Chapter IX: Book THE SEVENTH (2)

In the year 1493, the king advanced to Lyons, to examine into his affairs; but nobody ever imagined he would have passed the mountains himself. He was met there by the Lord Galeas di St. Severino, brother to the Count di Cajazzo, with a numerous retinue, on the part of the Lord Ludovic, whose lieutenant and chief minister he was. He brought with him arms, and abundance of fine horses trained on purpose for tournaments. He tilted very well himself, for he was young and a fine gentleman; and the king entertained him with great honour and good cheer, and made him a knight of his own order; after which he returned into Italy, but the Count de Bellejoyeuse still stayed with the king to promote his expedition. By this time a great army was preparing at Genoa, where the Lord d’Urfé, master of the horse, and several others, were negotiating the king’s affairs. At length, about the beginning of August, in that year, the king removed to Vienne in Dauphiny, and the nobility of Genoa resorted to him daily. The king also sent to Genoa at that time Louis, Duke of Orleans, now King of France, a young prince, and very handsome, but much addicted to his pleasures: of him enough has been said in these Memoirs. It was the opinion of everybody at that time, that he was to conduct the army by sea; and that it was to be embarked and landed in the kingdom of Naples, by the assistance and direction of the banished princes of Salerno and Bisignano, whom we have mentioned before. They had gotten fourteen great ships, besides several galleys and galleons, ready at Genoa; and the king was as much obeyed in those parts as at Paris, for the city belonged to the state of Milan, where the Lord Ludovic governed, without any competitor but the duke his nephew’s wife, daughter to King Alphonso (for at that time his father King Ferrand was dead). But the poor lady had no great power, since the king’s army was ready to march, and her husband was a weak prince, and discovered whatever she said to his uncle, who had already caused a messenger to be drowned whom she had sent to her father.

The equipping of this fleet was very expensive, and I believe cost no less than three hundred thousand francs, which quite exhausted the king’s treasury; and yet it did him no great service after all, for, as I observed before, neither his exchequer, his understanding, nor his preparations were sufficient for such an important enterprise, and yet he succeeded in it by the mere favour of Providence, as was visibly manifest to all the world. I do not say that the king wanted wisdom, considering his age; but he was but two-and-twenty years old[263], and not as yet capable of understanding state affairs. Those who were the chief managers of this affair (I mean Stephen de Vers, seneschal of Beaucaire, and Monsieur Brissonet, at present cardinal of St. Malo) were two persons of indifferent fortune, and less experience, which made the power of God more conspicuous, for our enemies were reputed wise, warlike, and rich, well furnished with good counsellors and officers, and in possession of the whole kingdom; I speak of Alphonso of Arragon (newly crowned by Pope Alexander[264]), who was supported by both the Florentines and the Turks. King Alphonso had a son called Don Ferrand, a hopeful gentleman of about two or three-and-twenty years old, who wore his harness very well, and was extremely beloved in that kingdom; and a brother called Don Frederic (who was king after the death of Ferrand), a wise prince, and admiral of their fleet, who was educated a long time in our country, and whom you, my Lord of Vienne, have often (by your skill in astrology) assured me would be king; and he promised me (upon my telling him of it) a pension of four thousand livres, if it proved true, as it did twenty years afterwards.

But to proceed. The king changed his resolution, being prevailed upon by the Duke of Milan’s letters, and by the importunity of Charles de Bellejoyeuse, his ambassador, and of the two ministers above-mentioned; but by degrees Brissonet’s courage began to fail him, finding that all sober and rational persons condemned the expedition, as it was to begin in August, without money, tents, and everything else that was necessary to carry it on; so that the seneschal was the only man that was consulted; for the king looked coldly upon Monsieur Brissonet for three or four days, but was reconciled to him afterwards. About this time one of the seneschal’s servants died, it was said, of the plague, and he durst not appear at court; which was a great mortification to him, for there was nobody else to carry on the design. The Duke and Duchess of Bourbon were with the king, and used all their interest to hinder this expedition, and Monsieur Brissonet did the same; so that one day it was laid aside, and the next revived. At last the king resolved to march, and, thinking to pass the mountains more commodiously in small bodies, I mounted on horseback, and advanced before; but I was countermanded, and assured that the design was given over. The same day fifty thousand ducats were borrowed of a merchant of Milan, but the Lord Ludovic was the real lender. I was surety for six thousand ducats, and others for the rest; but it was borrowed without interest. Before that, we had borrowed of the bank of Soly, in Genoa, a hundred thousand francs, the interest of which in four months amounted to fourteen thousand francs; but some people said the persons above mentioned kept part of the money for their own private use.

CH. VI.—How King Charles set out from Vienne, in Dauphiny, to conquer Naples in Person; and the Action that was performed by his Fleet, under the Command of the Duke of Orleans.—1494.

