Chapter XVII: Siege of Moscow (1)

Mamai fled from Kulikovo and assembled a fresh and numerous army to take revenge on Dmitri for his triumph. But suddenly a new enemy rose up against him: Tohtamish, made Khan only recently by Tamerlane, declared himself heir of Batu, and set out from the Yaik River to take possession of his inheritance. Mamai marched forth to meet him, and on that renowned field near the Kalka, the field where Mystislav the Gallant had been vanquished, the Mongols met now to slaughter one another. Tohtamish triumphed. Mamai’s perfidious murzars fell at the feet of the conqueror, and swore to serve him faithfully all their lives. Mamai fled to Kaffa, the present Theodosia, taking with him rich treasures. “He went with much gold, silver, jewels and pearls, and was slain by the Genoese deceitfully.” They seized all his property, secure in the knowledge that the death of Mamai would please the new Khan greatly. The position of the Genoese was precarious in those days, and they strove always to please in every way possible the Mongol Khan who was in power.

Master now of the Golden Horde, Tohtamish sent envoys to Moscow and all other places, stating that he had conquered Mamai, their common enemy, and had taken possession of Sarai. The unexpected and uninvited guests were received nowhere with pleasure; still they were entertained with honor and dismissed with presents and politeness; but those things were not what the new Khan was seeking. He wished to see the Russians just such slaves as they had been under Batu and Uzbek.

In 1381, Tohtamish sent an envoy, Ak Hodja, with a suite of seven hundred, to Dmitri to demand that all princes should visit him immediately. But when he reached Nizni, the envoy dared not go farther. The Grand Prince had sent a message saying that he could not answer for the safety of Ak Hodja or that of his suite, should they continue their journey to Moscow. Ak Hodja then sent attendants to consult with Dmitri, but even those, when they saw the resentment of Russians, did not venture to enter the capital. Indignation against messengers bringing insolent demands from men who had fled from the battle-field of Kulikovo was pardonable on the part of the victors, but in the lofty answer of Dmitri was heard a note which had never been heard from him earlier, and this note was not to the profit of Russia.

After the victory at Kulikovo, Dmitri was so confident that he did not think it necessary to assemble new forces, and be ready for battle. Trusting too much in Mongol weakness, he turned his attention to home questions. Feeling the need of a metropolitan, it was decided to summon Cyprian, who had been expelled from Moscow. An embassy was sent to him, and on May 23, 1381, he returned, and was received in the city with great solemnity. On that same day was announced the coming of Pimen, ordained at Tsargrad in place of Mityai. But, as already stated, upon his arrival at Kolomna, he was arrested and sent off to Chuhloma. Thus the Grand Prince passed the year occupied in home affairs, till news came on a sudden that, in the land of the Bulgars, the Mongols had arrested Russian merchants, had seized their boats, and in those boats they were now sending warriors toward Moscow.

When Dmitri insulted and threatened Tohtamish’s envoy, serious work began at once at the Horde. A daring campaign was planned and preparations were made in strict secrecy. Tohtamish wished to surprise Moscow and capture it. Every man who could give news to the capital was seized and held securely; strong pickets were stationed at all points. Even reports could not go to Dmitri. At last, however, in spite of every precaution, news reached Moscow, but too late to be of service. Dmitri learned of the terrible power of his enemy only when many Russian princes had already joined Tohtamish.

In this absence of union among princes lay the peril of Moscow. The great need was to root out this remnant of a system of semi-independent princes, a system no longer endurable, and unite the whole country. Moscow had done much in that direction, already. The victory on the Don was proof of what Russia could do when princes were united. But the more Dmitri gained, the less did other princes find in union their personal profit, and profit was all that most of them cared for at that time. They had helped to strengthen Moscow, but they had no wish to raise the Moscow prince higher.

Dmitri of Nizni, when he heard of the Tohtamish movement, sent his two sons very promptly to the Horde with gifts, but the Khan was already on the road. By rushing after him quickly, they came up to Tohtamish in Ryazan. Oleg, whose treachery in Mamai’s day had been forgiven by the Grand Prince, now betrayed Moscow a second time. He went out to meet the Khan, gave him many presents, offered to guide him in person, and advised as to how to take the capital.

Surprised now for the first time, Dmitri was discouraged. It was too late to find troops. At first he thought to entrench himself near Kolomna, but, on summoning his voevodas and available warriors, he discovered the astonishing weakness of his army, and, after consulting with his cousin, decided that with such troops he could do nothing effective. Some advised sending gifts, and begging for mercy; others said that the Khan was raging, that the only way was to stand sieges in cities, and wait till men could be assembled from all points. The Grand Prince decided to visit Yaroslavl, Rostoff, Kostroma, and find men there. Vladimir was to hurry to Volok and get warriors in those parts.

Meanwhile the Khan’s troops were rapidly approaching. In his army were Dmitri’s brothers-in-law; Oleg of Ryazan was there also.

In Kostroma the Grand Prince enrolled perhaps ten thousand men. From Novgorod no word had come thus far. The Tver prince, instead of helping Dmitri, sent his son to the Khan with gifts and homage. Many warriors in Dmitri’s regiments deserted; whole companies went home of their own accord. There was a general paralysis. In Moscow, deserted by the army and left without a leader, there was anarchy. All who were able hurried out of the city, and then appeared vagrants and persons who in ordinary times were not visible anywhere. The mob rang the bells and summoned the inhabitants to die in defense of their city. The Grand Princess and her children left Moscow, as did the metropolitan Cyprian. The people wished to keep the metropolitan with them, but, leaving all things and every one, he escaped unobserved and unattended, and fled to the Tver prince. The mob was like a sea in a tempest; there was no hope of rescue from any side.

