of the law, and the re-appointment of noblemen to rule under the King[1390]. Shrewsbury sent on all these documents and his own replies to the King on Tuesday 14 November, at the same time expressing his anxiety as to the fate of Sir George Darcy, and his hope that the King would be satisfied with his answer to Darcy, as he had “not been accustomed to make answer in any such causes.”[1391] This was as far as Shrewsbury, who was an honourable man, dared go in condemnation of the King’s plot against Aske.

The alarm at Pontefract was only the beginning of further disturbances. On Sunday 12 November there was an attempt to provoke a rising at Beverley[1392]. On Thursday 16 November there were rumours of riots and deer-slaying at Rawcliffe, Goole and Howden, and it was also said that Scarborough was again besieged[1393]. The Earl of Derby heard on Monday the 13th that Dent and Sedbergh were stirring again[1394], and shortly afterwards there was a report in London that he had been attacked by his own men, who were mutinous for want of pay[1395]. The Percys had proclaimed the truce in Northumberland for twenty days, as soon as they arrived there, at a county meeting which they summoned at Rothbury. But they continued to plunder and hunt down the Carnabys; and the thieves of Tynedale, especially little John Heron, were with Sir Thomas “as familiar as they had been his own household servants.” Sir Thomas “took upon him as lieutenant,” and even tried to hold the warden court with the Scots wardens, but they suspected his authority and refused to meet him[1396].

In Cumberland a muster was held on Wednesday 15 November at the summons of Richard Dacre, who “took upon him to be grand captain of all Cumberland,” and appointed as petty captains Christopher Lee a servant of Dacre, William Pater and Alexander Appleby[1397]. The commons of Westmorland wrote to Lord Darcy on the same day. They explained that they would admit no gentlemen to their council, as they were afraid of them, but they “had more trust in Darcy than any other” and they laid their grievances before him[1398]. The questions raised by this list of grievances will be considered later. The point at present is that Cumberland and Westmorland were preparing to rise again.

Meanwhile the royalists in Lincolnshire received some slight encouragement. Gonson, who was lying with the royal forces at Grimsby, sent out a “crayer” on 11 November, which captured two other “crayers,” coming the one from York and the other from Hull, but as they were harmlessly laden with salt they were set free on the 17th[1399]. By means of a pursuivant communications were established with Hull on Wednesday 15 November, and the King’s officers were able to buy wine and sugar there[1400]. More important still was the fact that two gentlemen of Marshland had contrived to convey professions of their loyalty to John Cavendish at Burton; but as that part of the country was greatly under Darcy’s influence, and as the commons were very suspicious, the negotiations proceeded but slowly[1401].

The whole situation is best represented in the report which Thomas Treheyron, Somerset herald, drew up of two interviews which he had with Darcy on Tuesday 14 November. He had been sent to Templehurst by Suffolk, nominally to inquire into the alarm of Martinmas day, but actually to see what news he could pick up. His account is as follows:

“The effect of the comynicacon betwene Thomas lord Darcy and Thomas
Treheyron[1402] otherwyse called Somerset herauld of arms and his
seyng etc.

Apon Monday the xiii day of november Charles duc of Suffolk the kynges
lieu tenante in the countie of Lyncoln commanded Somerset the kynges
herauld of armes to goo from lyncoln in to the north to the lord
Darcy. And on tweysday the xiiii day he aryved at templehurst a goodly
place of the lord Darcys stondyng nygh the Ryver of ayre in the
countie of York. And at his comyng thyther, he was honorable reseyved
by the lordes offecers, and they brought hym through the hall in to a
fayre parler and Immedyatly that he was in the parlor the lord Darcy
sente one of his servants to hym prayng hym to take the payne to come
to the chamber to the lord his master and he went with hym were the
lord Darcy was; and whan he sawe hym he welcomed hym with his cappe
off and toke hym by the hande sayng Sir I thinkke ye have brought me
sum newys from the kyng our soverayn lord, and the herauld answered
that he came not from the Kyng but from the duc of suffolk lord lieu
tenante of the Kynges armye in the countie of lyncoln with certayn
messages from his Grace to [your _crossed out_] his [_written over
it_] lordshipe. than sayd the lord Darcy my felowe herauld I pray you
shewe me your messages sir sayd the herauld with a good wyll.

