Chapter X: Mighty Merchantmen

Most of the vessels in this fleet of East Indiamen had been built at the Blackwall yard, or at least refitted there. In the year 1789 the East India Docks were brought into being, or rather begun, for they were not opened for another couple of years. This wet dock had become very necessary, for the East Indiamen had no accommodation provided for them now that they had become so big. And as long as they lay out in the river a good deal of their valuable cargoes was subject to pilfering. A joint-stock company was formed with a capital of £200,000, and it was decided that the hatches of every ship arriving from either India or China should be locked down before the ship reached Gravesend, and that the captain and one officer should remain on board until the ship was moored in the docks and the keys of the hatches handed over to an officer of the East India Company.

At the beginning of the nineteenth century the price of building these ships was £13 12_s._ 6_d._ a ton. By 1803 it had gone up to £19. Five years later there were ten of these ships lost; in fact the first decade of the new century was unfortunate generally. There were losses owing to disasters at sea, and the French war paralysed the Indian trade. But the Blackwall yard was kept busy, and in 1813 it built ten frigates for the British Government of from 1078 to 1571 tons, owing to the lessons which had been learnt from the American frigates. Having built so many East Indiamen, this mercantile yard was eminently fitted for constructing such craft. And now that the firm consisted of Sir Robert Wigram, George Green, Money Wigram and Henry Loftus Wigram, we can see the time approaching when the famous Blackwall frigates were to make their appearance, though we shall not come to them immediately.

In 1814 was launched for the East India Company the 1263-ton _Lady Melville_, and the firm of Wigrams & Greens was now making a great deal of money. Three years later came the fine 1325-ton _Waterloo_. The only other port in the kingdom that in any way rivalled London was Liverpool. In 1751 there were only 220 ships belonging to Liverpool, but the opening of the American trade five years later gave it a great impetus. Then came those years of war which checked this, but on the resumption of peace in 1815 the Mercantile Marine received a wonderful impetus which has culminated in the magnificent Atlantic liners of to-day. There was the great industrial awakening in Yorkshire and Lancashire, a big trade was to be built up with America, and the haven of the Mersey was geographically suitable for the exports and imports. Britain was supreme at sea, foreign shipping had almost disappeared, the demand for tonnage was increasing rapidly, and the Mercantile Marine was very much encouraged. In fact, from 1815 to 1860 the service passed through the most popular days of its long career.

The first thirty years of the nineteenth century, just before the Indian monopoly was lost, saw the East India Company ships at their very best. We have spoken of the “Merchant Service” as a generic term, for convenience; but, strictly speaking, it pertained to the service in the ships of the East India Company, to distinguish it from service in the Free Traders and the Royal Navy. During this time to be able to get into the company’s service was about as good as a commission in the Navy. The ships themselves were as fine as any naval corvette, with similar discipline and similar personnel. Run like men-of-war, owned by a very ancient and wealthy company of unique character, the officers were of a social status equal to their cousins and brothers in His Majesty’s vessels. It was only when this old monopoly was taken away, and the romantic mixture of trade and sea-adventure gave way to keen competition in the race for wealth, that ships, officers, men and methods became of a different standard for a time. But this is always excepting the famous Blackwall frigates, which were destined to keep up the fine traditions of the old Indiamen.

An officer in the East India Company was made to realise that he was being honoured to be allowed to enter such a service. The captains and first four officers were always sworn in before being allowed to proceed to duty on board. They enjoyed the very lucrative privilege of being able to participate in the company’s monopoly. The captain of a 755-ton ship and upwards, for instance, was allowed as much as fifty-six tons for his private trade, and he could even do better than this by using as dunnage bamboos which could be sold in London. From China he could bring home 9336 lbs. Therefore, although his pay was only £10 a month—and we must not forget that a sovereign in those days was worth very much more than it is to-day—the captain was able to make very nice profits. The officers were also allowed a liberal amount of wine, beer, butter, cheese, spirits and groceries. No wonder that an officer was so often able to retire after a very few voyages and buy a ship for himself.

The 1200-ton East Indiaman carried a captain, six mates, surgeon, purser, boatswain-gunner, master-at-arms, midshipmen, caulker, cooper, cooks, carpenters, quartermasters, sailmaker, armourer, butcher, baker, poulterer, officers’ servants, stewards; the crew numbering a hundred and thirty. No one could become captain unless he had voyaged to and from India or China as chief or second mate. These officers were better seamen than navigators, but navigation was still crude and somewhat unscientific in those days. The full uniform of the captain was a fine blue coat with black Genoa velvet round the cuffs, black velvet lapels, black velvet panteen cape. The gilt buttons bore the company’s crest. Whenever officers appeared before the Court of Directors they were compelled to wear full uniform, but undress uniform when appearing before the Committee.