All at once Prince Ostei appeared in the capital with a small group of warriors. The crowd did not know well who this prince was, or whence he came. Some declared him a son of Oleg; but in every case they were delighted, for it was clear that he knew well the art of war. There was more order after his coming. A great number of people assembled from the environs, and Ostei, before shutting the gates of the Kremlin, admitted all who would enter. The main defenders, however, were a rabble, the lowest of the city, and a few merchants, abbots, priests, monks and deacons, men of all ages, and women, some even with infants.

August 15, 1382, the smoke and the light of distant burning announced the approach of Tohtamish and his forces. On August 22 he was near the city and sent his advance-guard to strike at the Kremlin. The Mongols examined the ramparts, rode around the walls, estimated the depth of the moats, and looked at points whence attack might be possible. Approaching the gates, they shouted: “Is the Grand Prince in Moscow?” They received no answer, and toward evening they vanished. Next morning the Khan came himself and laid siege to the Kremlin.

The nondescript mob in the city robbed, drank, and rioted. Prince Ostei, who was defending the fortress, was unable to repress the disorder; he was fighting on the walls and greatly occupied. He met all assaults with success, and wherever the enemy tried to carry a position he drove them back effectively. The Mongols had no wall-breaking engines. For three days Tohtamish was baffled at every point. The fourth morning the besieged were astounded,—it was silent and quiet in the camp of the enemy. Soon a party of richly dressed warriors rode toward the Kremlin, princes of the Horde, with a suite in large numbers. In front of all were the brothers-in-law of the Grand Prince, Simeon and Vassili, sons of Dmitri of Nizni. The suite made signs that they came for peace, and were allowed to ride up to the defenses. “The Khan wishes to show his people grace,” said they. “He has come not against you, who are guilty of nothing. Our sovereign has not come to strike you, but Dmitri. He is not angry with you,—ye are worthy of favor. He only asks you to come out with small gifts and show honor; he desires nothing further.” The same words were repeated by Dmitri’s two brothers-in-law, whom the Khan had sent also to parley. These Nizni princes declared that Tohtamish had sworn to harm no one, and to take nothing save that which was given him with honor. Simeon seized the cross from his neck and kissed it to prove his sincerity.

Prince Ostei and all who had wisdom believed not, but many, even of those who seemed wise, were pleased at this way of ending the struggle. The mob, from being warlike, called for peace, and opposed Prince Ostei, the commander. “He alone,” said they, “keeps up this struggle; we must stop it.” The prince turned to the best of the people with these words: “Wait only a little; the Grand Prince and his cousin are coming with reinforcements. The Khan has only a small army; ye must not believe those two princes from Nizni. Above all put no trust in the words of Tohtamish; his promises are worthless.” But the mob would not listen. From the walls they made the Horde princes take oath to harm no one. The Nizni princes swore in the same sense a second time. The clergy went out then with images and crosses. Prince Ostei, with the best of the citizens, followed. Next came a great crowd of people with gifts, and with homage. When the procession drew near the enemy’s camp, sabres flashed up on all sides. The Mongols snatched the holy images and crosses from the clergy, threw them on the ground and trampled them; then they cut down priests and people. The whole square in front of the Kremlin was soon streaming with blood. Next they rushed through the gates like a torrent, and slew all inside the Kremlin. There was no place of refuge. Those who fled to churches were slaughtered there. All were slain without distinction. Everything of value was taken from the churches, and not one book escaped destruction. All the wealth collected during long years of labor was lost in that one day of terror, August 26, 1382.

Tohtamish feasted among the ruins of Moscow, and sent men in every direction, to Vladimir, Pereyaslavl and other places, for plunder. The division which went to Volok was met by Vladimir the Brave, who defeated it thoroughly, killing, it was said, six thousand Mongols. When the remnant of those Mongols returned, Tohtamish recalled his plundering parties, and withdrew to Sarai with immense booty, and a great crowd of captives. On the way he burned Kolomna, and plundered Oleg’s lands unmercifully. But through an envoy he sent thanks to Dmitri of Nizni for sending his sons as assistants.

Moscow was filled with decaying corpses; people of every age and condition were lying there dead, and every building was either burned to the earth, or in ruins. Twenty-four thousand people were buried by Dmitri when he came back to his capital.

The princes of Ryazan, Tver, and Nizni gained nothing by their disloyalty to the Grand Prince. Oleg of Ryazan suffered heavily when the Khan was retiring from Moscow, and Dmitri, who had forgiven Oleg’s perfidy in Mamai’s day, now made him pay dearly for aiding the men who burned the capital.

As reward to the Nizni prince, Tohtamish gave the grand patent and returned to him his son Simeon; but he gave him no help to win Vladimir, and retained Vassili, the second son, as hostage.

When Michael of Tver and his son went to the Horde with rich gifts, the Khan’s intimates promised every aid, but time passed while Michael spent much and gained nothing save promises. The metropolitan, Cyprian, favored Michael, and would not return to Moscow, though two boyars were sent to conduct him; as a result of this disobedience he was banished a second time in favor of Pimen.

Upon Dmitri’s return to Moscow, he called back the people who had fled to other places to save themselves and rebuilt the city with energy. He was at a loss as to how to treat Mamai’s successor, when Tohtamish himself settled the problem. The Khan, seeing that Dmitri was not prepared to visit Sarai, or send boyars with his homage, despatched a gracious embassy to Moscow, while the city was still in ruins. Men knew at the capital that Tohtamish had sent the Nizni prince a patent to the Grand Principality. It was known also that Michael of Tver had tried, through much gold and silver, to get the same patent, with the addition of Novgorod, but Karatch, the Khan’s envoy, declared to Dmitri that Tohtamish would not displace him; he had satisfied his anger, and the past was forgotten. They gave good presents to the envoy who had come with this information, and conducted him homeward with honor.