The herauld. Sir my lord undrestondeth that apon Saterday last paste
a great nomber of the Kynges peple ded aryse abowght Pomfryte and this
partyes and sette bekyns on fyer. Sir his grace merueleth what they do
meane in so doyng, seyng that the entreate that was made betwene the
Duc of Norfolk, the erll of Shreysbury yow and other at Doncastre is
not it [_sic_, _probably_ yet] ended. Were-fore he desyeryth yow to
cause them to be in peax, and if they will not, his grace muste nedes
of necessite provyde for them of his parte, Whych he wold be vayrey
lothe to doo.

The lord Darcy. my felowe herauld, my lord of Suffolk hath don lyke a
wyse prynce to send yow to me for this cause and I wyll Informe yow of
all the truyth thereof. it is true that on Saturday last paste, my
cossyn sir bryan hastynges sent XX of his men abowght his affayres to
a howse that he has on the other syde of the watter of don, and
beffore that tyme it was bruted amonges the comens, that he wold come
over the water in to this parties to th’ entent to take the goods of
the Inhabitance here In satisfacion for spollyngs and robyries don to
hym beffore that tyme, and after this Rumor [went? _word obliterated_]
amonges the peple, a folyshe woman perseyvyng his servantes in whyte
cotes nygh on to the water thinking verely they wold have come Indede,
to have Robbed them as it was beffore spokyn, Cryed owt alarum. and
other heryng this crye gyvyng therto to [_too_] lyght credens aryse,
and sett certayn bekins on fyer. but as sone as I hard thereof what
with love and fayre wordes I caused them to go home to ther howses in
peax and sythenz they haue ben all in peax, and to th’ entent that ye
may perseyve that this is true that I have sweed [_shewed?_] yow see
here a letter that my cossyn sir bryan hastynges sente to me, and by
that ye may perseyue the truyth[1403]. and he toke the letter and rede
it and the tenor thereof agreed with the wordes of the lord Darcy.

The lord Darcy. my felowe nowe wyll I demand a questyon of yow, and
if your comyssion be so large I pray yow answere thereto beffore this
gentellman my cossyn and other that be here Sir it is comenly spokyn
amongest us that my lord of Suffolk is mynded to lay sege beffore the
town of hull and if he so do he shuld not do well as I think for it is
within our compossision What his grace plisure is therin I pray ye
swee us.

The herauld. Sir by the fethe of a herauld my lord of Suffolk neuer
mynded to ley any sege to hull, ne to breke any poynte of the
compossicion made betwene the lordes and yow at Doncastre, nor hath
not stoped any of the passages, but suffreth every man as well on our
parties as of this to come [_and_] go with vytalle and to do any other
thinges at ther plesures, without any agen sayng of any man; but Sir I
am sure that suche speche cometh by cause that part of our armye lyeth
at barton apon Hombre and Grymsby, whyche ar nygh on to thos costes,
and you know my lord that so great a nomber of men as wee be can not
be vytalled and loged if they shuld lye all in one place and therfore
they do not remayn only in the townes affore named but also in the
Citie of lyncoln and all other townes and vyllages abowght the same,
to th’ entent they may be well vytalled and loged at ther ese, and not
for no other cause, and this my lordes grace commanded me to swee yowr
lordssip.

The lord Darcy my felowe I am veray glade to here yow this say, and I
pray god thanke my lord of Suffolk for sending yow hyther to us with
this newys. and sirs I am glade yow ar here to here my felowes mesage
pray yow report it to our cappteyn and to other the comons for they
wylbe veryray glade to here it. for before they were in great dowght
thereof.

The herauld sir my lord of Suffolks Grace understondeth that a lettre
that he wrotte to the lord of cumberland in comfortyng hym to kepe hym
self agenst the rebellyous[1404], for the whych name sum be angrye
therwith, he trusteth that yowr lordship: whych he hath hard ever
speke of so muche honor, ne no other man of nobillitie substance or
honest reputacion: will take hym self, in the lien of that name, but
they that be other and taketh them self for rebellyous his grace
thinkith he can not gyve them a fayrer name.