In short, the King, on the 23rd of August, 1494, set out from Vienne, and marched straight towards Asti.[265] At Suza the Lord Galeas di St. Severino came post to meet his majesty, who advanced from thence to Turin[266], where he borrowed the jewels of Madame de Savoy[267], daughter to the late William, Marquis of Montferrat[268], and widow to Charles Duke of Savoy. Having pawned them for twelve thousand ducats, he removed a few days after to Casale[269], the residence of the Marchioness of Montferrat[270], widow of the late Marquis of Montferrat, a young and prudent lady, and daughter to the King of Servia. The Turk having overrun her country, the emperor (in respect of the relation betwixt them) took care of her, and married her there. She also lent the king her jewels, and they also were pawned for twelve thousand ducats; by which you may see what an unprosperous beginning there was of this war, had not God himself directed the enterprise.

The king continued at Asti for some time. The wines in Italy were sour this year, and therefore not at all agreeable to the French, any more than the excessive heat of the atmosphere. The Lord Ludovic and his wife came with a numerous retinue to wait on his majesty; they staid there two days, and then removed to a castle called Annone, about a league from Asti, belonging to the duchy of Milan, to which place the king’s council resorted to him daily.

King Alphonso had two armies in the field, one in Romagna, towards Ferrara, under the command of his son; who was attended by the Lord Virgil Ursini[271], the Count de Pittelhane[272], and the Lord John James di Trivulce[273], who at this time is in our interest. To face this body of forces, there was the Lord d’Aubigny[274] on the king’s side, a wise man and a brave officer, and with him at least two hundred French men-at-arms, and five hundred Italians in the king’s service, commanded by the Count di Cajazzo above-mentioned, as an officer under the Lord Ludovic: he was in great alarm for this brigade, for if it had been defeated, we should have retired, and have left him to shift for himself; and the enemy had a strong party in the duchy of Milan.

The other army, which was commanded by Don Frederick, King Alphonso’s brother, was at sea, and the fleet that had this body of forces on board lay off Pisa and Leghorn (for the Florentines espoused their interest), and with it a certain number of galleys, commanded by Breto di Flisco[275], and other officers of Genoa, by whose assistance they were in hopes of making themselves masters of that city; and they missed it but narrowly. They landed some thousand men at Specie and Rapalo[276], and had they not met with a timely opposition, it is probable they would have carried their point; but that very day, or the next, the Duke of Orleans arrived there with some ships, a good number of galleys, and one great galeass, which was mine, and commanded by Albert Mely. The duke and chief persons of the army were on board my galeass, with several great pieces of cannon (for she was very strong); and getting as near the shore as possible, they cannonaded the enemy so briskly with their great guns (which till that time were unknown in Italy), that they beat them from their post, and landed what soldiers they had in their ships. And from Genoa, where the whole army lay, there came by land a considerable body of Swiss, commanded by the bailiff of Dijon.[277] There were other reinforcements also sent from the Duke of Milan, under the command of Lord John Lewis di Flisco[278], brother to the above-mentioned Breto, and the Lord John Adorni[279]; but these were not in the engagement, yet they did their duty, and held several passes with great courage and resolution. In short, when joined by these reinforcements, our army attacked and utterly defeated the enemy, of whom about a hundred or six-score were killed in the pursuit, and about eight or ten taken prisoners; among whom there was one Signor Forgosa[280], son to the Cardinal of Genoa.[281] Those who were taken were stripped to their shirts by the Duke of Milan’s soldiers, and dismissed without other injury! for in Italy that is the law of arms. I had a sight of all the letters which brought an account of this victory to the king and the Duke of Milan; and after this manner was the army defeated, and never after durst approach us. Upon our return to Genoa the citizens began to rise in arms, and slew several Germans, that were in the city; but the tumult was soon appeased, after some of the ring-leaders of the insurrection were killed.

Something must now be said of the Florentines, who sent two embassies to the king of France before his setting out upon this expedition; but their design was only to dissemble with him. The first time the seneschal of Beaucaire, Monsieur Brissonet, and myself were deputed to treat with their ambassadors, who were the Bishop of Arezzo[282] and one Peter Soderini.[283] Our demands were only that they should grant us passage for our troops, and a hundred men-at-arms, to be paid by them after the Italian rate (which is but ten thousand ducats a year). The ambassadors replied according to the instructions that were given them by Peter de Medicis, a young man of no extraordinary parts, son of Laurence de Medicis, lately deceased, who had been one of the wisest men of his time, governed the city almost as a prince, and left it in the same condition to his son. Their family had been of about two generations, Peter, the father of this Laurence, and Cosmo who founded it, and was worthy to be reckoned among the chief of that age: indeed, considering their profession (which was merchandising), I think this family was the greatest in the world; for their factors and agents had so much reputation upon their account, that it is scarce credible. I have seen the effect of it in England and Flanders: I saw one Gerard Quanvese, who kept King Edward IV. upon his throne, almost upon his own credit, during the time of the civil wars in that kingdom; for he furnished the king at different times with more than six-score thousand crowns, but not at all to his master’s advantage, though at length he got his money back again. I knew also another, named Thomas Portunay[284], who was security between King Edward and Charles Duke of Burgundy, for fifty thousand crowns, and at another time for eighty thousand. I cannot commend merchants for doing so; but it is highly commendable in a prince to be punctual with them, and keep his promise exactly; for he knows not how soon he may want their assistance, and certainly a little money at a critical juncture of affairs does great service.