In 1383 the Grand Prince, no matter how grievous it might be, had to show the Khan honor by sending his heir, Vassili, a boy of twelve years of age, to give homage. Important boyars went with him. Michael of Tver was then at the Horde, negotiating for the patent. He had more wealth than the Moscow prince, but Dmitri’s boyars referred to previous charters, especially that of Chanibek, who had confirmed the Moscow primacy forever, and then they showed the original document. Tohtamish, who rested his own claims on regular descent, and wished to honor his ancestor in order to strengthen his own power with the past of the Golden Horde, gave Dmitri the charter.

Michael of Tver, greatly grieved and disappointed, left the Horde, complaining specially against that Mongol prince, who had promised him success beyond peradventure. “I know my possessions,” said Tohtamish, while dismissing him. “All the Russian princes are living on land which belongs to me. Let each live on that which falls to him by usage. If he serves me with truth, I will reward him. Dmitri offended me, I punished him; he serves me now truthfully, hence I reward him. Do thou go to Tver, and serve there as is proper; thee also will I reward in time.” The Khan dismissed Michael, but kept Michael’s son as a hostage.

The evil rule of the new Khan was distinguished for uncertainty: Tamerlane had given the throne to him, but once in power, Tohtamish, wishing to be independent, dared to measure forces with that great conqueror. He raised his hand against his protector and invaded Samarkand, Tamerlane’s capital; next he attacked Persian regions and found there a terrible answer. He received blow after blow, one more deadly than the other, from the great Mongol, who had conquered a large part of Asia. At last the final blow struck him. These campaigns, with the dread of his master and the preparations to ward off invasions, drew away Tohtamish, whose absences from Sarai were protracted and frequent. At times it seemed as if Mongol power in Russia had ended, and then Dmitri’s authority appeared in its vigor. But that was in the last period of Tohtamish’s reign.

Subjection to Tohtamish was at first very grievous; it recalled the worst days of Uzbek’s reign. Vassili, the heir of the Grand Prince, sent to the Horde to render homage, was detained most ungraciously for more than two years. Again Russian princes went to get patents, and complain one against another.

In 1383 the Nizni prince died, and no matter how Simeon and Vassili strove for their father’s inheritance, the Khan, not wishing to offend Boris, their uncle, gave Nizni to him, and to them he left Suzdal; but one of the brothers, Vassili, he kept at the Horde as a hostage. A quarrel rose now between the uncle and his nephews, and the nephews turned to Dmitri of Moscow to help them. Since Nizni had been considered as connected with Moscow, Dmitri might not wish his brothers-in-law to win Nizni, as they had not scrupled to help Tohtamish; still it would be easier to get Nizni from them than from their uncle. Therefore, in 1387, the Grand Prince assisted them to Nizni. Boris, who had suffered much in struggling with Moscow, said then to his nephews: “My dear children, I weep now because of you; later on you will weep because of another,” hinting thus at future absorption of Nizni by Moscow. The brothers got Nizni at the price of subjection to Moscow, which after that held Nizni as its own land forever. Thus, after a period, Dmitri again paid small respect to the Mongols.

In 1385, Oleg of Ryazan prepared to avenge on Dmitri the blow which the latter had dealt him because of aid given the Horde in their conflict with Moscow. He seized Kolomna, and, following this seizure, a bloody war broke out between the two princes. Vladimir the Brave led the army of Moscow. The Ryazan prince suffered heavily, but so did Dmitri. One battle especially was noted for stubbornness; many of the best men on both sides were slain. Dmitri offered peace, but Oleg was haughty; no matter what offers were made, he was insolent. The Grand Prince, who had grieved much under Mongol subjection, was crushed by the endless strife among princes, so he sent to the Troitski monastery, and begged holy Sergai to visit Oleg on a mission.

Sergai was revered throughout Russia and famed, as the chronicler tells us, for gifts from the Holy Spirit. He so discoursed with Oleg that he changed all his venom to kindness, and made final peace between the two princes. After that there was no war either between Oleg and Dmitri, or between their descendants. This same year, 1385, Dmitri had a son christened Peter, and Sergai was his godfather.

The following year Feodor, son of Oleg, married Sophia, a daughter of the Grand Prince. Dmitri’s next act was to bring Novgorod to reason. Counting on the weakness of Moscow after the war with Oleg, Novgorod neglected all obligations, and it was only after an attack on the city, in which many princes assisted, that Dmitri maintained his position. Novgorod then paid its dues and signed a new treaty.

After his son had been absent nearly three years at Sarai, Dmitri obtained the Khan’s consent to his return. Freed at last from detention, the young prince hurried off with great gladness. Before returning to Moscow, however, he passed a year in Romania and Western Russia. He went then to Lutsk on a visit to Vitold, in whose daughter, Sophia, he saw a young woman who charmed him. Vitold’s mother, the priestess Biruta, was famous for beauty, and had enchanted Keistut, Vitold’s father. Biruta’s beauty may have been reflected in her granddaughter. Anna, Vitold’s wife, who had saved him from prison and death, might also have added her quota of comeliness. Sophia, in every case, was a beautiful girl. Dmitri sent boyars to accompany Vassili on his journey home, and charged them to bring Vitold to friendship. In this they succeeded, and Vassili left Lutsk as the betrothed of Sophia.

The meeting of this youth with his father after four years of absence was joyous. That was the time, as Dmitri had decided, to declare him his heir, the coming Grand Prince.

