Chapter XVII: Masks and Misrule (3)

[242] Hazlitt-Warton, ii. 97; iii. 118, quotes from the _Register_ of St. Swithin’s amongst the _Wolvesey MSS._; in 1338 ‘cantabat ioculator quidam nomine Herebertus canticum Colbrondi, necdum gestum Emmae reginae a iudicio ignis liberatae, in aula prioris’: in 1374 ‘In festo Alwynis episcopi ... in aula conventus sex ministralli, cum quatuor citharisatoribus, faciebant ministralcias suas. Et post cenam, in magna camera arcuata domini Prioris, cantabant idem gestum.... Veniebant autem dicti ioculatores a castello domini regis et ex familia episcopi.’ The ‘canticum Colbrondi’ was doubtless a romance of Guy of Warwick, of which Winchester is the locality. Fragments of early fourteenth-century English versions exist (Ten Brink, i. 246; Jusserand, _E. L._ i. 224; Zupitza, _Guy of Warwick_, E. E. T. S.; G. L. Morrill, _Speculum Gy de Warewyke_, E. E. T. S. lxxxi).

[243] Bartholomaeus (Albizzi) de Pisis (1385-99), _Liber Conformitatum_ (ed. 1590, i. 94^b); Antoninus Episc. Florentiae (1389-1459), _Chronicon_ (ed. 1586, iii. 752) ‘alterius linguae ioculatores eos existimans’; cf. A. Wood, _Hist. et Antiq. Univ. Oxon._ (1674), i. 69; _City of Oxford_ (O. H. S.), ii. 349.

[244] See Appendix E. At Paris the _Statutes_ of Cornouaille College (1380) required abstinence from ‘ludis mimorum, ioculatorum, histrionum, goliardorum, et consimilium.’ Bulaeus, v. 782, gives another Paris regulation allowing ‘mimi, ad summum duo’ on Twelfth Night (Rashdall, ii. 674).

[245] Thomas Aquinas, _Summa Theologiae_ (†1274), ii. 2, quaest. 168, art. 3 ‘Sicut dictum est, ludus est necessarius ad conversationem vitae humanae. ad omnia autem, quae sunt utilia conversationi humanae, deputari possunt aliqua officia licita. et ideo etiam officium histrionum, quod ordinatur ad solatium hominibus exhibendum, non est secundum se illicitum, nec sunt in statu peccati: dummodo moderate ludo utantur, id est, non utendo aliquibus illicitis verbis vel factis ad ludum, et non adhibendo ludum negotiis et temporibus indebitis ... unde illi, qui moderate iis subveniunt, non peccant, sed iusta faciunt, mercedem ministerii eorum iis attribuendo. si qui autem superflue sua in tales consumunt, vel etiam sustentant illos histriones qui illicitis ludis utuntur, peccant, quasi eos in peccatis foventes. unde Augustinus dicit, _super Ioan._ quod _donare res suas histrionibus vitium est immane_,’ &c., &c.

[246] Cf. Appendix G.

[247] Another version of this story is given by Petrus Cantor (ob. 1197), _Verbum Abbreviatum_, c. 84 (_P. L._ ccv. 254) ‘Ioculatori cuidam papa Alexander (Alex. III) nec concessit vivere de officio suo, nec ei penitus interdixit.’ In c. 49 of the same work Petrus Cantor inveighs learnedly _Contra dantes histrionibus_. Doubtless the Alexander in question is Alexander III (1159-81), though the (Alex. III) above may be due to the seventeenth-century editor, Galopinus. A hasty glance at the voluminous and practically unindexed decrees and letters of Alexander III in _P. L._ cc. and Jaffé, _Regesta Pontificum Romanorum_ (ed. 2, 1885-8), ii. 145-418, has not revealed the source of the story; and I doubt whether the Pope’s decision, if it was ever given, is to be found in black and white. The two reports of it by Thomas de Cabham and Petrus Cantor are barely consistent. In any case, it never got into the Gregorian Decretals.

[248] Gautier, ii. 42; Bédier, 389; Ten Brink, i. 186; Ducange, s. vv. _Golia_, &c.; O. Hubatsch, _Lat. Vagantenlieder des Mittelalters_ (1870).

[249] _Le Département des Livres_ (Méon, _N. R._ i. 404):

‘A Bouvines delez Dinant
Li perdi-je Ovide le grant ...
Mon Lucan et mon Juvenal
Oubliai-je a Bonival,
Eustace le grant et Virgile
Perdi aus dez a Abeville.’

[250] The chief collections of goliardic verse are Schmeller, _Carmina Burana_ (ed. 3, 1894), and T. Wright, _Latin Poems attributed to Walter Mapes_ (C. S. 1841): for others cf. Hubatsch, 16. Latin was not unknown amongst lay minstrels: cf. _Deus Bordeors Ribauz_ (Montaiglon-Raynaud, i. 3):

‘Mais ge sai aussi bien conter,
Et en roumanz et en latin.’

[251] Hubatsch, 15. The origin, precise meaning, and mutual relations of the terms _Golias_, _goliardi_ are uncertain. Probably the goliardic literature arose in France, rather than in England with Walter Mapes, the attribution to whom of many of the poems is perhaps due to a confusion of G[olias] with G[ualterus] in the MSS. Giraldus Cambrensis (ob. 1217), _Speculum Ecclesiae_, says ‘Parasitus quidam Golias nomine nostris diebus gulositate pariter et leccacitate famosissimus ... in papam et curiam Romanam carmina famosa ... evomuit’: but the following note points to a much earlier origin for Golias and his _pueri_, and this is upheld by W. Scherer, _Gesch. d. deutsch. Dichtung im 11. und 12. Jahrh. 16._

[252] Early decrees forbidding the clergy to be _ioculatores_ are given on p. 39. More precise is the order of Gautier of Sens (†913) in his _Constitutiones_, c. 13 (Mansi, xviii. 324) ‘Statuimus quod clerici ribaldi, maxime qui dicuntur de familia Goliae, per episcopos, archidiaconos, officiales, et decanos Christianitatis, tonderi praecipiantur vel etiam radi, ita quod eis non remaneat tonsura clericalis: ita tamen quod sine periculo et scandalo ita fiant.’ If Mansi’s date is right, this precedes by three centuries the almost identical _Conc. of Rouen_, c. 8 (Mansi, xxiii. 215), and _Conc. of Castle Gonther_ (Tours), c. 21 (Mansi, xxiii. 237), both in 1231. Gautier, _Les Tropaires_, i. 186, dwells on the influence of the _goliardi_ on the late and ribald development of the tropes, and quotes _Conc. of Treves_ (1227), c. 9 (Mansi, xxiii. 33) ‘praecipimus ut omnes sacerdotes non permittant trutannos et alios vagos scholares aut goliardos cantare versus super _Sanctus_ et _Agnus Dei_.’ On their probable share in the Feast of Fools cf. ch. xiv. For later legislation cf. Hubatsch, 14, 95, and the passage from the _Liber Sextus_ of Boniface VIII on p. 39. It lasts to the _Conc. Frisingense_ (1440) ‘statuimus ne clerici mimis, ioculatoribus, histrionibus, buffonibus, galliardis, largiantur’ (Labbe, xiii. 1286). By this time ‘goliard’ seems little more than a synonym for ‘minstrel.’ The ‘mynstralle, a gulardous,’ of Mannyng, 148, does not appear to be a clerk, while Chaucer’s ‘goliardeys’ is the Miller (_C. T._ prol. 560). On the other hand, Langland’s ‘Goliardeys, a glotoun of wordes’ (_Piers Plowman_, prol. 139), speaks Latin. Another name for the _goliardi_ occurs in an _Epistola Guidonis S. Laurentii in Lucina Cardinalis_, xx. (1266, Hartzheim, iii. 807) against ‘vagi scolares, qui Eberdini vocantur,’ and who ‘divinum invertunt officium, unde laici scandalizantur.’