This family of Medicis was thought to be in a declining condition (as is the case with all kingdoms and governments), for the authority of his predecessors was a great prejudice to Peter; though indeed Cosmo, the first of the family, was mild and gentle in his administration, and behaved himself as he ought to do in a free city. Laurence, the father of Peter (of whom we are now speaking), upon occasion of the difference betwixt him and the Pisans[285], mentioned in a former part of this book (in which several of them were hanged), had a guard of twenty soldiers assigned him, for the security of his person, by an order from the Signory, which at that time did nothing without his direction and approbation. However, he governed very moderately; for (as I said before) he was a wise man; but his son Peter thought it his due, and employed his guards to the terror and vexation of his people, committing great injuries and insolencies by them in the night, and invading the common treasure, which his father indeed had done before him; but he managed it so prudently, that the people were almost satisfied with his proceedings.

The second time Peter sent, as his ambassadors to Lyon, Peter Caponi[286] and others, excusing himself, as he had done before, on the ground that King Louis XI. had commanded the Florentines to make a league with King Ferrand, in the time of John Duke of Anjou, and to forsake the alliance of the said duke; and alleging that, since it was by command of the late King of France that they had entered into alliance with the House of Arragon, and the term of the said alliance was not to expire for some years[287], they could not in justice desert it: however, if his majesty entered their territories, they would be of service to him; but they no more thought he would come in person than the Venetians did. In both these embassies there was always somebody who was an enemy to the Medicis, and at this time more particularly Peter Caponi, who often informed us secretly what measures were to be taken in order to make the city of Florence revolt from Peter de Medicis, traducing him more sharply than he really deserved: indeed, he advised the king to banish all Florentines out of our kingdom, which he did. I mentioned this particular, that you may more easily understand the sequel of these Memoirs; for the king had conceived a great enmity against Peter de Medicis; and the Seneschal and Monsieur Brissonet held great intelligence with his enemies in the city, especially with this Caponi, and with two of Peter’s cousins-german, who bore his own name.

CH. VII.—How the King, being at Asti, resolved to go in Person into the Kingdom of Naples, by the Persuasion and Advice of Ludovic Sforza: how Philip de Commines was sent on an Embassy to Venice: and of the Duke of Milan’s Death.—1494.

I have already given an account of the naval engagement off Rapalo. Don Frederic (upon this defeat) retired to Pisa and Leghorn, without staying for the forces which he had put on shore; at which the Florentines were highly disgusted, as they were always in their own minds more inclinable to favour the French than the house of Arragon: and our army in Romagna, though the weaker of the two, yet had better fortune than the other, and forced the Duke of Calabria to give ground by degrees; which the king observing, he took a resolution to march forward, being solicited to do so by the Lord Ludovic and others whom I have mentioned before; and at his arrival, Ludovic saluted him after this manner:—

“Sir, do not fear for the success of this enterprise; Italy consists but of three powers that are at all considerable: Milan, which is one of them, is yours already; the Venetians are neutral; and you will therefore have to deal only with Naples. When we were united, and joined together in a mutual alliance, several of your predecessors have been too powerful for us. If you will be ruled by me, I will assist in making you greater than Charlemagne; for, when you have conquered the kingdom of Naples, we will easily drive the Turk out of the empire of Constantinople.” If he meant the Turk who now reigns[288], it was likely enough; but to insure success, affairs on our side needed to have been managed more wisely. Upon this the king began to be wholly governed by the Lord Ludovic, which highly displeased some of our courtiers, among whom there was one of the gentlemen of the bed-chamber, and I know not who besides; but their resentment was to no purpose, for the king could not do without him, and what they did was but in complaisance to the Duke of Orleans, who pretended to the duchy of Milan.[289] But, above all, none was so much disgusted as Monsieur Brissonet, who now began to look upon himself as a considerable person, and was become the seneschal’s rival in power; and Ludovic having proposed to the king and the seneschal to leave him behind, he was highly incensed against him, and endeavoured to persuade all people that he meant to leave them in the lurch. It had been more wise in him to have been silent; but he was never employed in, nor indeed was he fit for, any affairs of state; for he had not the command of his tongue, though otherwise he was very well affected to his master. The conclusion of all was, that several ambassadors should be sent; and I, among the rest, was sent to Venice.