Among Dmitri’s many troubles the one which weighed him down always was that of succession. By raising their principality to be the central land of all Russia, the sons and grandsons of Kalitá had placed Moscow on a height unexampled, hence they looked on inheritance very differently from others. Dmitri wished to fix primogeniture in his line. The tendency to this came through favoring causes. Simeon the Proud, Kalitá’s son and successor, was obeyed by Ivan and Andrei, his younger brothers, as if he had been their own father. Simeon died without heirs; almost at the same time died Andrei, so when Ivan reigned in Moscow, after Simeon, he had no brothers. At Ivan’s death he was succeeded by his one son, Dmitri, whose brother, Ivan, had died early, hence there was only one descendant of Kalitá contemporary with Dmitri, his cousin Vladimir, Andrei’s orphan. Vladimir, afterward surnamed the Brave, was Dmitri’s lifelong trusty comrade. They were “one man,” as people said who knew them. Dmitri became Grand Prince at twelve, but his cousin was younger. The pillars of the Moscow principality, the guardians of Dmitri and Vladimir, fixed in a treaty the position of each prince to the other. This treaty declared that Andrei’s father bound himself to serve his elder brother without disobedience, to serve his principality with faith and fear. Vladimir received only the possessions which had belonged to Andrei, his father, while to Dmitri went all the rest, that is, what had belonged to his father, Ivan, and to Simeon, his uncle. He reserved also the right in certain cases to execute Vladimir’s boyars.

About ten years later, when Dmitri was going to the Horde to reconcile the Khan with Moscow, he made a will in favor of his own son, Vassili, born a few months earlier. A new treaty was made then with Vladimir, who, to expressions of obedience to Dmitri, added: “I am not to seek the Grand Principality against thee, or against thy children.” This is a short line placed unobtrusively in a long list of settlements and properties; but this line, almost unnoticeable among hundreds of names of villages and places which formed the greater part of the document, is remarkable, especially through the addition “or against thy children.” It is clear that the inheritance of the Moscow throne from father to eldest son, not being in accord with ancient usage, was not yet firmly established. Toward the end of Dmitri’s reign, this became the greatest of all the cares which weighed on him. Living, as it were, in one family with his cousin, a friend faithful and devoted, his only near relative, peerless for magnanimity, a man who had “a golden heart,” as Dmitri himself declared with much emphasis, it was all the more difficult to touch upon this very delicate question. It was possible at first to avoid it, and for years say no word on the subject, but at last came the hour when it was necessary to decide the great question: Who shall inherit the throne on the death of Dmitri? If Vassili were heir, the new form of state, begun since Kalitá’s day, would triumph. If Dmitri’s cousin, Vladimir, were heir, the ancient order would win, to the ruin of all that Moscow had accomplished during five decades of dreadful effort.

Again the question might be considered as not very urgent, not demanding immediate decision, for Dmitri was not yet forty years old, and was strong to all seeming; but in fact he was feeble. He had no external wound, but he had never recovered completely from the internal injuries received on the field of Kulikovo. Moreover, as his son was about to marry, the question rose naturally: Was Vladimir, the cousin, to yield seniority to Vassili?

Would Prince Vladimir, who had been so magnanimous as to yield to Dmitri, yield now and make Dmitri’s son his senior?

Beyond doubt the trouble was more with Vladimir’s boyars than with Vladimir. Only boyars of reduced princes yielded, and went to serve strong ones. The boyars of Vladimir of Moscow, whose rights were undoubted according to the ancient rule of the country, could not be yielding in this case. They defended their honor and profit together with ancient legality in defending Vladimir; they were far more insistent than he was. Consequently, the year of 1388 was beclouded by a quarrel between the Moscow princes. Dmitri seized certain of Vladimir’s boyars, and sent them to places where they were “kept under guard very firmly.” The honor of the boyars who defended his position so faithfully was of course dear to Vladimir, and he had to take part with them; hence rose a quarrel which grieved all the people.

But at the beginning of 1389 the quarrel ended, and the friendship of the princes was greater than ever. They made a new treaty and kissed the cross to observe it. By this treaty Vladimir recognized the Grand Prince to be his elder brother as before, and to be his father, and for himself and his children renounced every claim to the headship of Moscow; yielding seniority to Dmitri’s heirs, and to all their sons with them; recognizing Vassili, son of Dmitri, as his eldest brother, the second son, Yuri, a brother of his age, and the younger sons as younger brothers, adding, besides, that he would not seek the throne as against any of them. The Grand Prince, on his part, called Vladimir not only his younger brother, as before, but his son. With such a solemn declaration was the question decided, a question which for a short time had disturbed the long harmony of the family.

All glorified the magnanimity of Kalitá’s youngest grandson, who had done so much for Moscow by helping to establish the first principle of inheritance from father to eldest son.

Two months had not passed after making the treaty, when Dmitri was a living man no longer. Dmitri won glory at Kulikovo, and raised Moscow in popular esteem to a height unattainable by other principalities. Dmitri, by careful insistence and management in winning from Vladimir his renunciation of rights, and Vladimir, by yielding, established single rule in Russia, which, without these two men, might never have been established.

Vassili’s first act on succeeding his father was to send two noted boyars, Poleff and Belevut, with attendants, for his bride, Vitold’s daughter, Sophia. Her father had taken refuge at that time in Prussia, and was preparing for war with his cousin, Yagello, who had killed Keistut, Vitold’s father. Vitold was seeking aid among the Knights of the Cross against his cousin. It was pleasant for him, at that crisis in his career, to receive envoys from the Grand Prince of Moscow. Sophia journeyed by sea to Livonia, and thence through Pskoff and Novgorod to Moscow.