Strict instructions were given to the captain that his new hands were to wear the clothes provided by the company. The pay of the “foremast men” was £2 5_s._ a month, but in addition to this they were entitled to a pension from what was known as the Poplar Fund. Any captain, officer or man who had served aboard these ships for eight years and had regularly contributed to the fund was entitled to a pension. The size of the pension was based on the amount of capital which an officer possessed. Thus, if a captain said he was not worth £2500, or £125 a year, he received a pension of £100. Allowances were made to the widows and orphans of those who had served the company for seven years, and if a man had been wounded or maimed so as to be incapable of further sea service he was qualified for a pension even if he had not served eight years.

We mentioned some time back the fine East Indiaman _Warren Hastings_. In the engagement which is to be described she lost her purser and six men, and thirteen were wounded, including her chief, third and sixth officers and surgeon’s mate. Therefore, although these were really merchant ships, built to carry cargoes, with neither the facilities nor the crew of a man-of-war, yet there was always the possibility of the personnel being killed or disabled for life. In the case of the _Warren Hastings_, extra special trouble had been taken to enable her to defend herself against any French frigate she might meet. She mounted twenty-six 18-pdrs. on her main or lower deck, fourteen on her upper deck, and four 12-pdrs. on her poop. She left England in February 1805 and reached China, then left again for home, but in a less suitable condition of defence; for of her main-deck ports four had been caulked up so as to give space for a storeroom, and the four guns had been placed in the hold. Of her crew, forty Chinamen remained at Canton, and a British man-of-war had pressed eighteen of her English seamen. Four of her upper deck guns had also been stowed below. She therefore now mounted only thirty-six guns.

It was on June 21 at 7.30 a.m., when the ship was in Lat. 26° 13’ S., Long. 56° 45’ E. that _Warren Hastings_, steering W. by S. before a strong breeze from N.E. by E., under a press of sail, sighted to the south-west a strange ship under treble-reefed topsails and courses. This was the French 40-gun frigate _Piémontaise_, 1093 tons, with a crew of 385, and able to fire a broadside of twenty-three guns, against the _Warren Hastings_’ eighteen. The latter had a tonnage of 1856, but a crew of only 138. The Frenchman had twenty-eight 18-pdrs. on her main deck. She also carried eighteen other guns on her quarter-deck, a total of forty-six carriage-guns. But she also carried swivels and musketoons in her tops and along her gunwales. On each fore and main yard-arm there was a tripod to contain a 5-cwt. shell, so that if she got alongside her enemy its fusee could be lit by a man lying out on the yard, and it would then be allowed to fall on the enemy’s deck, and after its explosion the French would be able to rush on board. It was thus in idea a revival of mediævalism. The historian James even went so far as to refer to the Frenchmen as being “armed more like assassins than men-of-war’s men; each having, beside the usual boarding weapons, a poniard struck through the button-holes of his jacket.”

Thus, in every respect except tonnage the East Indiaman was a more powerful vessel, and the preliminary tactics are interesting. At 9 a.m., when the Indiaman was well on her weather-quarter, the Frenchman shook out the reefs from her topsails and stood towards the merchantman, who held on her course. Half an hour later the frigate set her t’gallant sails and stuns’ls, and at 10 a.m. hoisted the British blue ensign and pendant. There was nothing wrong in this _ruse de guerre_, and often during the war of 1914-1918 British ships hoisted neutral colours _before_ opening fire on German submarines. _Warren Hastings_ suspected the frigate was not a British man-of-war, but hoisted her colours and made her private signal. For, in order that East Indiamen might be able to make themselves known on the high seas to British men-of-war, a special code of signals was always arranged by the Admiralty during war-time. This code was sent sealed to the Secret Committee of the company and then handed over to the commanding officer of each ship.

The Frenchman took no notice of the signals, continued rapidly to approach, so that at 11 a.m. the Indiaman shortened sail and cleared for action: it was quite obvious now what was going to happen. At noon the frigate took in her stuns’ls, staysails and mainsail, and then hauled down British colours and hoisted French. After opening fire and disabling part of the Indiaman’s rigging, the Frenchman again attacked, this time killing and wounding several of the merchantman’s crew, badly damaging the foremast, cutting away all the foreshrouds on the port side and the ensign. The latter was quickly hoisted again at the maintopgallant masthead.