[253] Baudouin de Condé in his _Contes des Hiraus_ contrasts the ‘grans menestreus,’ the

‘Maistres de sa menestrandie,
Qui bien viele ou ki bien die
De bouce’

with the ‘felons et honteux,’ who win pence,

‘l’un por faire l’ivre,
L’autre le cat, le tiers le sot,’

while in _Les États du Monde_ his son Jean sets up a high standard of behaviour for the true minstrels:

‘Soies de cuer nes et polis,
Courtois, envoisiés, et jolis,
Pour les boinnes gens solacier’

(Scheler, _Dits et Contes de Baudouin de Condé et de son fils Jean de Condé_, i. 154; ii. 377). Cf. Watriquet de Couvin, _Dis du fol menestrel_ (ed. Scheler, 367):

‘Menestriex se doit maintenir
Plus simplement c’une pucele, ...
Menestrel qui veut son droit faire
Ne doit le jangleur contrefaire,
Mais en sa bouche avoir tous dis
Douces paroles et biaus dis,
Estre nés, vivre purement.’

These three writers belong to the end of the thirteenth and the beginning of the fourteenth century.

[254] A. Jubinal, _Jongleurs et Trouvères_, 165. Cf. Gautier, ii. 78; Bédier, 418.

[255] F. Diaz, _Poesie der Troubadours_ (ed. Bartsch), 63; K. Bartsch, _Grundriss der provenzalischen Literatur_, 25; F. Hueffer, _The Troubadours_, 63. Diaz, _op. cit._ 297, prints the documents.

[256] There is nothing to show that Scilling, the companion of Widsith (_Widsith_, 104), was of an inferior grade.

[257] Hueffer, 52; G. Paris, 182: A. Stimming in Grober’s _Grundriss_, ii. 2. 15; Gautier, ii. 45, 58. The commonest of phrases in troubadour biography is ‘cantet et trobet.’ The term _trobador_ is properly the accusative case of _trobaire_.

[258] Petrarch, _Epist. Rerum Senil._ n. 3 ‘sunt homines non magni ingenii, magnae vero memoriae, magnaeque diligentiae, sed maioris audaciae, qui regum ac potentum aulas frequentant, de proprio nudi, vestiti autem carminibus alienis, dumque quid ab hoc, aut ab illo exquisitius materno praesertim charactere dictum sit, ingenti expressione pronunciant, gratiam sibi nobilium, et pecunias quaerunt, et vestes et munera.’ Fulke of Marseilles, afterwards bishop of Toulouse, wrote songs in his youth. He became an austere Cistercian; but the songs had got abroad, and whenever he heard one of them sung by a _joglar_, he would eat only bread and water (_Sermo_ of Robert de Sorbonne in Hauréau, _Man. Fr._ xxiv. 2. 286).

[259] In the first edition of his _Reliques_ (1765), Percy gave the mediaeval minstrel as high a status as the Norse _scald_ or Anglo-Saxon _scôp_. This led to an acrid criticism by Ritson who, in his essay _On the ancient English Minstrels_ in _Ancient Songs and Ballads_ (1829), easily showed the low repute in which many minstrels were held. See also his elaborate _Dissertation on Romance and Minstrelsy_ in his _Ancient English Metrical Romances_ (1802). The truth really lay between the two, for neither appreciated the wide variety covered by a common name. On the controversy, cf. Minto in _Enc. Brit._ s. v. _Minstrels_, Courthope, i. 426-31, and H. B. Wheatley’s Introduction to his edition of Percy’s _Reliques_, xiii-xv. Percy in his later editions profited largely by Ritson’s criticism; a careful collation of these is given in Schroer’s edition (1889).

[260] Magnin, _Journal des Savants_ (1846), 545.

[261] Lambertus Ardensis, _Chronicon_, c. 81 (ed. Godefroy Menilglaise, 175) ‘quid plura? tot et tantorum ditatus est copia librorum ut Augustinum in theologia, Areopagitam Dionysium in philosophia, Milesium fabularium in naeniis gentium, in cantilenis gestoriis, sive in eventuris nobilium, sive etiam in fabellis ignobilium, ioculatores quosque nominatissimos aequiparare putaretur.’

[262] Freymond, _Jongleurs et Menestrels_, 34:

‘Il est de tout bons menesterieux:
Il set peschier, il set chacier,
Il set trop bien genz solacier;
Il set chançons, sonnez et fables,
Il set d’eschez, il set des tables,
Il set d’arbalestre et d’airon.’

[263] _Daurel et Beton_ (ed. Meyer, _Soc. des anc. textes fr._ 1886), 1206:

‘El va enant, a lor des jocz mostratz,
Dels us e dels altres, qu’el ne sap pro asatz.
Pueis pres l[a] arpa, a .ij. laisses notatz,
Et ab la viola a los gen deportat[z],
Sauta e tomba; tuh s’en son alegratz.’

[264] Montaiglon-Raynaud, i. 1:

‘Ge sai contes, ge sai flabeax;
Ge sai conter beax dix noveax,
Rotruenges viez et noveles,
Et sirventois et pastorels.
Ge sai le flabel du Denier,
. . . . . . .
Si sai de Parceval l’estoire,
. . . . . . .
Ge sai joer des baasteax,
Et si sai joer des costeax,
Et de la corde et de la fonde,
Et de toz les beax giex du monde,
. . . . . . .
De totes les chansons de geste.’

[265] Three of these _Enseignamens_, by Guiraut de Cabreira (†1170), Guiraut de Calanso (†1200), and Bertran de Paris (†1250), are printed by K. Bartsch, _Denkmäler der provenzalischen Litteratur_, 85-101. Cf. Bartsch, _Grundriss der prov. Lit._ 25; Hueffer, _The Troubadours_, 66; _Hist. Litt._ xvii. 581.

[266] Bernhard, iii. 397, gives some French references, one dated 1395, for ‘menestriers de bouches,’ a term signifying minstrels who sang as well as played instruments.

[267] There are numerous payments to jugglers, tumblers and dancers in the Household Accounts of Henry VII (Bentley, _Excerpta Historica_, 85-113; Collier, i. 50). A letter to Wolsey of July 6, 1527, from R. Croke, the tutor of Henry VIII’s natural son, the Duke of Richmond, complains of difficulties put in his way by R. Cotton, the Clerk-comptroller of the duke’s household, and adds: ‘At hic tamen in praeceptore arcendo diligens, libenter patitur scurras et mimos (qui digna lupanari in sacro cubiculo coram principe cantillent) admitti’ (Nichols, _Memoir of Henry Fitzroy_ in _Camden Miscellany_, iii. xxxviii).

[268] For the _ioculator regis_, cf. Appendix E, and Leach, _Beverley MSS._ 179. He is called ‘jugler’ in _N. H. B._ 67. Is he distinct from the royal _gestator_ (_gestour_, _jester_)? Both appear in the Shrewsbury accounts (s. ann. 1521, 1549). In 1554 both _le jugler_ and _le gester_ were entertained. The _gestator_ seems to have merged in the _stultus_ or court fool (ch. xvi). The accounts in App. E often mention the royal bearward, who remained an important official under Elizabeth.

[269] 2 _Hen. IV_, ii. 4. 12.

[270] Cf. Appendix H (i).

[271] Courthope, i. 445; A. Lang, s.v. _Ballad_ in _Enc. Brit._ and in _A Collection of Ballads_, xi; _Quarterly Review_ (July, 1898); Henderson, 335; G. Smith, 180. But I think that Gummere, _B. P. passim_, succeeds in showing that the element of folk-poetry in balladry is stronger than some of the above writers recognize.

[272] Sidney, _Apologie for Poetrie_ (ed. Arber), 46 ‘Certainly I must confess my own barbarousness. I never heard the old song of _Percy and Douglas_, that I found not my heart moved more than with a trumpet. And yet is it sung but by some blind Crowder, with no rougher voice than rude style.’ For the Puritan view, see Stubbes, i. 169.