Two years after his marriage, Vassili visited the Horde, and then, by agreement with Tohtamish, united to Moscow the Nizni principality as well as Gorodets, Tarus, and Murom. There was trouble with Novgorod, which caused bloodshed, but all was arranged before 1395, when the second of the world-shaking Mongols came to punish Tohtamish for his perfidy, and to give the entire Kipchak realm to the “ruinous wind of destruction,” Tamerlane’s own words.

No Khan after Tohtamish was able to restore power and unity to Kipchak. Batu and Uzbek being the first and second, Tohtamish was the third powerful ruler of Kipchak. The exalted estimate which the man made of himself caused the mortal struggle with Tamerlane, to whom Tohtamish owed his dominion.

A direct descendant of Jinghis, Tohtamish could not brook the lofty lordship of Tamerlane, who was not descended from Jinghis, though he and that mighty ruler had a common great-grandfather. Tohtamish affected to see in Tamerlane a second Mamai upstart, and in 1392 set out to destroy him as he had destroyed Mamai. The motive for action was found in the taking by Tamerlane of places east of the Caspian, but mainly Urgendj, a city on the Oxus famed for its marvelous defense, the same city which had occasioned the quarrel between Jinghis and his eldest son, Juchi, a quarrel which was never ended.

Tohtamish began by attacking regions bordering on Kipchak, regions belonging to Tamerlane. Tamerlane moved promptly from his capital and wintered near Tashkent, where he assembled an immense army. During that year he moved northward toward the Tobola River, and, turning to the west, reached the Yaik River May 29. He crossed at a place of which Tohtamish was not thinking and, continuing the march, found the Khan at some point near the Volga. Tohtamish had also assembled great forces. In his army were Bulgars of the Kama, mountaineers of the Caucasus, Bashkirs and Russians.

Though it was June the weather was severe, and snow fell for several days in succession. At last, on the eighteenth, the sun broke through the clouds and the weather cleared. Before battle Tamerlane, having arranged his warriors in seven divisions ready for attack, prayed to God, prostrating himself three times. Then the army deployed to the cry, “Allah akbar!” (God is great), and with the shout “Surun!” (charge), the battle began. It was prolonged and stubborn beyond example, but the art of Jinghis, notably improved by Tamerlane, also the great skill and luck of the latter, and the quarrels and treachery of commanders of the other side, gained the day and brought success to Tamerlane. Tohtamish fled across the Volga, while his scattered hordes were hunted by the victor and few of his warriors escaped. Tamerlane camped on the battle-field and gave thanks to God for the victory.

The Golden Horde, though it survived this terrible defeat, never regained its former strength. Tamerlane plundered the country and went home, taking legions of captives, with cattle, and treasures of all kinds. But the end was not yet. Tohtamish returned to his capital and ruled there. He brought the whole Horde back to order. Three years passed. Tamerlane had fixed his camp on the southern side of the Caucasus, on the banks of the Cyrus, and there he learned that Tohtamish was preparing for a new and more serious encounter. Tamerlane thereupon sent a letter to Tohtamish in which he asked if he had forgotten his last terrible defeat. He reminded him how he, Tamerlane, always treated those kindly who treated him kindly, while he pursued with vengeance those who were his enemies. He reminded him also of his own great success, which made him indifferent whether he was at peace or at war with the Khan of the Golden Horde. Then, marching forward promptly to find Tohtamish, Tamerlane passed through the Gates of Derbend to the northern side of the mountains, where, to begin the campaign worthily, he exterminated the Kaitaks, subjects of Tohtamish, and then advancing, met his rival near the Terek.

The position of Tohtamish was strong, and protected by wagons arranged in the form of a barricade, but on Tamerlane’s approach he abandoned it and retired. Tamerlane now crossed the Terek, and the armies faced each other on the fourteenth of April; on the twenty-second the conflict began.

This second battle showed that Tohtamish had not greatly overestimated his own power, that he was almost the equal of his opponent. The main body of Tamerlane’s army was commanded by his son, Muhammed Sultan, while he himself commanded twenty-seven companies of picked warriors who formed a reserve. Tamerlane’s left wing was thrown into disorder and his center forced back. When the son-in-law of Tohtamish advanced upon his right wing, Tamerlane charged upon him at the head of his twenty-seven companies and drove him back. But his men, following too far, were in turn driven back and their ranks broken. Tamerlane would have been captured but for the aid of Nur ud din, who came to his rescue with fifty warriors. The battle was furious, but at last a quick rally in front and a rear attack on the Kipchaks saved the day, though very narrowly. The Kipchak troops gave way and Tohtamish fled. On that field strewn with corpses, Tamerlane knelt down and thanked Heaven for his triumph. Then to Nur ud din, who had rescued him, he presented a magnificent horse, a robe of gold brocade, a jeweled girdle, and a large sum of money.

Tamerlane’s victory brought no rest to the enemy, however. This time he hunted Tohtamish far toward the north, and ravaged all places, sending strong forces east as far as the Volga, and west to the banks of the Dnieper. He reached Ryazan’s southern borders and destroyed Eletsk, with its prince and people. Then the “Iron Limper,” as Russians called Tamerlane, moved northward, destroying all within reach of his army. Vassili of Moscow hurriedly assembled his forces, and, entrusting the capital to his father’s cousin, Vladimir, led his own men to the Oká to confront the invader. He now wrote to the metropolitan to bring from Vladimir to Moscow that image of the Mother of God, which Andrei Bogolyubski had borne with him from Vyshgorod to the northern country. With great honor and reverence the image was brought. A procession of ecclesiastics and boyars met it on the Kutchkovo Field outside Moscow, and it was placed in the Assumption Cathedral, where the people prayed before it, repeating “Mother of God, save Russia!” To the influence of this image was ascribed the retreat of Tamerlane’s army, which took place August 26, at the hour when the holy image was met by the people. We may suppose that the approach of autumn, and the poverty of the country, ruined so often by Mongols, were not without influence in saving the capital.