A third attack followed, during which the _Warren Hastings_’ foremast was finally crippled. Thus, owing to the wind and heavy sea, the latter could carry sail on only her main and mizzen masts, and now opened fire. A hot engagement followed, and unfortunately her mainmast was now damaged as well as her standing and running rigging, besides the further loss of men killed and wounded. The fifth attack found her with only the main topsail set, and the enemy poured in a terrible fire, which knocked the spanker boom into splinters and carried away the mizzen-mast, which, falling forward, disabled every remaining effective gun on the upper deck. Troubles came not singly, for the lower deck was on fire, the rudder was rendered useless, and whilst the surgeon was operating, a shell entered and destroyed all his instruments. For four hours and a half the Indiaman had sought to defend herself, but in spite of the zeal and perseverance of her officers and men she was compelled in her crippled state to lower her colours.

Then, being thoroughly unmanageable, the Indiaman, with the heavy sea running, happened to fall off, and crashed alongside the _Piémontaise_, who was to leeward. Thereupon a number of Frenchmen leapt aboard the merchantman with daggers and threatened to kill the lot, dragged the captain about the ship and accused him of having tried to ram the frigate so as to cripple her masts; and then stabbed the captain, whereupon he fainted through loss of blood. The second officer, surgeon, and a midshipman and boatswain’s mate were similarly stabbed. Presently this fury died down, the Frenchman took the Englishman in tow and both arrived at the Isle of France on July 4.

Thus, life in these merchant ships, although well rewarded, was at any time during those long years of hostilities liable suddenly to become most exciting. Ships and men were sent to the bottom or taken captive, but the service went on. Lest the reader should imagine these incidents isolated events, let the following be related. On May 2, 1809, a small squadron of homeward-bound Indiamen had cleared the Sandheads of Bengal River, escorted by H.M. sloop _Victor_. After three weeks the latter, in dark and squally weather of the night of the 24th, parted company. By the 30th, owing to stress of weather, two ships had left the convoy, and there now remained only the _Streatham_, _Europe_ and _Lord Keith_ in company. The first two were 820-ton craft; the third was a vessel of 600 tons. The first two carried thirty guns apiece; the _Lord Keith_ had not more than twelve.

At five-thirty on the morning of May 31, when in Lat. 9° 15’ N., Long. 90° 30’ E., these three were on the starboard tack with the wind S.W. by S. when a strange ship was seen seven miles off to the west of south. This was the French 40-gun frigate _Caroline_, which mounted forty-six guns in addition to her swivels. She had been cruising off the Sandheads and had captured a few ships. Subsequently she had learned from an American ship, the _Silenus_, which had sailed from the Sandheads, of the number and probable route of the Indiamen. But when first sighted the _Caroline_ was taken by the Indiamen for the _Victor_. _Streatham_, being the senior ship, made the private signal about 6 a.m., but having got no answer from the Frenchman, signalled the other two to form into line, _Lord Keith_ leading, followed by _Streatham_ and _Europe_, but the two last mentioned were a considerable distance apart. Half an hour later the _Caroline_ hoisted colours and attacked _Europe_, who quickly returned the fire. At the end of half an hour the latter was disabled. Most of her guns were put out of action, yards, foremast, sails and rigging cut to pieces and hull damaged in several places. And then the enemy raked her from forward and proceeded to deal with _Streatham_, which by eight o’clock was so utterly crippled that she had to lower colours. Meanwhile _Lord Keith_ and _Europe_ had been firing at _Caroline_, who now recommenced the action with the last mentioned. Presently _Europe_ closed _Streatham_, but on learning that the latter had surrendered, and that _Lord Keith_ had escaped, running before the wind, also determined to up helm. Then _Caroline_, after securing _Streatham_, went in chase and captured _Europe_. On account of the leaking condition which the two prizes were now in, it took three days to get them in a seaworthy condition, but on July 22, with their valuable cargoes, they were brought by _Caroline_ and anchored in the Bay of St. Paul, Isle of Bourbon. It had been a heavy loss to the East India Company, though the gallant merchant captains, with their ill-armed and badly-manned ships (the crews consisting partly of cowardly Portuguese and lascars), had done all that was possible. The one consoling feature was that _Lord Keith_ managed to get right away, and actually arrived safely back in English waters.

[_By courtesy Messrs. T. H. Parker._

A CONVOY OF EAST INDIAMEN.