[273] Ritson, ccxxiv, quotes the following lines, ascribed to Dr. Bull (†1597), from a _Harl. MS._, as the epitaph of minstrelsy:

‘When Jesus went to Jairus’ house
(Whose daughter was about to dye),
He turned the minstrels out of doors,
Among the rascal company:
Beggars they are, with one consent,
And rogues, by Act of Parliament.’

[274] _Du Vilain au Buffet_ (Montaiglon-Raynaud, iii. 202):

‘Li quens manda les menestrels,
Et si a fet crier entr’els
Qui la meillor truffe sauroit
Dire ne fere, qu’il auroit
Sa robe d’escarlate nueve.
L’uns menestrels a l’autre rueve
Fere son mestier, tel qu’il sot,
L’uns fet l’ivre, l’autre le sot;
Li uns chante, li autres note,
Et li autres dit la riote,
Et li autres la jenglerie;
Cil qui sevent de jouglerie
Vielent par devant le conte;
Aucuns i a qui fabliaus conte,
Où il ot mainte gaberie,
Et li autres dit l’_Erberie_,
Là où il ot mainte risée.’

Cf. p. 67; also the similar list in Wace, _Brut_, 10823, and _Piers Plowman_, Passus xvi. 205:

‘Ich can nat tabre ne trompe · ne telle faire gestes,
Farten, ne fithelen · at festes, ne harpen,
Iapen ne iogelen · ne gentelliche pipe,
Nother sailen ne sautrien · ne singe with the giterne.’

[275] Gautier, ii. 63; Strutt, 207. L. T. Smith, _Derby Accounts_ (Camden Soc.), 109, records a payment by Henry of Bolingbroke when in Prussia in 1390-1 ‘cuidam tumblere facienti ministralciam suam.’ See miniatures of tumblers (Strutt, 211, 212), stilt-dancing (ibid. 226), hoop-vaulting (ibid. 229), balancing (ibid. 232-4), a contortionist (ibid. 235).

[276] _Annales Corbeienses_, s. a. 1135 (Leibnitz, _Rer. Brunsv. Script._ ii. 307) ‘funambulus inter lusus suos in terram deiectus.’

[277] Gautier, ii. 64, quotes _Annales Basilienses_, s. a. 1276 ‘Basileam quidam corpore debilis venit, qui funem protensum de campanili maioris ecclesiae ad domum cantoris manibus et pedibus descendebat’; for later English examples cf. ch. xxiv.

[278] Strutt, 172, 176, 209; Jusserand, i. 214, and _E. W. L._ 23.

[279] Strutt, 173, 197; Jusserand, _E. W. L._ 212; Wright, 33-7.

[280] Gautier, ii. 67, quotes _Joufrois_, 1146:

‘Ainz veïssiez toz avant traire
Les jogleors et maint jou faire.
Li uns dançoit ...
Li autre ovrent de nigremance.’

[281] Strutt, 194, quotes from Cott. MS. _Nero_, c. viii, a payment ‘Janins le Cheveretter (bagpiper) called le Tregettour,’ for playing before Edw. II. Collier, i. 30, quotes Lydgate, _Daunce de Macabre_ (Harl. 116):

‘Maister John Rykell, sometyme tregitoure
Of noble Henry kynge of Englonde,
And of Fraunce the myghty conqueroure,
For all the sleightes and turnyngs of thyne honde,
Thou must come nere this daunce to understonde.
. . . . . . . .
Lygarde de mayne now helpeth me right nought.’

[282] Ducange, s. v. _bastaxi_; Gautier, ii. 11; C. Magnin, _Hist. des Marionnettes en Europe_ (ed. 2, 1862); cf. ch. xxiv. _Bastaxus_ seems to be the origin of the modern _bateleur_, used in a wide sense of travelling entertainers.

[283] Du Méril, _Com._ 74; Strutt, 253; Jusserand, _E. W. L._ vi. 218. Amongst the letters commendatory of minstrels quoted by Gautier, ii. 109, is one ‘De illo qui scit volucrum exprimere cantilenas et voces asininas.’ Baudouin de Condé mentions a minstrel who ‘fait le cat’ (cf. p. 63, n. 1).

[284] See figures of bears (Strutt, 176, 214, 239, 240), apes (ibid. 240, 241; Jusserand, _E. W. L._ 218), horses (Strutt, 243, 244), dog (ibid. 246, 249), hare (ibid. 248), cock (ibid. 249). For the _ursarius_ and for lion, marmoset, &c., cf. pp. 53, 68, and Appendix E.

[285] Strutt, 256. A horse-baiting is figured in Strutt, 243.

[286] Strutt, 244, figures a combat between man and horse. Gautier, ii. 66, cites _Acta SS. Jan._ iii. 257 for the intervention of St. Poppo when a naked man smeared with honey was to fight bears before the emperor Henry IV (†1048).

[287] Strutt, 260, 262.

[288] _Adam Davie_ (†1312):

‘Merry it is in halle to here the harpe,
The minstrelles synge, the jogelours carpe.’

[289] John of Salisbury, _Polycraticus_, i. 8 ‘Quorum adeo error invaluit, ut a praeclaris domibus non arceantur, etiam illi qui obscenis partibus corporis oculis omnium eam ingerunt turpitudinem, quam erubescat videre vel cynicus. Quodque magis mirere, nec tunc eiiciuntur, quando tumultuantes inferius crebro sonitu aerem foedant, et turpiter inclusum turpius produnt’; Adam of Bremen (_M. G. H._), iii. 38 ‘Pantomimi, qui obscoenis corporis motibus oblectare vulgus solent.’ Raine, _Hist. Papers from Northern Registers_ (R. S.), 398, prints a letter of Archbishop Zouche of York on the indecent behaviour of some clerks of the bishop of Durham in York Minster on Feb. 6, 1349, ‘subtus imaginem crucifixi ventositates per posteriora dorsi cum foedo strepitu more ribaldorum emittere fecerunt pluries ac turpiter et sonore.’

[290] Gautier, ii. 69; Lavoix, _La Musique au Siècle de Saint-Louis_, i. 315; cf. Appendix C.

[291] W. Mapes, _de Nugis Curialium_ (Camden Soc.), dist. v. prol., ‘Caesar Lucani, Aeneas Maronis, multis vivunt in laudibus, plurimum suis meritis et non minimum vigilantia poetarum; nobis divinam Karolorum et Pepinorum nobilitatem vulgaribus rithmis sola mimorum concelebrat nugacitas.’

[292] Lavoix, ii. 295.

[293] Ibid. ii. 344. The Paris MS. (_B. N._ f. fr. 2168) of _Aucassin et Nicolete_ preserves the musical notation of the verse sections. Only three musical phrases, with very slight variations, are used. Two of these were probably repeated, alternately or at the singer’s fancy, throughout the tirade; the third provided a cadence for the closing line (Bourdillon, _Aucassin et Nicolette_ (1897), 157).

[294] Chaucer, _House of Fame_, 1197:

‘Of alle maner of minstrales,
And gestiours, that tellen tales,
Bothe of weping and of game.’

Cf. _Sir Thopas_, 134; and Gower, _Confessio Amantis_, vii. 2424:

‘And every menstral hadde pleid,
And every disour hadde seid.’

The evidence of Erasmus is late, of course, for the hey-day of minstrelsy, but in his time there were certainly English minstrels who merely recited, without musical accompaniment; cf. _Ecclesiastes_ (_Opera_, v. col. 958) ‘Apud Anglos est simile genus hominum, quales apud Italos sunt circulatores, de quibus modo dictum est; qui irrumpunt in convivia magnatum, aut in cauponas vinarias; et argumentum aliquod, quod edidicerunt, recitant; puta mortem omnibus dominari, aut laudem matrimonii. Sed quoniam ea lingua monosyllabis fere constat, quemadmodum Germanica; atque illi studio vitant cantum, nobis latrare videntur verius quam loqui.’