The lord Darcy my felowe of truyth suche a letter came to our
cappteynes handes, and as toychyng rebellyous if ther be any suche I
wold to god, they were with my lord of Suffolk at lyncoln, and as for
me I trust to declare my self for non of them but for the Kynges true
servante, and I have don hym good servyce, I wyll shewe yow howe. Sir
at the first tyme that Aske reysed the peple here abowghtes [_noted in
margin_] I sayd to my ffryndes and servantz sirs wee can not do the
Kyng a hygher servyce, than take this felowe, and I layd suche wayte
for hym, that if he had kept the appoyntmentz that he made with
gentelmen to come and lye with them at ther howses at iii or iiii
nyghtes one after the other I had taken hym, but whan he appoynted to
be with ony of them at one nyght he wold not come in ii or iii nyghts
after, and whan I sawe I could not gett hym, and that the peple ded
aryse on every parte, ye and fother that I myghte not trust my own
tenantz, than I wente with as monye as I myght gett to the kynges
castell of pomifrytte to kepe and defende the same and I had with me
xiii^{xx} men at my own coste xiiii days, and put the kyng not to one
halfpenye of charge, and thyther came to me the archibussop of Yorke,
and master magnus thinkyng by cause I was an old man of warre, that by
my polycie they might have escaped. they can bere me record of all
this that I shew yow, and thair I sent lettres to the Kyng for yede
what answer I had from hys hyghnes I have redy to shewe, and also I
sent lettres to our lord lieu tenante and his answere I have in lyke
case to shewe, and every day the cappteyn wrytt letters charging me
apon payne of my lyff, that I shuld yeld the castell and do as they
wold do, and if I wold not, if they myght take me by fforce they wold
slee me, and all they that was with me, and ferther they wold born my
howses, and kylle my sons childern, than I beyng in this myschif seyng
no other remyde wold have made with them compossion, and this was on
the fryday at nyght, and I bade them xx li to spare me tell the morowe
ix of the cloke, and for all that I could doo with all the fryndes I
could make, they wold not respyte me but tell vii of the cloke, than
could I not hyere ne see no sucker come and I had not in the castell
so muche gowne-powdre as wold fylle a whalnot shell no nor I had not
so muche fuell as to dresse our supper, and ferther my vytalles that
shuld have come to me was eten and dronkyn in the strete beffore my
face, I than beyng an old man of warre and knowyng the feates therof,
perseyvyng my self in that danger and could escappe no otherwyse with
my lyff, for savegard of the same ded yelde my self, and I promysse
yow if I had not wrought politykly, it had cost me my lyff.

The herauld my lord I think well that this is true that yow say, and
at that tyme ye could not have esscapped with yowr lyff no otherwyse
than ye dede, but whan yow were at the entreatie with the lordes
beffore dancastre, I am sure ye were a great dystance from the hoste,
I mervell than that yowr lordship had not gone from them with the
lordes for ye myght have esscapped ther handes at that tyme if it had
plesed yowr lordship.

The lord Darcy my felowe I wyll shewe yow a taylle for that whan
Thomas fitz Garrard ded rebelle in Irelande he sente word to the duc
of Rychemonde howse [_whose_] sole god pardon that if he wold reseyve
hym he wold yeld hym to hym, and the duc answered full wysely and sayd
by my fethe if I were sure to gett hym his pardon, I wold be glade to
reseyve hym, but he that wyll ley his hed on the bloke, may haue it
sone stryken of [_note in the margin_: What he menyth by this and how
he knew that fizgarrard offred himself to my lorde of Rychmond].

and my felow I spake to my lord of Shryesbury with thes wordes Talbot
hold up thy longe clee and promyse me that I shall have the Kynges
favor and shalbe Indeferently hard, and I wyll come to dancastre to
yow, and th’ erll of Shryesbury sayd to me well lord Darcy, than ye
shall not come it [_sic_], and ferther if I had thought any treason I
myght have foughten with the duc of norfolk and th’ erll of
Shryesbury, on the othersyde of dancastre with ther own men and
brought never a man of our hoste with me.

[_Note in margin_: how he knew that the duke of Norfolkes men woold
have fought agaynst hym.]

The herauld my lord I think that muche that yow say is true but sir
were yow say that ye myght have foughten with the duc of Norfolk and
th’ erll of Shreysbury with ther own men by my truyth I thinke if ther
men ded promyse to tak your parte if ye wold come and fyght with them
they ded it to dysseve yow to the entent to haue gotten therby sum
pyllage or other profith, for they had not a subtillier meane to
dysseve ther enymys than to promyse them to fyght with them, and whan
it cometh to the poynt to fight agenst them, and so I think they wold
have proved yow and if you had proved them, and one thing I am sure of
that ther was never men more desyros to fyght with men than our men be
to fyght with yow and if it pleased the Kyng to suffre them.