I put off my journey for some days, because the king was fallen sick of the small-pox, and being taken with a high fever besides, was thought to be in danger; but it lasted not above five or six days, so that I went upon my journey, and others went to other places. I left the king at Asti, not suspecting in the least that he would have proceeded any farther. In six days’ time I arrived, with my mules and train, at Venice; for the road was the best in the world. I was very unwilling to depart, fearing the king would go back; but God had otherwise appointed. The king marched directly for Pavia[290], by the way of Casale, where he visited the Marchioness of Montferrat, a lady much in our interest, but a great enemy to Lord Ludovic, and he hated her also. The king was no sooner at Pavia, than suspicions began to arise; they would have had the king to lodge in the town, and not in the castle; but nothing would serve his turn but the castle, and lie there he did, and his guards were doubled that night, as some have told me since, who were then with him. The Lord Ludovic was much surprised at it, and questioned the king about it, asking whether he was suspicious of him. In short, things were so carried on both sides, that amity was not like to last long: but our people were the most indiscreet in their language; not the king, but some of his nearest relations. In this Castle of Pavia there was at that time John Galeas, Duke of Milan (whom I have mentioned before), and his wife, the daughter of King Alphonso. The duchess looked very melancholy; for her husband was dangerously sick, and kept in that castle under guard with herself, her son, and one or two of her daughters. Her son is still living, and was then about five years of age. Nobody might see the duke, but any one might see the child. I passed that way three days before the king, but was unable to see the duke, and was told he was very ill indeed. However, the king visited him when he came, for he was his cousin-german. His majesty told me afterwards, the subject of their discourse was only in general terms, for he was unwilling to offend Count Ludovic in anything; yet he had a great mind (as he said) to have given him notice of the designs against him. At the same time the duchess threw herself at Ludovic’s feet, and begged of him to have compassion on her father and brother; he replied it was not in his power; but she had more reason to have petitioned for her husband and herself, for she was still young and very beautiful.

From thence the king marched to Placentia[291], where Ludovic was informed that his nephew, the Duke of Milan, lay a dying; so he took his leave of the king, and, being pressed to return, he promised faithfully to do so. Before he reached Pavia the duke was dead[292], upon which he went post immediately to Milan. This I saw in a letter which the Venetian ambassador that was with him wrote to Venice, assuring the Signory of his design to make himself duke. And it is certain both the Doge of Venice and the Signory were much against it, and asked me if the king my master would not espouse the young duke’s interest. Though the thing was but reasonable, yet knowing how necessary Ludovic’s interest and assistance were to the king’s designs, my answer was in doubtful terms.

CH. VIII.—How and by what Means the Lord Ludovic seized and usurped the Lordship and Duchy of Milan, and was received by the Milanese as their Sovereign.—1494.

In short, he made himself Duke of Milan, and, as many affirmed, that was his design in inviting and drawing us into Italy. He was charged also with the death of his nephew, whose friends and relations put themselves in a condition to wrest the government out of his hands; and they might easily have done it, had it not been for his alliance with our king; for they had already assembled their forces in Romagna, as you have heard; but the Count di Cajazzo, and Monsieur d’Aubigny made them retire. For when Monsieur d’Aubigny, with about a hundred and fifty or two hundred French men-at-arms and a good body of Swiss, advanced upon them, Don Ferrand retreated towards his friends, keeping about half a day’s march before us towards Forli[293], which belonged to a lady[294] that was a bastard of the house of Milan, and widow of Count Hieronimo, who was, or said he was, a nephew to Pope Sixtus. It was reported that she favoured their party, but our men battered a small town[295] of hers for half a day, and took it by storm; upon which and the inclination she had to us before, she came over to our side. The people of Italy began generally to assume new courage, and be desirous of change; for they saw a thing that they had never seen before, and that was the use of great guns, which had never been so well understood in France till then. Don Ferrand retreated towards his own kingdom, and marched for Cesenna[296], a strong city of the pope’s, in the marquisate of Ancona; but the people stripped and plundered all the stragglers they could meet with, for they were disposed all over Italy to revolt, had things been managed wisely on our part, without violence and plunder. But all was done quite contrary, at which I was extremely concerned, for, by this way of proceeding, we lost all the honour and renown that the French nation might otherwise have gained in that expedition. At our first entrance into Italy we were regarded like saints, and everybody thought us people of the greatest goodness and sincerity in the world; but that opinion lasted not long, for our own disorders, and the false reports of our enemies, quickly convinced them of the contrary; for they accused us of all imaginable rapacity, plundering and robbing their houses, and ravishing their wives and daughters, whenever they fell into our hands. Nor could they have invented anything to render us more odious, for the people of Italy are the most jealous and avaricious of any in Europe. As to our ravishing of the women they wronged us; but for the rest, there was too much truth in what they said.

CH. IX.—How Peter de Medicis put Four of his strongest Garrisons into the King’s Possession; and how the King restored Pisa, which was one of them, to its ancient Liberty.—1494.