[295] Ten Brink, i. 193, 225, 235, old gleeman tradition was probably less interfered with in the lowlands of Scotland than in England proper; cf. Henderson, _Scottish Vernacular Literature_, 16.

[296] Ten Brink, i. 322; Jusserand, i. 360; Courthope, i. 197. Minot’s poems have been edited by J. Hall (Oxford, 1887). See also Wright, _Political Songs_ (C.S.) and _Political Poems and Songs_ (R.S.). Many of these, however, are Latin.

[297] On Welsh bardism see H. d’Arbois de Jubainville, _Intr. à l’Étude de la Litt. celtique_, 63; Stephens, _Literature of the Kymry_, 84, 93, 97, 102; Ernest David, _Études historiques sur la Poésie et la Musique dans la Cambrie_, 13, 62-103, 147-64. In Wales, an isolated corner of Europe, little touched by Latin influences, the bards long retained the social and national position which it is probable they once had held in all the Aryan peoples. Their status is defined in the laws of Howel Dha (†920) and in those of Gruffyd ab Cynan (1100). The latter code distinguishes three orders of bards proper, the _Pryddyd_ or Chair bards, the _Teuluwr_ or Palace bards, and the _Arwyddfardd_ or heralds, also called _Storiawr_, the _cantores historici_ of Giraldus Cambrensis. The _Pryddyd_ and _Teuluwr_ differ precisely as poets and executants, _trouvères_ and _jougleurs_. Below all these come the _Clerwr_, against whom official bardism from the sixth to the thirteenth century showed an inveterate animosity. These are an unattached wandering folk, players on flutes, tambourines, and other instruments meaner than the _telyn_ or harp, and the _crwth_ or viol which alone the bards proper deigned to use. Many of them had also picked up the mime-tricks of the foreigners. It was probably with these _Clerwr_ that the English and French neighbours of the Kelts came mainly into contact. Padelford, 5, puts this contact as early as the Anglo-Saxon period.

[298] Giraldus Cambrensis, _Descriptio Cambriae_, i. 17 ‘famosus ille fabulator Bledhericus, qui tempora nostra paulo praevenit.’ Thomas, _Tristan_ (†1170, ed. Michel, ii. 847):

‘Mès sulum ço que j’ai oy
N’el dient pas sulum Breri,
Ky solt les gestes e les cuntes
De tuz les reis, de tuz les cuntes
Ki orent esté en Bretaingne.’

[299] G. Paris, in _Hist. Litt._ xxx. 1-22; _Litt. Fr._ §§ 53-5; Nutt, _Legend of the Holy Grail_, 228; Rhys, _Arthurian Legend_, 370-90. These views have been vigorously criticized by Prof. Zimmer in _Göttingische gelehrte Anzeigen_ (1891), 488, 785, and elsewhere.

[300] David, _op. cit._ 13, 235; cf. p. 54.

[301] Paris, §§ 118, 122, and _Orig._ (_passim_); Jeanroy, 1, 84, 102, 387; _Lang. et Litt._ i. 345; cf. ch. viii. Texts of _chansons à personnages_ and _pastourelles_ in Bartsch, _Altfranzösische Romanzen und Pastourellen_; of _aubes_ in Bartsch, _Chrestomathie de l’ancien français_.

[302] Paris, § 126; _Orig._ (_passim_); Jeanroy, 45, and in _Lang. et Litt._ i. 384; Bartsch, _Grundriss der prov. Lit._ 34; Hueffer, _The Troubadours_, 112; Stimming in Gröber’s _Grundriss_, ii. 2. 24.

[303] In 1386 we hear of ‘des compaingnons, pour de jeux de parture juer et esbattre’ at Douai (Julleville, _Rép. Com._ 323), which looks as if, by the end of the fourteenth century, the _partures_ were being professionally performed.

[304] Paris, § 109; Bédier, 31. A _fabliau_ is properly a ‘conte à rire en vers’; the term _dit_ is applied more generally to a number of short poems which deal, ‘souvent avec agrément, des sujets empruntés à la vie quotidienne.’ Some _dits_ are satirical, others eulogistic of a class or profession, others descriptive. But the distinction is not very well defined, and the _fabliaux_ are often called _dits_ in the MSS.

[305] Montaiglon-Raynaud, i. 1; ii. 257. The _dit_ is also called _La Jengle au Ribaut et la Contrejengle_.

[306] Rutebeuf (ed. Kressner), 99.

[307] Barbazan-Méon, i. 356. Bédier, 33, considers _Courtois d’Arras_ as the oldest French comedy, a _jeu dramatique_ with intercalated narrative by a _meneur de jeu_. But the fact that it ends with the words _Te Deum_ leads one to look upon it as an adaptation of a religious play; cf. ch. xix.

[308] On the _débats_ in general, see _Hist. Litt._ xxiii. 216 sqq.; Paris, _Litt. fr._ §§ 110, 155; Arthur Piaget, _Littérature didactique_ in _Lang. et Litt._ ii. 208; Jeanroy, 48; R. Hirzel, _Der Dialog_, ii. 382; _Literaturblatt_ (1887), 76. A full list is given by Petit, _Rép. Com._ 405-9. The _débats_ merge into such allegorical poems as Henri d’Andeli’s _Bataille des Vins_ (Barbazon-Méon, i. 152) or _Le Mariage des Sept Arts et des Sept Vertus_ (Jubinal, _Œuvres de Rutebeuf_, ii. 415); cf. Paris, _Litt. fr._ 158.

[309] Ten Brink, i. 215; Hubatsch, 24; Gummere, _B. P._ 200, 306. The _Débat de l’Yver et de l’Esté_ has the nearest folk-lore origin; cf. ch. ix. Paris, _Origines_, 28, mentions several Greek and Latin versions beginning with Aesop (Halm, 414). The most important is the ninth-century _Conflictus Veris et Hiemis_ (Riese, _Anth. Lat._ i. 2. 145), variously ascribed to Bede (Wernsdorff, _Poetae Latini Minores_, ii. 239), Alcuin (_Alc. Opera_, ed. Froben, ii. 612) and others. French versions are printed in Montaiglon-Rothschild, _Anc. Poés. fr._ vi. 190, x. 41, and Jubinal, _N. R._ ii. 40. There are imitations in all tongues: cf. M. Émile Picot’s note in Mont.-Rothsch. _op. cit._ x. 49; _Hist. Litt._ xxiii. 231; Douhet, 1441.--_La Disputoison du Vin et de l’Iaue_ is printed in Jubinal, _N. R._ i. 293; Wright, _Lat. Poems of Walter Mapes_, 299; _Carmina Burana_, 232. It is based on the _Goliae Dialogus inter Aquam et Vinum_ (Wright, _loc. cit._ 87); cf. _Hist. Litt._ xxiii. 228; _Romania_, xvi. 366.--On the complicated history of the _Débat du Corps et de l’Âme_, see T. Batiouchkof in _Romania_, xx. 1. 513; G. Kleinert, _Ueber den Streit von Leib und Seele_; _Hist. Litt._ xxii. 162; P. de Julleville, _Répertoire Comique_, 5, 300, 347; Wright, _Latin Poems_, xxiii. 95, 321. Latin, French and other versions are given by Wright, and by Viollet-Leduc, _Anc. Thé. fr._ iii. 325.--_Phillis et Flora_, or _De Phyllis qui aime un chevalier et de Flora qui aime un prêtre_, is also referred by Paris, _Orig._ 28, to a folk-song beginning; cf. _H. L._ xxii. 138, 165; _Romania_, xxii. 536. Latin versions are in _Carmina Burana_, 155; Wright, _Latin Poems of W. Mapes_, 258.--A possible influence of the Theocritean and Virgilian eclogues upon these _débats_, through their neo-Latin forms, must be borne in mind.