The lord Darcy well I pray god they be all as true as yow think they
be, but let that passe. if it please the Kynges highnes to send me my
pardon, although I have no nede of it if I myght be Indeferently hard,
onles they wyll say it is treason that I was amonges them, whych was
for savegard of my lyfe, as I have sayd, I wyll come to his highnes
were it will pleas hys grace to have me, and I hyere say that manye
persuacions be made by Cromwell and other to the gentillmen here to
come from hence to the kyng whome I pray god longe to preserve in
proprius helth hys highnes may well have them so that he pardon them,
but it is not so muche suerty for his own person to have them with hym
in brydwell as to have them here; for I can prove that wee have done
his highness as good servyce as though wee had byn in hys pryvye
chamber and as for my part I have byn and ever wylbe true both to kyng
henry the vii and to the kyng our soverayn lord and I defye hym that
wyll say the contrary, for as I have ever sayd one god one feth and
one kyng.

The herauld. my lord ye say truyth wee can have but one god one feth
and one kyng, and my lord ye say that ye were true servant to kyng
henry vii and to the kyng our soverayn lord sir I think ye were true
to the kyng hys father and to his grace at ther coronacons whan yow
did your homage and fealty, my lord I pray yow pardon me that I am so
playn with your lordshipe, for ye I thinke may well say that ye were
ever true to kyng henry the vii, and by my feth I never hard the
contrary but my lord as to the kyng: howe can yow say that yow have
byn ever true to hym: seyng that yow have borne harnys agenst his lieu
tenante whych represented his own person for that tyme.

The lord Darcy that that I ded was by constraynte for to save my lyf,
and that myght welbe perseyved whan we were at the entreatie at
dancastre, for by cause the lordes and wee tarried a whyll abowght the
entreatie our own hoste wold have ronned apon us to have kylled us
sayng that wee wold bytray them.

The herauld well my lord of truyth in tymes paste whan I have byn
with your lordship at mortlake and at Westmynster I have hard yow
always speke of so muche honor truthe and fethfulnes, that if yow
shuld be falty in any of them ye were worthye beffore all other to
suffre for it. I trust yowr lordship will not be angrye with me that I
shewe yow as my hert thinkes.

The lord Darcy no my felowe for yow say truth for I had rather have
my hed stryken of than I wold defyle my cote armor, for it shall never
be sayd that old Thome shall have one treators tothe in his hed, but
the King nor no other alyve: shall make me do any unlaufull acte, as
to stryke of your hed, and to send it hym in a sake, whych thing myght
be a rebuke to me and to my heyres for ever. [_Note in margin_ no.
the strykyng off the hede]

The herauld my lord yow speke this as though sum mocyon hath byn made
to yow, to take your capptayn, and send hym to the Kyng, thinke yow my
lord that it were a unlaufull acte, to tak or kylle hym and send hym
to the Kyng, if he be a rebellyon as sum do take hym.

The lord Darcy my felowe peraventure it were lawfull for yow and not
for me, for he that promysseth to be true to one, and deseyveth hym,
may be called a treator: whych shall never be seyd in me [_note in
margin_: no. the promise of the lord Darcy] for what is a man but is
[_his_] promysse, but for all laufull thinges whych is not agenst our
feth, he is not lyving that shalbe more redy to do his grace
comandement than I, for if his highness would comand me to go with yow
his herauld to defie the great Turk, by the fethe that I owe to god
and hym I wold do it with a good wyll as old as I am.

The herauld my lord by cause ye speke of our feth howe say yow to the
excludyng of bushope [_sic_] of Rome, and his auctorytie, do yow
thinke that that is agenst our feth.

The lord Darcy by my truth I think that is not agenst our feth, and
what I spake therin to Cromwell, he knoweth hym self well Inough.

The herauld my lord I pray yow gyve me leve to aske other questyones
of yowr lordship. sir hyere yow that any other be upe ferther north.

The lord Darcy my felowe is [_sic_] I hyer say that ther is a huge
nomber upe in Westmorland comberland and lancashyre, and have
mustered, and abowght the bushoppryche of Durem they begyn to spoylle,
and by cause yow shall hyere the truyth, ye shall hyere one of my
seruantz an honest hardy man, I wold the kyng had x m suche, and he
hath byn amongst them, and sawe ther musters, and than his seruante
whas called upe, and when he came, the lord Darcy commanded hym to
shewe the herauld what he had seen in Westmerland comberland and
lancashyre, than sayd his seruante that he had byn amongst them and
that he had seen them mustering and by ther report they were to the
nomber of vii{^xx} thowsand [140,000] men.