Tamerlane, on his march, destroyed the rich city of Azoff, a meeting-place for Venetians and Genoese, near the mouth of the Don. Afterward he moved southward, attacking mountain tribes of the Caucasus as he passed them, till an uprising among Mongols at Astrakhan recalled him. Though the season was winter, and the snow was deep on the country, he marched very swiftly on Astrakhan, stormed the city and destroyed it. He robbed and ruined Sarai, and then, advancing by the way of Derbend and Azerbaidjan, returned to Samarkand, his own capital.

These blows were so crushing and dreadful that the Golden Horde never recovered. Many Russians thought that the end of Mongol rule was before them. But the end was not yet, as was evident soon after. The first to experience this bitter truth was Vitold, who had won against Yagello and was now the haughty ruler of Lithuania and Western Russia. Tamerlane gave the Golden Horde to a son of Urus Khan, the former rival of Tohtamish, but Edigai, who had been one of Tamerlane’s generals, assumed Mamai’s rôle,—the creation of Khans and ruling through them. He set up now Timur Kutlui instead of the man whom Tamerlane had appointed.

Meanwhile Tohtamish, who had ruled the Golden Horde for twenty years, had taken refuge with Vitold. Through Tohtamish, Tamerlane’s fallen rival, Vitold planned to control the Golden Horde, and in that way win Moscow. The first step was to capture Sarai for his protege. Envoys came at this juncture from Kutlui with the message: “Surrender Tohtamish, my enemy! Tohtamish, once a great prince, but now a vile deserter. Such is the fickleness of fortune.” Vitold refused, adding: “I myself will march on Kutlui.” Hearing of this resolution, Yedviga, Queen of Poland, warned Vitold, stating that through her power of prophecy she foresaw that great misfortune would overtake him. But he would not heed her warning.

The expedition undertaken by Vitold was made a holy struggle. Boniface IX, through a bull to the clergy of Lithuania and Poland, ordained a crusade against the infidel and gave indulgence to all who took part in it. Vitold assembled a very strong army. With him were at least fifty princes of Lithuania and Southern Russia. A number of Polish magnates joined also. Tohtamish went with a considerable contingent of Mongols. Even the German Order sent perhaps five hundred iron-clad warriors.

In July, 1399, Vitold set out on his expedition. The fame of Kulikovo roused him, it is said, beyond other considerations, and he hoped to eclipse Dmitri’s fame by greater achievements. He crossed the Dnieper near Kief and vanished in the steppes. Passing the Horol and the Sula, he halted at Varskla. On the opposite bank appeared the Mongols led by Kutlui, who, seeing that his enemy was superior in numbers, began to negotiate. To win time was his object, for he was waiting for Edigai with a second Mongol army.

“Why art thou marching on me when I have not touched thy possessions?” asked he of Vitold. “The Lord has given me dominion over all. Pay me tribute and be my son,” replied Vitold. The Khan promised tribute, but did not like to put Vitold’s name and seal on his coinage; he asked three days to think over that question. Thus he seemed to yield the main point, though in reality he did not. Meanwhile he gave Vitold many presents, and continually sent him questions, through envoys. When the time had passed, Edigai arrived with his army, and begged that Vitold come out to the opposite bank for an interview. “Valiant prince,” said Edigai, “if Timur Kutlui wishes to be thy son, since he is younger than thou, in thy turn be my son, since I am older than thou. Therefore pay me tribute, and put my seal on thy money.”

Enraged by deceit and ridicule, Vitold commanded the army to leave its camp, cross the river, and give battle at once. The prudent Spytko of Melshtin tried to warn the Grand Prince, and advised peace in view of Mongol preponderance, but his advice only roused wrath. A certain Polish knight named Stchukovski said, with scorn: “If thou art sorry to part with thy wealth and thy young wife, do not frighten those who are ready to die on the field of battle.” “To-day I shall die with honor, but thou wilt flee as a coward,” retorted Spytko. His words proved to be true, for death met him soon, and Stchukovski was among the first of the fugitives.

The battle began after midday on August 5, 1399. The Mongols raised such a dust that no one could see them. Thus did they hide their movements. They closely surrounded Vitold’s army, and even seized the horses from many before they could mount. Artillery, then of recent invention, could not be used in that battle with profit. Notwithstanding these disadvantages, Vitold was able to force back and confuse Edigai’s army. But Kutlui rushed to the Lithuanian rear with a great force of cavalry, crushed all before him and triumphed. Tohtamish was the first to flee, after him followed Vitold with his boyars, and Sigismund, his brother.

The defeat was thorough and irreparable. Many princes were slain or taken captive. Among the dead were Yagello’s two brothers, Andrei and Dmitri, who had fought at Kulikovo. Seventy princes and boyars of distinction were left on that battle-field. The whole camp, its provisions, and all the cannon fell into the hands of the enemy. Kutlui followed the fugitives, and ravaged the country as far as Lutsk. From there he turned back to the steppe with as much wealth as he had means of carrying, and driving as many captives as his men could manage.

Kutlui died soon after this expedition, and Edigai put Kutlui’s brother, Shadibek, on the throne at Sarai. Seven years later Tohtamish died in Siberia, slain, it is said, by the hand of Edigai, his dire enemy.