The king, as you have heard, was at Placentia, where he ordered a solemn funeral service to be performed for his cousin-german the Duke of Milan; and indeed he knew not how else to spend his time, since Ludovic, the new Duke of Milan, had left him. Those who had an opportunity of being well acquainted with these affairs have told me, that the whole army, understanding how ill they were provided with everything necessary for such an expedition, had a great inclination to return home; and that those who were the chief promoters of it at first, began now to condemn it; as, for instance, the Lord d’Urfé, master of the horse, (though he was at that time sick at Genoa), for he wrote a letter upon some intelligence that he pretended to receive, which increased and heightened their former fears and apprehensions. But God, as I said before, conducted this enterprise, for the king suddenly received news that the new Duke of Milan was upon his return, and that the Florentines were disposed to an alliance with us, in opposition to Peter de Medicis, who played the tyrant amongst them, to the great dissatisfaction of his nearest relations, and other considerable families in that city, as the Capponi, Soderini, and Nerli, and almost the whole town; upon which the king left Placentia, and marched towards the territories of the Florentines, to force them to declare for him, or to seize upon their towns, which were but in an ill posture of defence, and take up his winter-quarters in them, as the cold weather had already begun. Several small places received him very readily, and so did the city of Lucca, which at that time was at war with Florence. The Duke of Milan had always advised the king to take up his quarters in those parts, and advance no farther that winter, in hopes, by the king’s interest and favour, to get into his own possession Pisa, a strong and fair city, Sarzana, and Pietrasanta, for the two last had belonged lately to Genoa, and had been taken from them by the Florentines, in the time of Laurence de Medicis.

The king marched by Pontremoli, which belongs to the duchy of Milan, and besieged Sarzana, the strongest castle the Florentines had, but ill provided, by reason of their divisions; and, to say truly, the Florentines never fight willingly against the French, for they have been always faithful and serviceable to them, in respect of their trade and interest in France, and also upon account of their being Guelphs.[297] Had Sarzana been furnished as it ought to have been, the king’s army had certainly been ruined in besieging it, for the country is mountainous and barren, full of snow, and not able to supply us with provisions. The king lay before it but three days, and the Duke of Milan came to him before any composition was made. Having passed through Pontremoli, the citizens and garrison fell out with our Germans, who were commanded by one Buser, and in the dispute some of our Germans were slain. I was not present at this action myself, but I was informed of it both by the king, the duke, and several others that were there; and this accident produced great inconveniences, as you will find hereafter. Our affairs went smoothly on at Florence, and were brought to that height, that fifteen or sixteen persons were deputed to attend the king, as the citizens publicly declared they would not expose themselves to the displeasure of the king and the Duke of Milan, who had a resident ambassador in Florence; and Peter de Medicis was forced to concur in this embassy, for, as matters then stood, he knew not how to avoid it, and to have done otherwise would have ruined them, considering how ill they were both provided and disciplined. Upon the arrival of their ambassadors, they offered to receive the king into Florence, and what other places his majesty pleased; but the designs of most of them were fixed upon his journey to Florence, which they thought would conduce to the expulsion of Peter de Medicis, and they pressed it very earnestly by means of those who then conducted the king’s affairs, whom I have often mentioned before.

On the other hand, Peter de Medicis managed his affairs as diligently, by means of one Laurence Spinoli, his factor, who governed his bank at Lyons, and was a man of integrity, and had lived a considerable time in France; but he could get no intelligence of the secret affairs of our court, nor indeed could those who lived constantly in it rely positively upon anything, their counsels were so various. However, Spinoli practised with those who had authority there, such as the Lord de Bresse (who has since become Duke of Savoy,) and the Lord de Myolans, who was chamberlain to the king. As soon as the Florentine ambassadors were returned, Peter de Medicis, and some of his friends, waited on the king, with their answers to what had been demanded. They perceived that their inevitable ruin in the city would be the consequence of disputing anything the king thought fit to require; wherefore they resolved to gain his favour, by doing something extraordinary, beyond what the rest had done.

Upon the news of his approach, the Lord de Piennes, a native of Flanders, and chamberlain to the king, and Monsieur Brissonet (whom I have so often mentioned before), were sent to meet him. They proposed the surrender of Sarzana to Peter de Medicis, which was immediately done. They demanded farther, that he would give the king possession of Pisa, Leghorn, Pietrasanta, and Librefatta, and he granted it, without communicating with his colleagues, who were told, that the king was to be received into Pisa, and stay there some time to refresh his troops; but they never thought those places were to be left in his hands. However, their whole power and strength were put into our hands. Those who managed this treaty with Peter de Medicis have often told me and other people, with smiles and laughter, of his condescensions; for they were astonished at them, and he made several concessions, which they had scarce the confidence to demand. In short, the king entered Pisa[298]; and the ambassadors returned to Florence, where Peter de Medicis ordered lodgings to be prepared for the king in his own house, which is the fairest and best furnished house for a merchant and man of his quality that I have ever seen.