[310] Wülker, 384; Brooke, i. 139, ii. 93, 221, 268; Jusserand, i. 75, 443. The passages of dialogue dwelt on by these writers mostly belong to the work of Cynewulf and his school. It has been suggested that some of them, e.g. the A.-S. _Descent into Hell_ (Grein, iii. 175; cf. _Anglia_, xix. 137), or the dialogue between Mary and Joseph in Cynewulf’s _Christ_, 163 (ed. Gollancz, p. 16), may have been intended for liturgical use by half-choirs; but of this there is really no proof. Wülker, _loc. cit._, shows clearly that the notion of a dramatic representation was unfamiliar to the Anglo-Saxons.

[311] Ten Brink, i. 312. Several English versions of the _Debate between Body and Soul_ are given by Wright, _loc. cit._ 334. An English _Debate and Stryfe betwene Somer and Wynter_ is in W. C. Hazlitt, _Early Popular Poetry_, iii. 29.

[312] Cf. ch. xx.

[313] Ten Brink, i. 214, 309. _The Owl and the Nightingale_ (c. 1216-72), was printed by J. Stevenson (Roxburghe Club); _the Thrush and the Nightingale_ and _the Fox and the Wolf_, by W. C. Hazlitt, _Early Popular Poetry_, i. 50, 58. There are also a _Debate of the Carpenter’s Tools_ (Hazlitt, i. 79) and an English version of a Latin _Disputacio inter Mariam et Crucem_ (R. Morris, _Legends of the Holy Rood_, 131); cf. Ten Brink, i. 259, 312. An A.-S. version of the _Debate between Body and Soul_ is in the _Exeter Book_ (Grein, ii. 92).

[314] Ælred (†1166), _Speculum Charitatis_, ii. 23 (_P. L._ cxcv. 571) ‘Videas aliquando hominem aperto ore quasi intercluso halitu expirare, non cantare, ac ridiculosa quadam vocis interceptione quasi minitari silentium; nunc agones morientium, vel extasim patientium imitari. Interim histrionicis quibusdam gestibus totum corpus agitatur, torquentur labia, rotant, ludunt humeri; et ad singulas quasque notas digitorum flexus respondet. Et haec ridiculosa dissolutio vocatur religio!... Vulgus ... miratur ... sed lascivas cantantium gesticulationes, meretricias vocum alternationes et infractiones, non sine cachinno risuque intuetur, ut eos non ad oratorium sed ad theatrum, non ad orandum, sed ad spectandum aestimes convenisse.’ Cf. _op. cit._ ii. 17 ‘Cum enim in tragediis vanisve carminibus quisquam iniuriatus fingitur, vel oppressus ... si quis haec, vel cum canuntur audiens, vel cernens si recitentur ... moveatur’; and Johannes de Janua, s.v. _persona_ (cited Creizenach, i. 381) ‘Item persona dicitur histrio, repraesentator comoediarum, qui diversis modis personat diversas repraesentando personas.’ All these passages, like the ninth-century _responsio_ of arch-bishop Leidradus referred to on p. 36, may be suspected of learning rather than actuality. As for the epitaph of the mime Vitalis (Riese, _Anth. Lat._ i. 2. 143; Baehrens, _P. L. M._ iii. 245), sometimes quoted in this connexion, it appears to be classical and not mediaeval at all; cf. Teuffel-Schwabe, §§ 8. 11; 32. 6. Probably this is also the case with the lines _De Mimo iam Sene_ in Wright, _Anecdota Literaria_, 100, where again ‘theatra’ are mentioned.

[315] Cf. p. 71. The mention of a ‘Disare that played the sheppart’ at the English court in 1502 (Nicolas, _Privy Purse Expenses of Elizabeth of York_) is too late to be of importance here.

[316] Creizenach, i. 383, citing at second-hand from fourteenth-century accounts of a Savoy treasurer ‘rappresentando i costumi delle compagnie inglesi e bretoni.’

[317] Creizenach, i. 380.

[318] Thomas de Cabham mentions the _horribiles larvae_ of some minstrels. A. Lecoy de la Marche, _La Chaire française_ (ed. 2, 1886), 444, quotes a sermon of Étienne de Bourbon in _MS. B. N. Lat._ 15970, f. 352 ‘ad similitudinem illorum ioculatorum qui ferunt facies depictas quae dicuntur artificia gallicè, cum quibus ludunt et homines deludunt.’ Cf. Liudprand, iii. 15 (Pertz, iii. 310) ‘histrionum mimorumve more incedere, qui, ut ad risum facile turbas illiciant, variis sese depingunt coloribus.’ The _monstra larvarum_, however, of various ecclesiastical prohibitions I take to refer specifically to the Feast of Fools (cf. ch. xiii).

[319] Schack, _Gesch. der dram. Litt. und Kunst in Spanien_, i. 30, quotes a Carolingian capitulary, from Heineccius, _Capit._ lib. v. c. 388 ‘si quis ex scenicis vestem sacerdotalem aut monasticam vel mulieris religiosae vel qualicunque ecclesiastico statu similem indutus fuerit, corporali poena subsistat et exilio tradatur.’ This prohibition is as old as the _Codex Theodosianus_; cf. p. 14.

[320] _Œuvres_ de Rutebeuf (ed. Kressner), 115; cf. _Romania_, xvi. 496; Julleville, _Les Com._ 24; _Rép. Com._ 407.

[321] Creizenach, i. 386, further points out that a stage was not indispensable to the Latin _mimus_, who habitually played before the curtain and probably with very little setting; that the favourite situations of fifteenth-century French farce closely resemble those of the mimes; and that the use of marionettes is a proof of some knowledge of dramatic methods amongst the minstrels.

[322] On this treatise, cf. ch. xx.

[323] A ‘japer’ is often an idle talker, like a ‘jangler’ which is clearly sometimes confused with a ‘jongleur’; cf. Chaucer, _Parson’s Tale_, 89 ‘He is a japere and a gabber and no verray repentant that eft-soone dooth thing for which hym oghte repente.’ Langland uses the term in a more technical sense. _Activa Vita_ in _Piers Plowman_, xvi. 207, is no minstrel, because ‘Ich can not ... japen ne jogelen.’ No doubt a ‘jape’ would include a _fabliau_. It is equivalent etymologically to ‘gab,’ and Bédier, 33, points out that the _jougleurs_ use _gabet_, as well as _bourde_, _trufe_, and _risée_ for a _fabliau_.--The use of ‘pleye’ as ‘jest’ may be illustrated by Chaucer, _Pardoner’s Tale_ (_C. T._ 12712) ‘My wit is greet, though that I bourde and pleye.’--The ‘japis’ of the _Tretise_ are probably the ‘knakkes’ of the passage on ‘japeris’ in _Parson’s Tale_, 651 ‘right so conforten the vileyns wordes and knakkes of japeris hem that travaillen in the service of the devel.’

[324] Montaiglon-Raynaud, ii. 243. Cf. _Hist. Litt._ xxiii. 103; Jusserand, _Lit. Hist._ i. 442. A shorter prose form of the story is found in _La Riote du Monde_ (ed. Fr. Michel, 1834), a popular _facétie_ of which both French and Anglo-Norman versions exist; cf. Paris, _Litt. fr._ 153. And a Latin form, _De Mimo et Rege Francorum_ is in Wright, _Latin Stories_, No. 137. The point consists in the quibbling replies with which the _jougleur_ meets the king’s questions. Thus, in _La Riote du Monde_: ‘Dont ies tu?--Je suis de no vile.--U est te vile?--Entor le moustier.--U est li moustiers?--En l’atre.--U est li atres?--Sor terre.--U siet cele terre?--Sor l’iaue.--Comment apiel-on l’iaue?--On ne l’apiele nient; ele vient bien sans apieler.’

[325] Cf. Appendix V.

[326] Cf. ch. viii.