H.E. India Company’s ship “Inglis” leaving St. Helena in July 1830, with H.M. Frigate “Ariadne” and the H E. India Company’s ships “Windsor,” “Waterloo,” “Scaleby Castle,” “General Kyd,” “Farquharson” and “Lowther Castle.”]

Similarly on July 3, 1810, three outward-bound Indiamen, the _Ceylon_, _Windham_ and _Astell_, each of them of 800 tons, were about thirty miles west of the island of Mayotta on a northerly course with a fresh S.S.E. breeze when three ships were sighted close-hauled on the port tack. These were the two French frigates _Bellone_, _Minerve_, and the recaptured ship-corvette _Victor_, about nine miles distant, and it was about six o’clock, just as the day was dawning. Half an hour later the senior Indiaman _Ceylon_ made the private signal, and, as no answer was returned, the merchant ships prepared for action. Presently, as _Astell_ signalled she was overpressed, the other two shortened sail. Captain Meriton made the following signal from _Ceylon_: “As we cannot get away, I think we had better go under easy sail, and bring them to action before dark.” To this _Astell_ replied: “Certainly.” _Windham_ answered: “If we make all sail and get into smooth water under the land, we can engage to more advantage.”

The wind increased so much that the Indiamen were compelled to heave-to, and took in the third reef of their topsails. It was not an ideal day for an engagement, as the ships heeled over so that they could not keep open their lower-deck ports. Captain Meriton formed his ships in line abreast, _Ceylon_ in the centre, and at 2.15 p.m. _Minerve_ opened fire on _Windham_ and _Ceylon_. There was a heavy sea running and the action became general. During the afternoon Captain Hay of _Astell_ was severely wounded, and the command was taken over by the chief mate. _Windham_ had her sails and rigging considerably damaged, and about 4.30 p.m. a temporary lull occurred, when _Minerve_ carried away her main and mizzen topmasts. And then Captain Meriton was wounded, so the command of _Ceylon_ devolved on her chief mate, who a few minutes afterwards was himself wounded and was succeeded by the second mate. This ship had received great punishment throughout the engagement: her masts, sails and rigging were badly damaged, many of her guns disabled, her hull so injured that she was making three feet of water an hour; six of her people were killed and twenty-one wounded. Therefore before half-past seven she hauled down her colours and was taken prize. _Astell_, already much injured, put out her lights, made sail and escaped during the extreme darkness of the night. _Windham_ was now left alone, and finding that she was too damaged to make sail, continued the action to help _Astell’s_ escape, and then hauled down her colours and was taken captive.

The captains, officers and men had fought very gallantly against the French, who were in superior force, and the East India Company, who always could afford to treat their servants handsomely, awarded each of the three captains the sum of £500, with a fine reward for the officers and men. On Captain Hay of the _Astell_ the company also settled a pension of £460 a year, and distributed £2000 among the officers and crew. Furthermore, the Admiralty, to show their appreciation of the ship’s gallantry, granted to the crew a protection from impressment for three years. One of the men, Andrew Peters, had bravely nailed the pendant to the maintop masthead, and having done so was killed while descending the rigging.

It is fine to read of the resource, the able seamanship and great gallantry of these wonderful old ships right through two centuries until well into a third. But there was a new era coming, and the final link with Tudor romance and mediæval shipping ideas was just about to be severed. Looking back on events, it seems to us moderns perfectly amazing that the East India Company should have enjoyed so rich and enormous a monopoly so long, and in the year 1814 they lost this privilege so far as India was concerned. The result was that a new impetus was given to shipbuilding and shipowning, and the element of competition was introduced with free trade and no favour. In the task of making the Mercantile Marine of Britain such a solid, dignified, stately and honourable service for all those years the company did much; nor is this influence by any means dead, for it set a high standard for subsequent independent shipowners to follow, and it permeates the big shipping lines of to-day. What the Orient had meant in a small way to the Tudor and Stuart seamen and merchants, it was to mean on a much bigger scale to the traders of the nineteenth century, and the wealth of Great Britain was to benefit thereby.