We must now say something of the Duke of Milan, who was already grown weary of the king, and heartily wished him out of Italy, so that he might keep in possession of such places as had been delivered up by the Florentines. He pressed the king very hard to have Sarzana and Pietrasanta, which, he said, belonged to the Genoese, and, at the same time, he lent the king thirty thousand ducats, upon which (as he told me, and several others afterwards) he was promised that he should have them; but, finding he could not get them, he was highly disgusted, and pretending his affairs required him at home, he left the king, who never saw him afterwards. But he ordered the Lord Galeas di St. Severino to stay with the king, giving him instructions that he should be present in all councils with the Count Charles de Bellejoyeuse, whom I have mentioned before. During the king’s stay at Pisa, the said Lord Galeas, at his master’s instigation, invited several of the chief citizens of the town to his lodging, and advised them to rebel against the Florentines, and petition the king to restore them to their liberty; hoping, by this means, that the city would fall again into the Duke of Milan’s hands, as had formerly[299] been the case in the time of Duke John Galeas, the first Duke of Milan of that name; which John was a great and wicked tyrant, but lived very honourably. His body lies in the Chartreux at Pavia, not far from the park, and is laid much higher than the altar; the monks showed it me, or, at least, his bones (and I mounted a ladder to see them), which were no sweeter than nature permitted. One of the monks, who was born at Bourges, in discourse, called him a saint; I whispered him in the ear, and asked him why he gave him the title of Saint; for one might see, painted about him, the arms of several cities which he had wrongfully usurped; besides which, his horse and himself, carved in fine marble, were placed above the altar, and his body lay under the feet of his horse. He answered me softly, “In this country we call all saints who do us any good; and he built us this church;” which is of fair marble, and, indeed, the handsomest I ever saw in my life of that kind.

But to proceed: this Galeas di St. Severino had an ambition to be a great man, and Ludovic, Duke of Milan (whose bastard daughter he had married), seemed ambitious of making him so, and took as much interest in him as if he had been his son, for his own children were not of age as yet. The Pisans had been cruelly treated by the Florentines, who used them as their slaves; for they had been conquered by them about one hundred years[300], much about the same time as the Venetians subdued Padua[301], which was their first acquisition upon the main land. These two cities were much alike; they had been long enemies to those who had the government of them; they were almost equal in power, and it was a great while before they could be conquered. The Pisans now called a council, and, finding themselves encouraged by so great a person, and being naturally desirous of liberty, as the king was going to mass, a great number of men and women cried out to him, “Liberty, Liberty,” begging of him, with tears in their eyes, that he would vouchsafe to restore it to them. There was at that time one Rabot[302] a counsellor of the parliament of Dauphiny, and then either actually Master of the Requests, or executing that office for somebody else, who (having promised to do so, or not well understanding the nature of their demands) acquainted the king (as he was walking before him) with the deplorable condition of the Pisans, and told his majesty he ought in pity to redress their wrongs, for never people had been so tyrannically dealt with. The king not understanding what they meant by that word liberty, and beginning to commiserate the afflictions of Italy, and the miseries the poor subjects endured, both under princes and commonwealths, replied, he was willing it should be so; though (to speak truth) he had no authority to grant it, for the town was not his own, and he was received into it only in friendship, and to relieve him in his great necessities. Monsieur Rabot told them the king’s answer, and the people began immediately to fill the streets with acclamations of joy; and running to the end of the bridge upon the River Arno, they pulled down a great lion, called Marzocchi, which stood upon a marble pillar, and represented the government of Florence, and threw it into the river. When they had so done, they caused a statue of the King of France to be set on the pillar, with his sword in his hand, and the Marzocchi, or lion, under his horse’s feet. After that, when the King of the Romans came to that town[303], they served the King of France’s statue as they had served the lion; for it is the nature of the Italians to side always with the strongest; but these Pisans were, and are still, so barbarously treated, that they ought to be excused for what they did.

CH. X.—How the King departed from Pisa to go to Florence; and of the Flight and Destruction of Peter de Medicis.—1494.

The king stayed not long there[304], but departed for Florence; where they complained to him of the injury he had done to the Florentines, and that it was contrary to his promise, to restore the Pisans to their liberty. Those whom he appointed to answer their complaint, excused his conduct in the best manner they could; alleging, that his majesty had not been rightly informed, and they entered into another agreement, of which I shall say something hereafter. But, in the first place, I must speak of the fate of Peter de Medicis, and of the king’s entrance into Florence, and of the garrisons that his majesty left in Pisa and other places, which the Florentines had lent him.