[327] Ed. P. Meyer, in _Jahrbuch für romanische und englische Literatur_, vi. 163. The piece was probably written in Flanders, between 1266 and 1290. Cf. Creizenach, i. 398.

[328] See Appendix U. References for the earlier non-dramatic versions in Latin, French, and English of the story are given by Jusserand, _Lit. Hist._ i. 447. A Cornish dramatic fragment of the fourteenth century is printed in the _Athenæum_ for Dec. 1, 1877, and _Revue celtique_, iv. 259; cf. Creizenach, i. 401.

[329] Stephens-Hunt, ii. 301; F. S. Stevenson, _Robert Grosseteste_, 126. The disciplinary attack seems to have begun with Grosseteste’s predecessor, Hugh de Wells, in 1230 (Wilkins, i. 627), but he, like Roger Weseham, bishop of Coventry and Lichfield, in 1252 (_Annales Monastici_, R. S. i. 296), merely condemns _ludi_, a term which may mean folk-festivals or minstrelsy, or both. A similar ambiguity attaches to the obligation of the anchoresses of Tarrant Keyneston not to look on at a _ludus_ (_pleouwe_) in the church-yard (_Ancren Riwle_, C. S. 318).

[330] In 1236 Grosseteste wrote to his archdeacons forbidding ‘arietum super ligna et rotas elevationes, caeterosque ludos consimiles, in quo decertatur pro bravio; cum huiusmodi ludorum tam actores quam spectatores, sicut evidenter demonstrat Isidorus, immolant daemonibus, ... et cum etiam huiusmodi ludi frequenter dant occasiones irae, odii, pugnae, et homicidii.’ His _Constitutiones_ of 1238 say ‘Praecipimus etiam ut in singulis ecclesiis denuncietur solenniter ne quisquam levet arietes super rotas, vel alios ludos statuat, in quibus decertatur pro bravio: nec huiusmodi ludis quisquam intersit, &c.’ About 1244 he wrote again to the archdeacons: ‘Faciunt etiam, ut audivimus, clerici ludos quos vocant miracula: et alios ludos quos vocant Inductionem Maii sive Autumni; et laici scotales ... miracula etiam et ludos supra nominatos et scotales, quod est in vestra potestate facili, omnino exterminetis’ (Luard, _Letters of Robert Grosseteste_ (R. S.) _Epp._ xxii, lii, cvii, pp. 74, 162, 317). For his condemnations of the Feast of Fools cf. ch. xiv.

[331] _Const. Walt. de Cantilupo_ (Wilkins, i. 673) ‘prohibemus clericis ... nec sustineant ludos fieri de Rege et Regina, nec arietas levari, nec palaestras publicas fieri, nec gildales inhonestas.’ The clergy must also abstain and dissuade the laity from ‘compotationibus quae vocantur scottales’ (Wilkins, i. 672). On ‘ram-raisings,’ &c., cf. ch. vii; on ‘gildales’ and ‘scotales’ ch. viii.

[332] Surely the reference is to the mock kings and queens of the village festivals, and not, as Guy, 521; Jusserand, _Litt. Hist._ i. 444, suggest, to the question-and-answer game of _Le Roi qui ne ment_ described in Jean de Condé’s _Sentier Batu_ (Montaiglon-Raynaud, iii. 248), although this is called playing ‘as rois et as reines’ in Adan de la Hale’s _Robin et Marion_ (ed. Monmerqué-Michel, 121) and elsewhere (cf. Guy, 222), and possibly grew out of the festival custom. Yet another game of _King and Queen_, of the practical joke order, is described as played at Golspie by Nicholson, 119.

[333] Wilkins, i. 666.

[334] Anstey, _Munimenta Academica_ (R. S.), i. 18 ‘ne quis choreas cum larvis seu strepitu aliquo in ecclesiis vel plateis ducat, vel sertatus, vel coronatus corona ex foliis arborum, vel florum vel aliunde composita alicubi incedat ... prohibemus.’

[335] _Inquisitiones ... de vita et conversatione clericorum et laicorum_ in _Annales de Burton_ (_Ann. Monast._ R. S. i. 307) ‘an aliqui laici mercata, vel ludos, seu placita peculiaria fieri faciant in locis sacris, et an haec fuerint prohibita ex parte episcopi.... An aliqui laici elevaverint arietes, vel fieri faciant schothales, vel decertaverint de praeeundo cum vexillis in visitatione matricis ecclesiae.’

[336] Wilkins, ii. 129 ‘c. 13 ... Ne quisquam luctas, choreas, vel alios ludos inhonestos in coemeteriis exercere praesumat; praecipue in vigiliis et festis sanctorum, cum huiusmodi ludos theatrales et ludibriorium spectacula introductos per quos ecclesiarum coinquinatur honestas, sacri ordines detestantur.’

[337] Wilkins, iii. 68 ‘c. 2 ... nec in ipsis [locis sacris] fiant luctationes, sagittationes, vel ludi.’ A special caution is given against ludi ‘in sanctorum vigiliis’ and ‘in exequiis defunctorum.’

[338] T. F. Kirby, _Wykeham’s Register_ (Hampshire Record Soc.), ii. 410, forbids ‘ad pilas ludere, iactaciones lapidum facere ... coreas facere dissolutas, et interdum canere cantilenas, ludibriorum spectacula facere, saltaciones et alios ludos inhonestos frequentare, ac multas alias insolencias perpetrare, ex quibus cimeterii huiusmodi execracio seu pollucio frequencius verisimiliter formidetur.’

[339] _Handlyng Synne_ (ed. Furnivall), p. 148, l. 4684:

‘Daunces, karols, somour games,
Of many swych come many shames.’

This poem is a free adaptation (†1303) of the thirteenth-century Anglo-Norman _Manuel de Péché_, which is probably by William de Wadington, but has been ascribed to Bishop Grosseteste himself. The corresponding lines in this are

‘Muses et tieles musardries,
Trippes, dances, et teles folies.’

Cf. also _Handlyng Synne_, p. 278, l. 8989:

‘Karolles, wrastlynges, or somour games,
Who so euer haunteþ any swyche shames,
Yy cherche, oþer yn cherche-ȝerde,
Of sacrylage he may be a ferde;
Or entyrludës, or syngynge,
Or tabure bete, or oþer pypynge,
Alle swychë þyng forbodyn es,
Whyle þe prest stondeþ at messe’;

where the _Manuel de Péché_ has

‘Karoles ne lutes nul deit fere,
En seint eglise qe me veut crere;
Car en cymiter neis karoler
Est outrage grant, ou luter:
Souent lur est mes auenu
Qe la fet tel maner de iu;
Qe grant peche est, desturber
Le prestre quant deit celebrer.’

[340] The Puritan Fetherston, in his _Dialogue agaynst light, lewde, and lascivious Dancing_ (1583), sign. D. 7, says that he has ‘hearde of tenne maidens which went to set May, and nine of them came home with childe.’ Stubbes, i. 149, has a very similar observation. Cf. the adventures of Dr. Fitzpiers and Suke Damson on Midsummer Eve in Thomas Hardy’s novel, _The Woodlanders_, ch. xx.

[341] Grosseteste, in 1236, quotes ‘Isidorus’ as to the pagan origin of ‘_ludi, in quo decertatur de bravio_.’ The reference is to Isidore of Seville (560-636), _Etymologiarum_, xviii. 27, _De ludis circensibus_ (_P. L._ lxxxii. 653). This, of course, refers directly to the religious associations of Roman rather than Celto-Teutonic _ludi_.

[342] Haddan-Stubbs, iii. 30 ‘idolorum cultus insequere, fanorum aedificia everate.’