From 1814 the owners of the Blackwall yard began to build East Indiamen for themselves to own and manage. In 1824 they built the _Carn Brae Castle_, 570 tons, which was the first ship expressly built for the passenger trade to Calcutta, and the finest ship of her day. She was lost rather unnecessarily by the officer of the watch allowing her to stand too close into Freshwater Bay, Isle of Wight, one day when the captain and passengers were at dinner. In that same year Mr. Green had purchased the _Sir Edward Paget_, which was the first of the well-known passenger ships to India and Australia. She was elaborately fitted and made quite a sensation. She was commanded by Captain Geary, R.N., and in this connection the following true anecdote is recorded. The house flag which she wore was a white ground with a red St. George’s cross through the centre. One day, after arrival at Spithead, the Admiral at Portsmouth sent his lieutenant off to inquire what ship was wearing an admiral’s flag, and on learning that she was a merchant ship, at once ordered it to be hauled down. A blue handkerchief was then sown on the centre of the flag, and as this satisfied the lieutenant it was allowed to be hoisted again, and continued to be the distinguishing flag of the Wigram and Green ships until, some years later, the partnership in the firm was dissolved.

After this ship returned to Blackwall from her first voyage, Mr. Green proceeded on board to make his usual inspection, and, much to his dismay, was received with manned yards, with a salute, and the ship’s band playing “The Conquering Hero.” But the _Sir Edward Paget_ was not a man-of-war and Mr. Green was not an admiral; and it was all very fine, but not suitable. He resented this kind of reception, and the general man-of-war appearance everywhere on board so astonished him, that he was not surprised also to find that when the accounts of the voyage were balanced the style was not financially profitable. The result was that a new captain came to the ship and there was a new set of regulations before she went on her second voyage.

In 1825 a couple of 1325-ton ships were launched by the yard, and here we get the final resemblance to the ships of the Caroline period, for the figure-head, poop, decorations and so on have been considerably modified. By the year 1830 the firm had ceased to build any more vessels to be employed by the East India Company; for although that corporation had lost its Indian monopoly, as already stated, it still retained a like privilege in regard to China. But the public mind was opposed to this being continued; in 1832 Parliament had to face the question, and in April of 1834 the company lost its commercial charter for ever. But, seeing this revolution was approaching, individual firms had in the meantime been preparing to compete in this Eastern trade. Not merely did the Greens and Wigrams from 1830 build ships for themselves, but they ordered them from the Tyne firm of T. & W. Smith, and this firm also began to own East Indiamen themselves in competition with the Greens and Wigrams.

In 1831 the Blackwall firm consisted of George Green, Money Wigram, Henry Loftus Wigram, Richard Green and Henry Green, but they were to pursue a strange policy, which, if good for the Mercantile Marine, was destined to ruin the firm. The owners of the Blackwall yard began to build ships not for the firm, but for individual members of the firm—so many for the Green family and so many for the Wigrams, but especially for the former. Thus it came about that a Green fleet competed with a Wigram fleet, whilst by the year 1841 the ships owned by the firm itself numbered only two. Finally in 1843 the partnership was dissolved.

But in 1832 they launched the 577-ton _London_ for Money Wigram, and this was the real pioneer of the celebrated Blackwall frigates of which we shall speak in a later chapter. We thus enter on that last stage of ship development which was to precede the golden age of the sailing ship, when the clippers made eternal fame for themselves. This yard was still the biggest private concern in Europe, though Liverpool as a great port was now going ahead. The beginning of the American War in 1812 had given it a serious set-back, but after peace came in 1814 there was a new era as well for the Atlantic shipping as for the East. For America was going ahead. She had shown that she knew how to build during the war frigates of an improved kind, and in peace she was now producing better-designed merchantmen than ourselves.

In 1816 was inaugurated the famous Black Ball Line of New York packets, which were the precursors of the present-day Atlantic liners. These Black Ball liners were full-rigged ships of from 300 to 500 tons register, with full bodies and bluff bows, and yet they averaged at first only twenty-three days on the outward voyage to Liverpool and forty-three days homeward-bound. This was the only means of communication in those days between America and Liverpool, and in 1836 was started the Dramatic Line, consisting of 700-ton sailing ships. The world’s trade was increasing, industrialism was prospering, the markets of the whole world were now open to all, and there was a long spell of peace ahead. Transatlantic shipping was encouraged so that these packet ships increased in tonnage, and in 1846 the 1400-ton _New World_ was built, being then the largest sailing ship in the world. Other famous vessels were the _Isaac Webb_, _Albert Webb_ and _Guy Mannering_. The ships of these two lines were exceedingly fine craft, and made remarkable passages across to England, the Black Ball liners eventually averaging twenty-one days and the Dramatic liners twenty and a half days. The nineteenth century in regard to the sailing ship alone was certainly a most wonderful period.

[_By courtesy Messrs. T. H. Parker._

A FINE PIECE OF SEAMANSHIP.

The “Chesterfield” packet (Captain Robert Lea Jones) rescuing the crew of a sinking ship. About 1795.]