After Peter de Medicis, by the consent of some few of his colleagues, had delivered up the above-mentioned towns to the king, he returned to Florence, where the people supposed the king would not keep them, but that after he had refreshed himself for three or four days, and had left Pisa, they would be delivered up again. I am of opinion that, had the king proposed to them to remain there the whole winter, they would easily have consented to it; though Pisa, except in the numbers of the people, and the richness of their furniture, is of greater value and importance to them than Florence itself. However, Peter de Medicis, upon his return to Florence, was but coldly received by the people, who looked discontentedly upon him, and not without reason; for he had disarmed them of all their power and authority, and robbed them of all the conquests they had gained for a hundred years before; so that their hearts seemed to presage the calamities which have happened to them since. For this cause (which I believe was the principal, though they never declared it), for the hatred they bore him (as I have said before), and for the recovery of their liberties, of which they believed themselves deprived (without any respect to the services done them by Cosmo and Laurence his predecessors), they resolved to drive him out of the town. Peter de Medicis having some suspicion, but no certain knowledge, of their designs, went to the palace to announce the king’s approach, who was within three miles of the city; but coming, according to his usual custom, with his guards, and knocking boldly at the palace gate, he was denied entrance by one of the Nerli[305] (of whom there were several brothers, with whom I was well acquainted, and also with their father, all very wealthy people), who told him he might enter alone if he pleased, but otherwise not; and he that gave him this answer was armed. Upon which Peter de Medicis returned at once to his house, put himself and his retainers in arms, and sent word to one Paul Ursini[306], who was in the Florentine service; for by his mother’s side Peter de Medicis was akin to the Ursini, and both his father and himself had always had several of that family in their service; and he resolved to stand upon his guard, and oppose any insurrection that might happen in the city. But, not long after, hearing a great cry of “Liberty, Liberty,” and seeing the people assembled in arms, he left the city according to the prudent advice that was given him by Ursini; but it was a sad parting for him, for in power and riches he and his predecessors, since the time of Cosmo, had been equal to the greatest princes, and on that day fortune began to be adverse, and he lost both authority and estate. I was at Venice myself, but the news was communicated to me by the Florentine ambassador, who was there, and I was extremely concerned at it; for I had a great affection for his father. Had this Peter believed me formerly, he had not then been in that condition; for upon my first arrival at Venice I wrote to him, and offered to make his peace with the king, and it was in my power to have done it; for I had verbal commission, from both the Seneschal of Beaucaire and Brissonet, to do it, and the king would have been contented with passage for his troops, or, at the worst, to have had Leghorn put into his hands, in return for which, he would have done whatever Peter could have desired; but, by the persuasion and ill counsel of Peter Capponi, whom I have mentioned before, he did but laugh at me for the offer I made him.

The next morning the Florentine ambassador delivered a letter to the Signory of Venice, importing that Peter de Medicis was banished from Florence for endeavouring to make himself sovereign of that city, by the assistance of the Ursini, and of the house of Arragon; with other complaints besides against him, which were not true. But such are the accidents of this world; he who is beaten and flies, is not only sure to be pursued by his enemies, but is forsaken, and perhaps persecuted by his friends; as was too visible in the behaviour of this ambassador, Paul Anthony Soderini[307] (one of the wisest statesmen in all Italy). The day before the delivery of this letter he mentioned Peter de Medicis to me with the respect due to his sovereign lord, but now he declared himself his enemy by order from the State; but, to do him justice, he said nothing of his own feelings. The next day I was informed that Peter de Medicis was coming to Venice, that the king had made his triumphal entry into Florence, and that the senate had recalled their ambassador, telling him, that “he must sail with that wind.” I saw their letter myself, for he showed it me upon his leaving Venice. Two days after his departure, Peter de Medicis arrived at Venice, in the disguise of a servant in livery. The Venetians were at a loss how to behave themselves towards him; they were afraid of disobliging the king, and yet they could not in reason refuse to give him protection; however, they made him wait outside the town for two days, and desired to know of me how my master would take it: I had never received any orders from the king to resent it, and, being willing to serve him, I answered, “That I supposed his flight was for fear of the people, not of the king.” Upon which he was received, and the next day after his appearance before the Signory I made him a visit. The Signory ordered a handsome apartment for him, permitted him and about twenty of his retinue to wear their swords, and showed him a great deal of honour and respect; for, though his grandfather Cosmo had formerly hindered them from making themselves masters of Milan[308], yet they had a reverence for the honour of his family, which had been so renowned and triumphant all over Christendom.

When I came into his presence, methought he seemed not to answer my expectation. He gave me a long narrative of his misfortunes, and I gave him the best consolation I could. Among the rest of his complaints, he told me he had lost all; but that which made the deepest impression on his spirits was, that, having written to his factor in that town to furnish him with cloth for himself and his brother, though only to the value of a hundred ducats, he had been refused. Not long after he had good news from the Lord de Bresse, who has since become Duke of Savoy; and the king wrote to him to come to him. However, the king left Florence about the same time, as you will find hereafter; but I was forced to say something of this Peter de Medicis, for he was a great man, considering his estate and authority, which his family had enjoyed in its fullest extent for threescore years.

CH. XI.—How the King made his Entrance into Florence, and what other Towns he passed through in his March to Rome.—1494.

The next day the king made his entrance into the city of Florence, where Peter de Medicis had prepared apartments for him in his own palace, and appointed the Lord de Ballassat to attend him; but, as soon as that nobleman was informed of the flight of Peter de Medicis, he fell to rifling the palace, upon pretence that the bank of Lyons was in arrear to him for a considerable sum of money; and among other things he seized upon a whole unicorn’s horn[309], valued at six or seven thousand ducats, besides two great pieces of another, and several other things; and other people followed his example. The best of his furniture had been conveyed into another house in the city; but the mob plundered it. The Signory got part of his richest jewels, twenty thousand ducats in ready money, that he had in his bank in the city; several fine agate cups, besides an incredible number of cameos admirably well cut, which I had formerly seen, and three thousand medals of gold and silver, weighing near forty pounds’ weight, and I believe there were not so many fine medals in all Italy besides: so that his losses in the city that day might be computed at a hundred thousand crowns, if not more.