[343] Bede, _Hist. Eccl._ i. 30; Haddan-Stubbs, iii. 37 ‘Dicite [Augustino], quid diu mecum de causa Anglorum cogitans tractavi: videlicet quia fana idolorum destrui in eadem gente minime debeant; sed ipsa quae in illis sunt idola destruantur, aqua benedicta fiat, in eisdem fanis aspergatur, altaria construantur, reliquiae ponantur: quia si fana eadem bene constructa sunt, necesse est ut a cultu daemonum in obsequium veri Dei debeant commutari, ut dum gens ipsa eadem fana sua non videt destrui, de corde errorem deponat, et Deum verum cognoscens ac adorans, ad loca, quae consuevit, familiarius concurrat. Et quia boves solent in sacrificio daemonum multos occidere, debet eis etiam hac de re aliqua solemnitas immutari: ut die dedicationis, vel natalitii sanctorum martyrum quorum illic reliquiae ponuntur, tabernacula sibi circa easdem ecclesias quae ex fanis commutatae sunt, de ramis arborum faciant, et religiosis conviviis sollemnitatem celebrent; nec diabolo iam animalia immolent, sed ad laudem Dei in esum suum animalia occidant, et donatori omnium de satietate sua gratias referant: ut dum eis aliqua exterius gaudia reservantur, ad interiora gaudia consentire facilius valeant. Nam duris mentibus simul omnia abscindere impossibile esse non dubium est, quia et is qui summum locum ascendere nititur gradibus vel passibus non autem saltibus elevatur’....

[344] Stanley, _Memorials of Canterbury_, 37.

[345] H. B. Wheatley, _London, Past and Present_, iii. 39; Donne, _Poems_ (Muses’ Library), ii. 23.

[346] Bede, ii. 13 ‘iussit sociis destruere ac succendere fanum cum omnibus septis suis.’ In Essex in a time of plague and famine (664), Sigheri and his people ‘coeperunt fana, quae derelicta sunt, restaurare, et adorare simulacra.’ Bp. Jaruman induced them to reopen the churches, ‘relictis sive destructis fanis arisque’ (Bede, iii. 30).

[347] Bede, ii. 15. So too in eighth-century Germany there were priests who were equally ready to sacrifice to Wuotan and to administer the sacrament of baptism (Gummere, 342). See also Grimm, i. 7, and the letter of Gregory the Great to queen Brunichildis in _M. G. H. Epist._ ii. 1. 7 ‘pervenit ad nos, quod multi Christianorum et ad ecclesias occurrant, et a culturis daemonum non abscedant.’

[348] Willibald (_Gesch.-Schreiber der deutschen Vorzeit_, 27) relates that in Germany, when Boniface felled the sacred oak of Thor (robur Iovis) he built the wood into a church.

[349] A Saxon _formula abrenuntiationis_ of the ninth century (Müllenhoff-Scherer, _Denkmäler deutscher Poesie und Prosa aus dem 8.-12. Jahrhundert_, 1892, No. li) specifically renounces ‘Thuner ende Uuôden ende Saxnôte ende allum thêm unholdum thê hira genôtas sint.’ Anglo-Saxon laws and council decrees contain frequent references to sacrifices and other lingering remnants of heathenism. Cf. _Councils of Pincanhale and Cealcythe_ (787), c. 19 (Haddan-Stubbs, iii. 458) ‘si quid ex ritu paganorum remansit, avellatur, contemnatur, abiiciatur.’ _Council of Gratlea_ (928), c. 3 (Wilkins, i. 205) ‘diximus ... de sacrificiis barbaris ... si quis aliquem occiderit ... ut vitam suam perdat.’ _Council of London_ (1075) (Wilkins, i. 363) ‘ne offa mortuorum animalium, quasi pro vitanda animalium peste, alicubi suspendantur; nec sortes, vel aruspicia, seu divinationes, vel aliqua huiusmodi opera diaboli ab aliquo exerceantur.’ Also _Leges_ of Wihtred of Kent (696), c. 12 (Haddan-Stubbs, iii. 235), and other A.-S. laws quoted by Kemble, i. 523.

[350] _Penitential of Theodore_ (Haddan-Stubbs, iii. 189), i. 15, _de Cultura Idolorum_; _Penitential of Egbert_ (H.-S. iii. 424), 8, _de Auguriis vel Divinationibus_.

[351] Pearson, ii. 1 (Essay on _Woman as Witch_); cf. A.-S. spells in Kemble, i. 528, and Cockayne, _Leechdoms_ (R. S.), iii. 35, 55. Early and mediaeval Christianity did not deny the existence of the heathen gods, but treated them as evil spirits, demons.

[352] An Essex case of 664 has just been quoted. Kemble, i. 358, gives two later ones from the _Chronicle of Lanercost_. In 1268 ‘cum hoc anno in Laodonia pestis grassaretur in pecudes armenti, quam vocant usitate Lungessouth, quidam bestiales, habitu claustrales non animo, docebant idiotas patriae ignem confrictione de lignis educere et simulachrum Priapi statuere, et per haec bestiis succurrere.’ In 1282 ‘sacerdos parochialis, nomine Johannes, Priapi prophana parans, congregatis ex villa puellulis, cogebat eis, choreis factis, Libero patri circuire.’ By Priapus-Liber is probably meant Freyr, the only Teutonic god known to have had Priapic characteristics (Adam of Bremen, _Gesta Hammaburgensis Eccles. Pontif._ iv. 26 in _M. G. H. Script._ vii. 267).

[353] Grimm, i. 5, 11, 64, 174; iii. xxxiv-xlv; Keary, 90; Pearson, ii. 16, 32, 42, 243, 285, 350. The Virgin Mary succeeds to the place of the old Teutonic goddess of fertility, Freyja, Nerthus. So elsewhere does St. Walpurg. The toasts or _minni_ drunk to Odin and Freyja are transferred to St. John and St. Gertrude. The travels of Odin and Loki become the travels of Christ and St. Peter. Many examples of the adaptation of pre-existing customs to Christianity will be found in the course of this book. A capitulary of Karlmann, drawn up in 742 after the synod of Ratisbon held by Boniface in Germany, speaks of ‘hostias immolatitias, quas stulti homines iuxta ecclesias ritu pagano faciunt sub nomine sanctorum martyrum vel confessorum’ (Boretius, _Capitularia Reg. Franc._ i. 24 in _M. G. H._; Mansi, xii. 367). At Kirkcudbright in the twelfth century bulls were killed ‘as an alms and oblation to St. Cuthbert’ (_F. L._ x. 353).

[354] In the present state of Gaulish and still more of Irish studies, only a glimmering of possible equations between Teutonic and Keltic gods is apparent.

[355] Recent ethnological research is summed up in G. Vacher de Lapouge, _L’Aryen_ (1899); W. Z. Ripley, _The Races of Europe_ (1900); A. H. Keane, _Ethnology_ (1896); _Man, Past and Present_ (1899); J. Deniker, _The Races of Man_ (1900); G. Sergi, _The Mediterranean Race_ (1901). The three racial types that, in many pure and hybrid forms, mainly compose the population of Europe may be distinguished as (1) _Homo Europaeus_, the tall blonde long-headed (dolichocephalic) race of north Europe, (including Teutons and red-haired ‘Kelts’), to which the Aryan speech seems primarily to have belonged; (2) _Homo alpinus_, the medium coloured and sized brachycephalic (round-headed) race of central Europe; (3) _Homo meridionalis_ (Lapouge) or _mediterranensis_ (Keane), the small dark dolichocephalic race of the Mediterranean basin and the western isles (including dark ‘Kelts’). During the formative period of European culture (2) was probably of little importance, and (1) and (3) are possibly of closer racial affinity to each other than either of them is to (2).