Vitold’s defeat on the Vorskla was important for Eastern Europe. The weakening of Lithuania, even for a time, was a godsend to Moscow. Not without satisfaction might the people there look on this struggle between the two deadly enemies of Russia. Tamerlane’s war with Tohtamish and Vitold’s great conflict with Kutlui were vastly important, and useful to Moscow and Russia. Many Smolensk people, weary of Vitold, wished to recall their native prince, Yuri, son of Sviatoslav, who was living in Ryazan with Oleg, his wife’s father, and in 1400 Yuri turned to his father-in-law with these words: “My Smolensk friends have sent men saying that many desire me. Wilt thou give aid now to win my inheritance?” Oleg consented, and in 1401 he appeared at Smolensk with an army, and declared to the people: “If ye refuse Yuri, I will not stop till I capture Smolensk, and destroy it.” A schism rose quickly. Some were for Vitold, and others were against him. Yuri’s party was the stronger, and in August the Smolensk gates were opened to him. This prince then gave rein to his passion, and marked his return by killing Vitold’s chief partisans.

In the war which came later between Lithuania on one side and Smolensk with Ryazan on the other, Vitold’s attempt to get possession of Smolensk was a failure. Oleg now thought to regain from Lithuania certain seizures, and sent his son, Rodoslav, to win the Bryansk principality, but Vitold despatched an army under Simeon, son of Olgerd, his skilful cousin, and Rodoslav met an overwhelming defeat. Captured and put in prison, he lay there until ransomed, three years later. This reverse killed Oleg, then an old man. Yuri’s position changed straightway. Though Vitold laid siege to Smolensk without taking it, and was forced to withdraw, he resolved to subdue the place. In time many boyars, indignant at the cruelty of Yuri, grew friendly to Vitold.

Yuri had no aid now from any power, and the city was divided. He went to Moscow and begged Prince Vassili to defend him, as he promised obedience to Moscow. Vassili did not refuse the request, but he made no immediate promise, for he had no wish to raise arms against Vitold. Meanwhile Vitold, during Yuri’s absence, appeared at Smolensk, and in the summer of 1404 boyars surrendered the city. Vitold also was terribly cruel, slaying, and driving out of Smolensk all his powerful opponents, but as an adroit politician, he attracted many people by privileges, and turned them from Yuri, who now went to Novgorod, where they welcomed him, and gave him several towns to manage.

It was clear that Vitold had recovered from the Vorskla disaster, and was aiming to seize Pskoff and Novgorod. In 1405 he attacked Pskoff, took Koloje, slew many people, and captured large numbers. Novgorod, as usual, was either late with assistance, or refused to coöperate. Pskoff men turned then to Moscow, and Vassili, understanding at last the great peril which threatened him from Vitold, broke peace with his father-in-law, and sent men to war on Lithuania. In the course of three years, 1406, 1407, and 1408, war between these two princes had an annual renewal. Three times did Vassili and Vitold march against each other with large forces, but each time they stopped before decisive battle, and withdrew after a truce was made. It is evident that this halting was caused in part by their mutual relations, in part by the caution of each man in view of the other.

Their last meeting took place September, 1408, on the Ugra, which served as a boundary between them. After they had been encamped face to face on opposite banks of the river for several days, they made a peace by which the boundaries of their lands remained as they were at that time. Later on, Vitold made no serious move against Pskoff or even Novgorod. By this war, therefore, Moscow restrained Vitold in Eastern and Northern Russia. The war had other results also. Many noted Lithuanians and Russians, from one and another cause, were dissatisfied with Vitold, and went to join Moscow. Especially numerous were the men from near southern districts of Chernigoff. Among them appeared in 1408 the brother of the Polish king, Prince Svidrigello, son of Olgerd. Laying claim as he did to Lithuania, he had no wish to be subordinate to Vitold. Vassili was willing to welcome such an exile, and gave Svidrigello a number of towns to support him. Such liberality to a stranger displeased Russian boyars, and later on they were raging when Svidrigello, instead of defending Moscow against Edigai, fled meanly with his numerous attendants, plundering the people as he traveled.

Strange was the fate of Yuri, the last Smolensk prince. He did not remain long in Novgorod, and when the break came between Vassili and Vitold he appeared in Moscow a second time, with Prince Simeon of Vyazma. Vassili gave Yuri Torjok to support him. Now his unrestrained temper brought the man to a crime of foul aspect. He flamed up with passion for the wife of Prince Simeon. Meeting with strong resistance on her part, he strove to use violence, and when she defended herself with a keen weapon, he killed her. On that same day he killed her husband also. No matter how rude was the period, or how much liberty princes sometimes allowed themselves, such disregard of human and Christian rules roused indignation and rage in all men. Either expelled by Vassili, or rushing away from Torjok of his own will, Yuri fled to the Horde, but finding no refuge there, or in any place, he wandered some months, sick and weighed down in spirit, till he hid himself at last with an abbot named Peter, in whose monastery his life ended shortly afterward.

Disorder and murder in the Horde encouraged the Grand Prince of Moscow to think of complete independence. He honored the Mongols with moderate gifts, and, under pretext of national poverty, almost ceased from paying tribute. He did not visit the Horde in the time of Kutlui, or during Shadibek’s reign, which continued for eight years. In his slow struggle with Vitold he had received from the Khan some small forces, that was all. When Shadibek was dethroned, and Kutlui’s son, Bulat Bey, was instated, Vassili not only did not visit this new Khan; he even showed favor to some of his enemies, two of Tohtamish’s sons, of course with the wish to keep up civil war and disorder among the Mongols.