But the king being arrived in the city of Florence, a treaty[310] was made between him and the Florentines, and I am of opinion the citizens embraced it very heartily. They gave the king sixscore thousand ducats, of which they paid him fifty thousand down, and the rest in two short payments afterward. They lent him all the above-mentioned fortresses, and changed their arms, which were the red fleur-de-lis, and adopted those of the king, who took them under his protection, and swore upon the altar of St. John to restore the towns which they had put into his possession, within four months after his arrival at Naples, or sooner, if he should return to France; but matters happened otherwise, as you will find in the sequel of these Memoirs.

The king made but a short stay at Florence; but advanced with his army to Sienna, where he was well received; thence he advanced to Viterbo[311], where the enemy (Don Ferrand), having retreated towards Rome, designed to post and fortify themselves, and fight, if they saw an advantageous opportunity, as King Alphonso’s and the Pope’s ambassadors at Venice told me; and truly I expected the arrival of King Alphonso in person there (for he had the reputation of being a man of courage), and that he would have left his son in the kingdom of Naples to manage affairs in his absence. According to my judgment the place would have been most advantageous for him; for he would have had his own kingdom and the States of the Church, and the towns and places belonging to the Ursini behind him. And I was extremely surprised to receive letters from the king announcing that he was at Viterbo, and that one of the commanders had delivered up the castle upon the intercession of the Cardinal of St. Peter ad Vincula (who was governor of it) and of the Colonne. I fancied then that God would put an end to this affair, and began to repent of having advised and written to the king to come to an accommodation; for they offered him very fair terms. Aquapendente, Montefiascone, and all the adjacent towns, were delivered up before the surrender of Viterbo, as I was informed by letters from the king and the Signory of Venice, who had daily intelligence of what passed from their ambassadors, which they either showed me, or else ordered their secretaries to give me an account. From Viterbo the king marched towards Rome, and thence through the dominions of the Ursini, which were all surrendered to him by the Lord Charles Ursini[312], who pretended that he had orders from his father to do so (who was still in Alphonso’s service), and said that, whilst Don Ferrand was entertained in the territories of the Church, so long would he wait on the king, and no longer. This was exactly according to the custom in Italy, both among princes and captains, and all persons; for there they carry fair with their very enemies, for fear it should be their misfortune to be of the weakest side. The king was accordingly received into Bracciano, the chief place belonging to Virgil Ursini; it was a strong and beautiful castle, and well furnished with provisions. I have heard the king often commend the place, and the entertainment he met with there; for at that time his army was in great distress for want of provision, and indeed they could hardly have been in greater want; so that, if we do but consider how often this army was inclined to disband since its first arrival at Vienne in Dauphiny, and the many unexpected accidents by which it was supplied and advanced, it must of necessity be acknowledged that God Almighty conducted the enterprise.

CH. XII.—How the King sent the Cardinal of St. Peter ad Vincula (who was afterwards Pope, by the name of Julius II.) to Ostia; what the Pope did at Rome in the Meantime; and how the King entered Rome, notwithstanding all the Endeavours of his Enemies to the contrary; and of the Factions between the Ursini and the Colonne in Rome.—1494.

From Bracciano the king sent the Cardinal of St. Peter ad Vincula to Ostia, of which he was bishop. Ostia is a town of great importance, possessed by the Colonne, who had taken it formerly from the Pope; but not long before, it had been recovered from the said cardinal by the forces of the Church.[313] It is a town of no great strength, and yet it kept Rome in subjection a long time afterwards, by means of the said cardinal, who was a great friend to the Colonne, which family embraced our interest, at the instigation of Cardinal Ascanio[314] (the Duke of Milan’s brother, and vice-chancellor to the Pope), and in opposition to the Ursini, with whom they have been always at difference. The faction of these two houses has occasioned as great troubles in the states of the Church as the animosity betwixt the Luce and Grandmont families have been to us, or the Houcs and Caballans to the Dutch[315]; and were it not for this dissension, the territories of the Church would be one of the best habitations for subjects in the world; for they pay no taxes, their duties are few, and they would be sure to be well governed, for the popes are always wise, and have good councillors about them. But because of these emulations, they are subject to many calamities, as murders and plundering, of which we have seen frequent examples within these last four years; for since that time[316] the Colonne have been our enemies, much to their loss, for the king had given them estates of twenty thousand ducats a year and more in the kingdom of Naples, such as the county of Tagliacozzo, and other places (which were formerly the estates of the Ursini), besides whatever else they demanded, whether in men or money; so that what they did was done treacherously and unhandsomely, without any manner of provocation; but they had been always for the house of Arragon against the French, as being Ghibellines, and the Ursini (being Guelphs) were always on our side with the Florentines.