The herauld I mervell not muche to hyre of that grete nomber that
yowr servante speketh of for I thinke well ther may be so many tage
and rage but truly of chosyn men of warre ther be not so many as I
think in al the north and half Scotland.

The lord Darcy sir ye knowe not this countrey, for it is a countrey
greatly pepled Well I wyll speke no more thereof, but by my fethe
[_word obliterated_] letter that cometh nowe to my remembrance that
was sente to our cappteyn causeth my hert to blede, for it was wrytten
to hym out of thos parties that he shuld not shrynk in this busynes
and they wold send hym xxx, m men with a moneth wages in ther pursses
and ever that were don they wold send an other moneth wages and the
therd if nede shuld be, and besydes this they have xxx m men moo to
defend agenst the Scotts if they wylbe busie, for they have mustered,
and shewed ther selfes aginst the coste and all this is besydes our
companye.

The herauld my lord if it be so it [_yet_] thanked be god the kyng
hath men Inough to meat with them all and one thing wee be sure of,
wee have the ryght if god be god, for I knowe that it is agenst the
lawe of god to be periured and ther is non that can fyght agenst the
King ther naturall soverayn lord ne agenst anie of his true subiectes
what quarell so ever it be with owt his grace comyssion, that can
excuse ther selves from periury.

The lord Darcy ye say true if they were resonable men, but I wold to
Christ the King knowe the Jeobardy that is in it for as ferre as I can
perseyve by any thing that I can hyre the kyng is so encensed, that he
knoweth not the truyth, therefore I wold I myght speke with my son
bryan or my son Russell for I knowe that they dare and wyll speke to
the King the truyth I pray god all may be well, now my felowe by cause
it is cold, I pray yow take the payne to go with my servante ther, and
he shall brynge yow to a fyer to ese your self.

And his servante brought hym into a fayre parlor were was a good fyer,
and brought hym a pasty of veneson brede wyne and bere, and made hym
good chere and after he had well esed hym self, the lord sent for hym
agen, and sayd My felowe have yow any thing els to say to me from my
lord of Suffolk.

The herauld Sir ye, my lordes grace understondeth that it is comenly
noyssed here amonge yow, that our armye shuld Robe spoylle and vyolate
euery manes wyf doughter and servante and that ther shuld be put to
execution manye of the comons that hath submytted ther selfes, sir,
the truyth is that ther was never no suche actz comytted amongest us
except one Robyrie that was don on a preste for the whych one of our
own armye sir frances bryan servante was putt to execucion.

The lord Darcy Sir shewe my lordes grace that wee hyre full well that
he doth good Justice, and specyally at Stamford by hym that cryed a
newe kyng[1405], for if he had byn amongest us in all our Rage he
shuld never have come to execusion, but wee wold have hewen hym in a
thowsande pees, wee love so our kyng, therefor it I say agen I wold he
were hanged by the neck that wyll refuce his pardon, for if his grace
wyll send it me not with stondyng I have no nede to have it if I myght
be Indeferently hard I wyll come to his grace let them burn this
house, and kyll my sons chyldern yf they wyll, so that I myght scappe
with my lyff from them, let this passe, sir I have reseyved a lettre
syns yow were here, I pray yow rede this artycle in it and the herauld
ded rede it, were in was wryten by hym that sent it after this maner,
My Lord I hard the Lord Cromwell say that yow were a notaryus treator,
and I answered that he was a false knave and yowr lordship shuld prove
your self a true man to the kyng, then sayd the lord Darcy, I beshrewe
hym for his labor, for I knowe I spak folyshe wordes of hym my self at
dancastre the whych nowe I am sorye for, for to say truth every man
had a begynyng and he that the kyng will have honored wee must all
honor and god forbyde that any subiect shuld goo abought to rule the
kyng in his owne realme or be agenst his plesure in any lawfull thing,
and my felow ther was sent me a ryme owt of Westmerland lancashyre and
comberland that makith me to lawgh, for by my truth I mervell how they
can make it, and yow shall have it with yow[1406], and he toke it to
the herauld whych brought it to the kyng, and ferther he sayd to the
herauld

shewe my lord of Suffolk that the comens have beseged carlyell, and
the mayer hath proffered to be sorne [_sworn_] to them, and they wyll
not reseyve hym, but that they wyll have the towne, and the castell at
ther plesures, and also shew hym that my lord of comberland is in
great parell of his lyf for if the comens myght gette hym, they would
kylle hym for he is the worst beloved that ever I hard of, and
specially with his own tenants, and if ther be no remyde founde I
thinke he can not escappe, it the cappteyn [‘is his’ _crossed out_]
and he be come of ii sustres [_written in_] [son _crossed out_] and he
hath wrytten dyvers lettres for hym, I feth I wold he were in this
howse, than I wold trust to ryde hym out of ther haundes.