[356] Gomme, _Ethnology in Folk-lore_, 21; _Village Community_, 69; _Report of Brit. Ass._ (1896), 626; _F. L. Congress_, 348; _F. L._ x. 129, ascribes the fire customs of Europe to Aryans and the water customs to the pre-Aryans. A. Bertrand, _Religion des Gaulois_, 68, considers human sacrifice characteristically pre-Aryan. There seems to me more hope of arriving at a knowledge of specific Mediterranean cults, before the Aryan intermixture, from a study of the stone amulets and cup-markings of the megaliths (Bertrand, _op. cit._ 42) or from such investigations into ‘Mycenaean’ antiquity as that of A. J. Evans, _Mycenaean Tree and Pillar Cult_ (1901). The speculations of Nietzsche, in _A Genealogy of Morals_ and elsewhere, as to the altruistic ‘slave’ morality of the pre-Aryan and the self-regarding morality of the conquering Aryan ‘blond beast’ are amusing or pitiful reading, according to one’s mood.

[357] Frazer, _G. B._ i. 9 ‘The fundamental principles on which it [savage magic] is based would seem to be reducible to two: first, that like produces like, or that an effect resembles its cause; and second, that things which have once been in contact, but have ceased to be so, continue to act upon each other as if the contact still persisted. From the first of these principles, the savage infers that he can produce any desired effect merely by imitating it; from the second he concludes that he can influence at pleasure and at any distance any person of whom, or any thing of which, he possesses a particle. Magic of the latter sort, resting as it does on the belief in a certain secret sympathy which unites indissolubly things that have once been connected with each other may appropriately be termed sympathetic in the strict sense of the term. Magic of the former kind, in which the supposed cause resembles or simulates the supposed effect, may conveniently be described as imitative or mimetic.’ Cf. Jevons, 31 ‘The savage makes the generalization that like produces like; and then he is provided with the means of bringing about anything he wishes, for to produce an effect he has only to imitate it. To cause a wind to blow, he flaps a blanket, as the sailor still whistles to bring a whistling gale.... If the vegetation requires rain, all that is needed is to dip a branch in water, and with it to sprinkle the ground. Or a spray of water squirted from the mouth will produce a mist sufficiently like the mist required to produce the desired effect; or black clouds of smoke will be followed by black clouds of rain.’ I do not feel that magic is altogether a happy term for this sort of savage science. In its ordinary sense (the ‘black art’), it certainly contains a large element of what Dr. Frazer distinguishes from magic as religion, ‘a propitiation or conciliation of powers superior to man which are believed to direct and control the course of nature and of human life.’ True, these powers are not to whom the orthodox religion is directed, but the approach to them is religious in the sense of the above definition. Such magic is in fact an amalgam of charms, which are Dr. Frazer’s ‘magic,’ and spells, which are his ‘religion.’ But so are many more recognized cults.

[358] Some facts of European animal worship are dealt with in two important recent papers, one by S. Reinach in _Revue celtique_, xxi. 269, the other by N. W. Thomas, in _F. L._ xi. 227. The relation of such worship to the group of savage social institutions classed as totemism is a difficult and far from solved problem, which cannot be touched upon here.

[359] Gummere, 39; Caesar, _de B. G._ iv. 1. 7; vi. 22. 2; Tacitus, _Germ._ 26.

[360] Schräder-Jevons, 281, says that the Indo-Europeans begin their history ‘acquainted with the rudiments of agriculture,’ but ‘still possessed with nomadic tendencies.’ He adds that considerable progress must have been made before the dispersion of the European branches, and points out that agriculture would naturally develop when the migratory hordes from the steppes reached the great forests of central Europe. For this there would be two reasons, the greater fertility of the soil and the narrowed space for pasturage. On the other hand, V. Hehn, _Culturpflanzen und Haustiere_, and Mommsen, _Hist. of Rome_, i. 16, find the traces of agriculture amongst the undivided Indo-Europeans very slight; the word yáva-ζέα, which is common to the tongues, need mean nothing more than a wild cereal.

[361] Jevons, 240, 255; Pearson, ii. 42; O. T. Mason, _Woman’s Share in Primitive Culture_, 14.

[362] Burne-Jackson, 352, 362; Rhys, _C. F._ i. 312; _F. L._ v. 339; Dyer, 133; Ditchfield, 70; cf. ch. vi. One of the hills so visited is the artificial one of Silbury, and perhaps the custom points to the object with which this and the similar ‘mound’ at Marlborough were piled up.

[363] Frazer, ii. 261, deals very fully with the theriomorphic corn-spirits of folk belief.

[364] On these triads and others in which three male or three female figures appear, cf. Bertrand, 341; A. Maury, _Croyances et Légendes du Moyen Âge_ (1896), 6; _Matronen-Kultus_ in _Zeitschrift d. Vereins f. Volkskultur_, ii. 24. I have not yet seen L. L. Paine, _The Ethnic Trinities and their Relation to the Christian Trinity_ (1901).

[365] Mogk, iii. 333; Golther, 298; Grimm, iv. 1709; Kemble, i. 335; Rhys, _C. H._ 282; H. M. Chadwick, _Cult of Othin_ (1899).

[366] Mogk, iii. 366; Golther, 428.

[367] Mogk, iii. 374; Golther, 488; Tille, _Y. and C._ 144; Bede, _de temp. ratione_, c. 15 (_Opera_, ed. Giles, vi. 179) ‘Eostur-monath qui nunc paschalis mensis interpretatur, quondam a dea illorum, quae Eostre vocabatur, et cui in illo festa celebrabant, nomen habuit; a cuius nomine nunc paschale tempus cognominant, consueto antiquae observationis vocabulo gaudia novae solemnitatis vocantes.’ There seems no reason for thinking with Golther and Tille, that Bede made a mistake. Charlemagne took the name _Ôstarmánoth_ for April, perhaps only out of compliment to the English, such as Alcuin, at his court.

[368] _A Charm for unfruitful or bewitched land_ (O. Cockayne, _Leechdoms of Early England_, R. S. i. 399); cf. Grimm, i. 253; Golther, 455; Kögel, i. 1. 39. The ceremony has taken on a Christian colouring, but retains many primitive features. Strips of turf are removed, and masses said over them. They are replaced after oil, honey, barm, milk of every kind of cattle, twigs of every tree, and holy water have been put on the spot. Seed is bought at a double price from almsmen and poured into a hole in the plough with salt and herbs. Various invocations are used, including one which calls on ‘Erce, Erce, Erce, Eorthan modor,’ and implores the Almighty to grant her fertility. Then the plough is driven, and a loaf, made of every kind of corn with milk and holy water, laid under the first furrow. Kögel considers _Erce_ to be derived from _ero_, ‘earth.’ Brooke, i. 217, states on the authority of Montanus that a version of the prayer preserved in a convent at Corvei begins ‘Eostar, Eostar, Eordhan modor.’ He adds: ‘nothing seems to follow from this clerical error.’ But why an error? The equation Erce-Eostre is consistent with the fundamental identity of the light-goddess and the earth-goddess.

[369] Tacitus, _Ann._ i. 51; Mogk, iii. 373; Golther, 458; cf. ch. xii.

[370] Gomme, _Village Community_, 157; B. C. A. Windle, _Life in Early Britain_, 200; F. W. Maitland, _Domesday Book and Beyond_, 142, 337, 346.

[371] I have followed in many points the views on Teutonic chronology of Tille, _Deutsches Weihnacht_ (1893) and _Yule and Christmas_ (1899), which are accepted in the main by O. Schräder, _Reallexicon der indogermanischen Altertumskunde_, s.vv. Jahr, Jahreszeiten, and partly correct those of Weinhold, _Ueber die deutsche Jahrtheilung_ (1862), and Grotefend, _Die Zeitrechnung des deutschen Mittelalters_ (1891).

[372] In Scandinavia the winter naturally began earlier and ended later. Throughout, Scandinavian seasons diverged from those of Germany and the British Isles. In particular the high summer feast and the consequent tripartition of the year do not seem to have established themselves (_C. P. B._ i. 430). Further south the period of stall-feeding was extended when a better supply of fodder made it possible (Tille, _Y. and C._ 56, 62; Burne-Jackson, 380).

[373] Cf. ch. xi, where the winter feasts are discussed in more detail.

[374] Grimm, ii. 675, 693, 762, notes the heralds of summer.