This clear and well-defined policy was connected with a change of advisers in Moscow. Former boyars, the counselors and comrades of Dmitri, had either died, or lost influence. Vassili was surrounded by younger assistants, men formed by impressions, and filled with the fame of the battle of Kulikovo. They were ashamed to be subservient to the Mongols; they despised Mongol influence. At the head of this party was Vassili’s great favorite, Ivan, son of Feodor Koshka.

The Golden Horde Khans had no thought at this time of yielding their hold upon Russia. They were at all times domineering, and in this they were encouraged by the princes of Tver, Ryazan and Suzdal, who continued to visit Sarai to obtain patents. Edigai had helped Vassili against Vitold; he had even roused enmity between the two princes to weaken them when peace was finally made, and now he resolved to show that Moscow was really subject to the Horde. But both Russians and Mongols remembered Kulikovo, and knew that war between Moscow and the Horde would be most serious, hence at Sarai they resolved on a stealthy and treacherous policy.

Edigai knew well that Moscow, keeping in mind the perfidy of Tohtamish, had in Sarai well-paid agents, who would give information immediately should any evident move be made toward invasion. He knew also that hostility between Vassili and Vitold was still active, hence he sent an envoy to Moscow, declaring that Bulat, the Khan, was making ready to punish Vitold for the harm done to Moscow. He asked only that Vassili should send a brother to Sarai, or a boyar of distinction, with expressions of homage, to the Khan. Vassili, yielding to this demand, sent a boyar named Yuri, who met Edigai marching rapidly on Moscow. The boyar was seized and held strict captive, and no word of the approaching army reached Vassili.

This happened late in the autumn of 1408. The Mongols were nearing Moscow, when the Grand Prince learned what was happening. As it was too late to make a stand against the invader, Vassili took his princess and children to the North, beyond the Volga, for safety. The defense of the capital he left to Vladimir, his father’s cousin, and to Andrei and Peter, his brothers. To make the siege difficult, all houses outside the walls were burned. December 1, the Mongol army was visible. Edigai, seeing the success of his stratagem, robbed, burned, and plundered on every side. Pereyaslavl, Rostoff, Dmitroff, Nizni and Gorodets were taken. Mongols raced over Russia, like wolves during winter, and seized all that they could reach, including people, whom they drove, leashed like dogs, to their camping grounds. Panic terror was again master in Russia. Thirty thousand Mongols were sent to hunt down the Grand Prince, but they could not discover him.

Meanwhile the old hero of Kulikovo, Dmitri’s cousin, Vladimir, defended Moscow. The walls were strong and well mounted with new and old weapons. There were plenty of defenders; hunger alone could reduce the capital. Edigai now sent to the Tver prince, Ivan, son of that Michael who had fought so long against Moscow, and commanded him to come with troops, cannon, and wall-breaking instruments. But this Tver prince would not serve the enemy of Russia; he set out with an army, not over numerous, and marched very slowly. He reached Klin, fell ill, as he asserted, and returned home, being unable to go farther. Edigai summoned Moscow to surrender, declaring that he was ready to stay before the walls through the winter, or till the city received him. But all at once from Bulat, the Khan, came a courier imploring Edigai’s immediate presence. Bulat had barely avoided dethronement from a rival. It was evident that few warriors had been left in Sarai, no force sufficient to defend the place. Meanwhile the Mongols learned that Vassili was marching from Kostroma with a large army.

At this juncture Edigai had the wit to win something. He announced that for three thousand rubles he would raise the siege, and leave Moscow. No one knew the situation, hence the money was delivered, and Edigai hurried home to save Bulat from dethronement. An immense train of captives and much booty followed after him. This raid had caused great loss to Russia. From the Don to Bailozero, and Galitch beyond the Volga, the country had been ravaged.

Edigai now sent a letter to Vassili, in which he recounted that prince’s many sins against his sovereign: the Khan’s envoys had been insulted, as well as his merchants. The prince had not visited the Horde or sent his relatives or boyars. “In other days thou hadst men well inclined to us. Listen not to youths, and thou wilt not be ruined through haughtiness. When attacked by princes of Lithuania, or Russia, thou art quick to ask aid of us, and give no rest till we send it. Thou sayest that thy lands are exhausted, that thou canst get no tribute. This is false. We have learned that from two ploughs thou receivest one ruble; what dost thou do with that money? Live in the old way, uninjured and faithful.”

But even after receiving this message Vassili was unwilling to give tribute to the Mongols; and he was right in view of the turmoil and trouble in Sarai. Only when Edigai had been hunted from the Horde and the son of Tohtamish, Jelal ed din, the ally of Vitold, and the protector of the Suzdal princes then fighting with Vassili, had taken his place, did the Moscow prince decide at last on a visit to the Mongols, taking with him rich gifts, and words of obedience. But during his stay at Sarai Jelal ed din was dethroned, and murdered by Kerim Berda, his own brother, who straightway declared himself an enemy of Vitold, and friendly to Vassili.

Perhaps the new Khan was of those who had found asylum in Moscow, when wandering and powerless. Still the formal relations of the principality to the Horde were those of a tributary. Some time later Kerim Berda was dethroned by a brother, and the dance of disorder continued.

One among many results of Vitold’s defeat at the Vorskla was to strengthen the bonds between Lithuania and Poland. Weakened by that defeat, Vitold had to lower his haughtiness, and seek aid from Yagello against powerful neighbors, that is, Northeastern Russia, the Golden Horde, and the German Order. In January, 1401, the two cousins met at Vilna, and bound themselves to give mutual aid whenever needed. After this meeting the princes and boyars of Lithuania and Western Russia agreed to aid the Polish king. If Vitold died while Yagello was living, Yagello was to be chosen as their Grand Prince. If Yagello died before Vitold, the Poles were to choose no king without Vitold’s concurrence.