The herauld my lord I pray you what means suld be founde to helpe
hym.

The lord Darcy well my lord of Suffolk is wyse Inough and can devyse a
meane for hym full well, I pray yow have me humble recomended onto his
grace, and shewe hym that I pray god the kyng have not as muche nede
to tak side nerar home as here for and he sawe the lettres that cometh
dayly to our capteyn from all parties of this realme he wold mervell.
I pray god save the kyng. [_Note in margin_: An Interogatory upon
this.]

and than the lord Darcy tok hym by the hand and gave hym a dowble
duket and to barwyk persyvante an angell and so wee tok our leve of
his lordship.

NOTES TO CHAPTER XII

Note A. The date at which Sir Ingram Percy came to York is not known with certainty, but his visit appears to have taken place about this time.

Note B. Sir Brian Hastings misrepresented the summons in his letter of 13 November. “The rebels intended to have had a general council or parliament at York on Saturday last but the posts from my Lord of Norfolk, Sir Ralph Ellerker and Mr Bowes stayed them.”[1407] As a matter of fact it was the posts which caused the Council to be summoned. Hastings’ information was often inaccurate.

Note C. It seems that Ratcliff was either going to or returning from Lancashire when he was captured, for otherwise he had no reason to go near Wakefield, and as he was carrying letters to the Lord Admiral [Fitzwilliam] it was probably his return journey. The letter containing the news of his capture was written by Gervis Clyfton to Mr Bankes. Robert Bankes gave evidence against the rebels before the Earl of Derby on 2 December[1408]. He may have been the person to whom the letter is addressed.

Note D. Thomas Treheyron, Somerset Herald, was murdered in Scotland by two of the Lincolnshire refugees in November 1542[1409].

Note E. The only other reference to this incident, which seems to have been the appearance of the usual Yorkist pretender, is made by Wilfred Holme, who says that

... “the commons before Doncaster
Ascribed a Carter to a king coequal in degree.”[1410]

Note F. There were a great many rhymes flying about and it is impossible to identify this one. Many of the rebel manifestoes were roughly metrical. The following is part of one which circulated in Westmorland and Lancashire:

“Gentle commons, have this in your mind,
Every man take his lands’ lord and ye have need,
As we did in Kendalland
Then shall ye speed.
Make your writings, command
Them to seal to grant you your petitions as your desire.
Lords spiritual and temporal, have it in your mind,
The world as it waveth,
And to your tenants be ye kind,
Then may you go on pilgrimage
Nothing you withstand,
And commons to you be true through all Christen land,
To maintain the faith of Holy Church
As ye have take on hand.
Adieu, gentle commons, thus I make an end.
Maker of this letter, pray Jesu be his speed,
He shall be your captain
When that ye have need.”

This proclamation is printed twice in the Letters and Papers, vol. XI, 892 (3) and vol. XII (1), 163 (2).

There was a song against Cromwell called Crummock, which was sung in Westmorland in the time of the rebellion. It may have contained some local allusion to Crummock Water[1411], but the commons of Yorkshire also sang

“Cosh, Crummock, cosh, I would we had thee here,”[1412]

which must have likened the Lord Privy Seal to a bad-tempered cow.

In the summer of 1538 Isaac Dickson commanded a minstrel who was singing in an ale-house by Windermere to give the song called Crummock which he had sung at Crossthwaite during the rebellion. The minstrel, who had to adapt his wares to the party in power, did not dare to sing the song. Dickson passed from threats to blows, but still the minstrel refused, fearing the halter more than Dickson’s dagger. There was a brawl, and both Dickson and the minstrel were arrested[1413].

In connection with Friar Pickering’s poem comparing Cromwell to Haman, it may be noted that in the anonymous play of “Godly Queen Hester,” which is attributed to Skelton, a similar parallel is drawn between Haman and Wolsey, the suppression of monasteries by the latter being likened to Haman’s persecution of the Jews. See “The Library” October 1913 “Early Political Plays” by M. H. Dodds.